Pub Date : 2022-04-08DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2022.2050927
M. Mos
ABSTRACT The European Union is often seen as a bulwark of progressive values, including LGBTI rights. By restricting such rights, politicians thus appear to reject the EU’s fundamental principles. This paper argues, however, that anti-gender politics is often a surprisingly pro-European phenomenon. Many of its practitioners rebuff accusations of Euroskepticism. For them, rights restrictions are less an attempt to reject European integration than to redirect its trajectory. They aim to reconnect the EU with Europe’s civilizational roots. The paper illustrates this argument by analyzing the discourse actors have used to justify anti-gender policies in three countries: Hungary, Lithuania, and Slovakia.
{"title":"Routing or Rerouting Europe? The Civilizational Mission of Anti-Gender Politics in Eastern Europe","authors":"M. Mos","doi":"10.1080/10758216.2022.2050927","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2022.2050927","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The European Union is often seen as a bulwark of progressive values, including LGBTI rights. By restricting such rights, politicians thus appear to reject the EU’s fundamental principles. This paper argues, however, that anti-gender politics is often a surprisingly pro-European phenomenon. Many of its practitioners rebuff accusations of Euroskepticism. For them, rights restrictions are less an attempt to reject European integration than to redirect its trajectory. They aim to reconnect the EU with Europe’s civilizational roots. The paper illustrates this argument by analyzing the discourse actors have used to justify anti-gender policies in three countries: Hungary, Lithuania, and Slovakia.","PeriodicalId":46824,"journal":{"name":"Problems of Post-Communism","volume":"70 1","pages":"143 - 152"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-04-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42271602","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-07DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2021.2025404
A. Buzogány
ABSTRACT Civil society networks have received little attention when it comes to sectoral analysis of adaptation of EU rules beyond borders. This article offers a remedy by conceptualizing EU influence as an opportunity structure, a resource, and a discursive frame used by civil society organizations. Empirically, it describes how EU rules are used to support environmental reforms by civil society networks in Georgia and Ukraine. Civil society activism and mobilization can lead to high levels of policy approximation despite weak sectoral conditionality, entrenched domestic interests, and low public salience.
{"title":"Natural Allies? External Governance and Environmental Civil Society Organizations in the EU’s Eastern Partnership","authors":"A. Buzogány","doi":"10.1080/10758216.2021.2025404","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2021.2025404","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Civil society networks have received little attention when it comes to sectoral analysis of adaptation of EU rules beyond borders. This article offers a remedy by conceptualizing EU influence as an opportunity structure, a resource, and a discursive frame used by civil society organizations. Empirically, it describes how EU rules are used to support environmental reforms by civil society networks in Georgia and Ukraine. Civil society activism and mobilization can lead to high levels of policy approximation despite weak sectoral conditionality, entrenched domestic interests, and low public salience.","PeriodicalId":46824,"journal":{"name":"Problems of Post-Communism","volume":"69 1","pages":"369 - 379"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-02-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46493322","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-01DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2021.2023579
D. Győrffy, J. Martin
ABSTRACT While the literature on the definition, features, and establishment of hybrid regimes has been extensive, a gap exists about their internal dynamics. The article develops a four-stage model of the political cycle to trace changes in input and output legitimacy. Using Hungary as a case study, it shows a downward spiral of corruption and ideological degeneration due to the inherent contradictions between the initial promises and the real objectives of governance. These developments have undermined output and input legitimacy as shown by the changing composition of government supporters toward poorer, less educated, rural, older people and the increasing manipulation of the electoral process. Such dynamics imply significant vulnerabilities for the regime.
