Kolner Zeitschrift Fur Soziologie Und Sozialpsychologie最新文献

This paper examines cultural innovations in German public theaters, using North Rhine-Westphalia (NRW) as the most populated region as an example. While existing analyses, including social structure-centered audience research, have focused on the demand side, diagnosing in particular the steady decline and aging of the cultural audience, our analysis addresses the supply side, especially the number of premieres and new productions as well as their adoption into the repertoire. The paper shows that recent efforts by public theaters on the municipal or regional level to increase both the number of venues and the number of plays have not been sufficient to stabilize the declining audience. Too few new plays are scheduled, of which even fewer make it into the long-term repertoire. Our results suggest that theaters can retain their capability for renewal only by staging significantly more new plays, thus attracting new audiences. With regard to such renewal, decentralized competition as a characteristic of the NRW theater landscape seems a favorable institutional context.

According to a recent social science debate, citizens tend to perceive income inequality rather inaccurately, which also influences their acceptance of redistributive policy programmes. The study reported in this article examines whether this can be confirmed using the example of the wealth tax. The wealth tax was suspended in Germany in 1996, but politicians have been debating its reintroduction for several years. Against the background of the debate on biased perceptions in the formation of distributional policy preferences, the article asks, first, how accurately the existing tax burden on wealthy households through the top income tax rate is assessed and whether a bias has consequences for the support of a wealth tax. Second, based on approaches that attribute an important role to mass media in the formation of distributional policy preferences, the influence of media framing on the acceptance of this controversial instrument is examined. According to data from an online survey, the burden of the top income tax tends to be overestimated. The more the tax is overestimated, the lower the political support for a wealth tax. Framing experiments with randomized control and treatment groups have mapped current discourses around the wealth tax and reconstructed positive frames-wealth taxes as an investment promoting tax reform, as a contribution to the reduction of national debt caused by the coronavirus pandemic-as well as negative frames-restriction of investments and loss of jobs if companies are burdened. Exposing potential job losses significantly lowers the support for a wealth tax. Strong support drops to the middle category of "partly/partly," a signal of indecision. The struggle for naming power is thus open. Support for a property tax becomes uncertain the more that political communication activates the framework of threatened jobs.

The concept of social exclusion has had an astonishing career in the social sciences. The focus of this paper is an empirical investigation of the use of this concept to analyze current societal trends. From this theoretical perspective we derive four theses, which are empirically tested in this paper with a focus on the perception of exclusion: First, that because of the processes of economic structural change, larger population groups are affected by social exclusion in several dimensions (unemployment, poverty, social isolation), culminating in a subjective sense of exclusion among them. Thus, it is assumed that social exclusion has become the main social cleavage in contemporary society. Second, it is assumed that social exclusion cannot be clearly located in classical sociostructural categories but has diffused into broad segments of society. Third, socioeconomic precariousness and social isolation are thought to play a central role in the emergence of a subjective sense of exclusion. Here, and fourth, it is assumed, however, that this impacts on the sense of exclusion via the subjective perception of the objective life conditions. We test these theses derived from this theoretical perspective on the basis of survey data, using the sense of exclusion as a dependent variable. It becomes clear that, first, social exclusion has not diffused into large parts of society and thus can by no means be regarded as the main social cleavage in society; and second, an increased sense of exclusion can be found in different but clearly identifiable social groups. Moreover, our analyses show that the subjective sense of exclusion is rooted in both social isolation and socioeconomic precariousness, albeit clearly mediated by their subjective perception.

This article deals with the question of which unemployment benefit durations are considered fair for which groups. In addition, it examines the extent to which individuals consider longer unemployment insurance benefit durations to be appropriate in times of economic crisis, such as the current situation during the Covid-19 pandemic. Longer reference periods can stabilize the income situation of benefit recipients and can provide time to search for an adequate job and thus increase matching quality. However, they also initially reduce the pressure to look for a job, and they lengthen the period of unemployment in the longer term. Using survey data from two online surveys done in November 2019 and during the crisis in May 2020, we examine which unemployment benefit durations employees consider appropriate. For this purpose, we presented vignettes to the survey participants describing hypothetical unemployed people whose characteristics varied randomly. The results show that the same respondents considered similar reference periods to be appropriate at both dates. In addition, the respondents took into account criteria of contribution as well as neediness when assessing the appropriate duration of benefits for the unemployed. Characteristics such as the age of the unemployed and any existing culpability, life benefits, or contribution periods influenced the duration of the benefit receipt that respondents judged to be appropriate.

This paper focuses on disability, an under-researched area of inequality, and subjective well-being. According to social production function theory, people with a disability do not have the same opportunities as