{"title":"Legitimacy and Authoritarian Decline: The Internal Dynamics of Hybrid Regimes","authors":"D. Győrffy, J. Martin","doi":"10.1080/10758216.2021.2023579","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2021.2023579","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT While the literature on the definition, features, and establishment of hybrid regimes has been extensive, a gap exists about their internal dynamics. The article develops a four-stage model of the political cycle to trace changes in input and output legitimacy. Using Hungary as a case study, it shows a downward spiral of corruption and ideological degeneration due to the inherent contradictions between the initial promises and the real objectives of governance. These developments have undermined output and input legitimacy as shown by the changing composition of government supporters toward poorer, less educated, rural, older people and the increasing manipulation of the electoral process. Such dynamics imply significant vulnerabilities for the regime.","PeriodicalId":46824,"journal":{"name":"Problems of Post-Communism","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46788673","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-13DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2021.2009348
N. Koval, V. Kulyk, Mykola Riabchuk, Kateryna Zarembo, Marianna Fakhurdinova
ABSTRACT This paper examines representations of the ongoing conflict in and around Ukraine by scholars and policy analysts in the United States, United Kingdom, Germany, France, Italy, Greece, and Poland. Combining strategic narrative analysis and conceptual morphology, we deconstruct the main narratives of the conflict, identify the structural concepts of each narrative and analyze their use. We identify six key narratives of the Russian–Ukrainian conflict according to their presentation of what happened and their proposed way out of the conflict. In each country, the predominant approaches reflect a certain degree of coherence between political preferences and academic/analytical ideas.
{"title":"Morphological Analysis of Narratives of the Russian-Ukrainian Conflict in Western Academia and Think-Tank Community","authors":"N. Koval, V. Kulyk, Mykola Riabchuk, Kateryna Zarembo, Marianna Fakhurdinova","doi":"10.1080/10758216.2021.2009348","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2021.2009348","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper examines representations of the ongoing conflict in and around Ukraine by scholars and policy analysts in the United States, United Kingdom, Germany, France, Italy, Greece, and Poland. Combining strategic narrative analysis and conceptual morphology, we deconstruct the main narratives of the conflict, identify the structural concepts of each narrative and analyze their use. We identify six key narratives of the Russian–Ukrainian conflict according to their presentation of what happened and their proposed way out of the conflict. In each country, the predominant approaches reflect a certain degree of coherence between political preferences and academic/analytical ideas.","PeriodicalId":46824,"journal":{"name":"Problems of Post-Communism","volume":"69 1","pages":"166 - 178"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-01-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43670683","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-11DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2021.2012199
Constantine Boussalis, Alexander Dukalskis, Johannes Gerschewski
ABSTRACT This article investigates two accounts of political propaganda in autocratic regimes. One argues that propaganda’s content does not matter substantively and that propaganda is mostly a signal of the regime’s overwhelming power over citizens. A second argues that propaganda is substantively meaningful: autocrats may communicate strategically either by attracting attention through highlighting the regime’s strengths or by distracting attention away from the regime’s malperformance. Using nearly 135,000 North Korean state-generated news articles between 1997 and 2018 we show that North Korea systematically adjusted its communication strategies following the leadership transfer from Kim Jong Il to Kim Jong Un.
{"title":"Why It Matters What Autocrats Say: Assessing Competing Theories of Propaganda","authors":"Constantine Boussalis, Alexander Dukalskis, Johannes Gerschewski","doi":"10.1080/10758216.2021.2012199","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2021.2012199","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article investigates two accounts of political propaganda in autocratic regimes. One argues that propaganda’s content does not matter substantively and that propaganda is mostly a signal of the regime’s overwhelming power over citizens. A second argues that propaganda is substantively meaningful: autocrats may communicate strategically either by attracting attention through highlighting the regime’s strengths or by distracting attention away from the regime’s malperformance. Using nearly 135,000 North Korean state-generated news articles between 1997 and 2018 we show that North Korea systematically adjusted its communication strategies following the leadership transfer from Kim Jong Il to Kim Jong Un.","PeriodicalId":46824,"journal":{"name":"Problems of Post-Communism","volume":"70 1","pages":"241 - 252"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-01-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45782189","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2021.2017781
Yulia Nikitina, E. Arapova
ABSTRACT The COVID-19 pandemic inevitably influences different sorts of interstate interactions, including regional integration. The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) is a young regional integration bloc without experience of major external shocks. Bearing in mind the complex nature of the bloc (supranational institutions alongside high preferences for sovereignty and weak market integration), we suggest an analytical scheme to test the resilience of the EAEU to the pandemic shock. We look at collective action, solidarity embodied in bilateral and multilateral intergovernmental reactions, and market integration. Unexpectedly, the EAEU demonstrated relatively high short-term resilience in collective action and market integration, while regional solidarity was quite high at the rhetorical level but low at the level of real actions.
{"title":"COVID-19 as a Test for Regional Integration Resilience in the Eurasian Economic Union","authors":"Yulia Nikitina, E. Arapova","doi":"10.1080/10758216.2021.2017781","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2021.2017781","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The COVID-19 pandemic inevitably influences different sorts of interstate interactions, including regional integration. The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) is a young regional integration bloc without experience of major external shocks. Bearing in mind the complex nature of the bloc (supranational institutions alongside high preferences for sovereignty and weak market integration), we suggest an analytical scheme to test the resilience of the EAEU to the pandemic shock. We look at collective action, solidarity embodied in bilateral and multilateral intergovernmental reactions, and market integration. Unexpectedly, the EAEU demonstrated relatively high short-term resilience in collective action and market integration, while regional solidarity was quite high at the rhetorical level but low at the level of real actions.","PeriodicalId":46824,"journal":{"name":"Problems of Post-Communism","volume":"69 1","pages":"26 - 35"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43483928","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-18DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2021.2009350
S. Arteev, Ivan Ulises Kentros Klyszcz
ABSTRACT The study of paradiplomacy—the international relations of sub-state regions—has devoted its attention to understanding the ways opportunity structures shape regions’ external policies. This article contributes to this approach with a systematic exploration of the evolution of paradiplomacy structures in post-Communist Russia. Shifting trends in centralization and geopolitical orientation, as well as patterns of economic growth and stagnation, are the factors that open and close opportunities for regions to act internationally. Accordingly, we propose a periodization of Russian paradiplomacy: 1991–1999, 2000–2013, and 2014 on. We also introduce a classification of the disposition of regions to exploit these opportunities and act abroad.
{"title":"From Decentralization to Coordination: The Evolution of Russian Paradiplomacy (1991 – 2021)","authors":"S. Arteev, Ivan Ulises Kentros Klyszcz","doi":"10.1080/10758216.2021.2009350","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2021.2009350","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The study of paradiplomacy—the international relations of sub-state regions—has devoted its attention to understanding the ways opportunity structures shape regions’ external policies. This article contributes to this approach with a systematic exploration of the evolution of paradiplomacy structures in post-Communist Russia. Shifting trends in centralization and geopolitical orientation, as well as patterns of economic growth and stagnation, are the factors that open and close opportunities for regions to act internationally. Accordingly, we propose a periodization of Russian paradiplomacy: 1991–1999, 2000–2013, and 2014 on. We also introduce a classification of the disposition of regions to exploit these opportunities and act abroad.","PeriodicalId":46824,"journal":{"name":"Problems of Post-Communism","volume":"70 1","pages":"364 - 375"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46266967","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-17DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2021.2009349
Mariya Omelicheva, Lawrence P. Markowitz
ABSTRACT Many countries have securitized their policy responses to the COVID-19 pandemic by framing it as an existential threat demanding extraordinary security responses. The politics of securitization are particularly advantageous to nondemocratic regimes. Yet, contrary to the expectation that the Central Asian governments would resort to their tried-and-tested method of framing a new policy issue as a national security threat, these governments have used a deliberately constrained representation of the pandemic with some even diminishing the significance of a threat posed by COVID-19. What explains these unexpected patterns of securitization in response to the pandemic? This study argues that autocratic regimes’ concerns with legitimacy and their specific legitimization practices shape their choices about securitization of a policy issue. In Kazakhstan, the government’s response to the crisis became part of a political struggle between competing claims to presidential legitimacy. In Kyrgyzstan, weak government legitimacy rooted in poor economic performance coupled with the fear of unrest preempted any coherent effort to securitize the crisis. In Uzbekistan, the government’s new technocratic self-image limited securitization within its COVID-19 response. In Tajikistan, a strategy of denial and delay emerged, since securitization of COVID-19 promised little additional security aid.
{"title":"COVID-19 in Central Asia: (De-)Securitization of a Health Crisis?","authors":"Mariya Omelicheva, Lawrence P. Markowitz","doi":"10.1080/10758216.2021.2009349","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2021.2009349","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Many countries have securitized their policy responses to the COVID-19 pandemic by framing it as an existential threat demanding extraordinary security responses. The politics of securitization are particularly advantageous to nondemocratic regimes. Yet, contrary to the expectation that the Central Asian governments would resort to their tried-and-tested method of framing a new policy issue as a national security threat, these governments have used a deliberately constrained representation of the pandemic with some even diminishing the significance of a threat posed by COVID-19. What explains these unexpected patterns of securitization in response to the pandemic? This study argues that autocratic regimes’ concerns with legitimacy and their specific legitimization practices shape their choices about securitization of a policy issue. In Kazakhstan, the government’s response to the crisis became part of a political struggle between competing claims to presidential legitimacy. In Kyrgyzstan, weak government legitimacy rooted in poor economic performance coupled with the fear of unrest preempted any coherent effort to securitize the crisis. In Uzbekistan, the government’s new technocratic self-image limited securitization within its COVID-19 response. In Tajikistan, a strategy of denial and delay emerged, since securitization of COVID-19 promised little additional security aid.","PeriodicalId":46824,"journal":{"name":"Problems of Post-Communism","volume":"69 1","pages":"92 - 102"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46037406","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-14DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2021.1997146
A. Kravchenko
ABSTRACT The article analyzes two regional museumified residences as well as the representation of the Stalinist era in these spaces. In today’s Russia, museums do not always present an obvious line of confrontation between pro-Stalinist and anti-Stalinist positions. The two analyzed museums, despite many differences, do not conflict with each other, but rather exist in different genres. The article offers an explanation for these differences and demonstrates how the exposition of one museum (Jugashvili’s residence) is embedded in a colorful, nationwide historical collage, while the other (Shalamov’s residence) has a much more distinct message and relies on the actions of enthusiasts.
{"title":"Depicting the Convicts: The Museumification of Varlam Shalamov’s and Joseph Jugashvili’s Residences in Vologda","authors":"A. Kravchenko","doi":"10.1080/10758216.2021.1997146","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2021.1997146","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The article analyzes two regional museumified residences as well as the representation of the Stalinist era in these spaces. In today’s Russia, museums do not always present an obvious line of confrontation between pro-Stalinist and anti-Stalinist positions. The two analyzed museums, despite many differences, do not conflict with each other, but rather exist in different genres. The article offers an explanation for these differences and demonstrates how the exposition of one museum (Jugashvili’s residence) is embedded in a colorful, nationwide historical collage, while the other (Shalamov’s residence) has a much more distinct message and relies on the actions of enthusiasts.","PeriodicalId":46824,"journal":{"name":"Problems of Post-Communism","volume":"70 1","pages":"518 - 530"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46827222","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-06DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2021.1994424
Andrey Shcherbak, M. Ukhvatova
ABSTRACT The COVID-19 pandemic seems to have paused the alliance of the Kremlin and the Russian Orthodox Church. When the government announced lockdown measures and demanded that all churches cease services with the public, not all priests agreed to comply. The church-state crisis manifested in two divisions: between the Church and the state, between pragmatists and fundamentalists. We argue that although these cleavages posed a threat to the Patriarchate’s power, the Church managed to maintain the loyalty of most believers. Using individual-level data from the Values in Crisis project, the authors show that the ROC proved its loyalty to the Kremlin.
{"title":"The Symphony is Over? The Effect of the COVID-19 Pandemic on the Russian Orthodox Church–State Relations","authors":"Andrey Shcherbak, M. Ukhvatova","doi":"10.1080/10758216.2021.1994424","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2021.1994424","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The COVID-19 pandemic seems to have paused the alliance of the Kremlin and the Russian Orthodox Church. When the government announced lockdown measures and demanded that all churches cease services with the public, not all priests agreed to comply. The church-state crisis manifested in two divisions: between the Church and the state, between pragmatists and fundamentalists. We argue that although these cleavages posed a threat to the Patriarchate’s power, the Church managed to maintain the loyalty of most believers. Using individual-level data from the Values in Crisis project, the authors show that the ROC proved its loyalty to the Kremlin.","PeriodicalId":46824,"journal":{"name":"Problems of Post-Communism","volume":"69 1","pages":"58 - 70"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43680725","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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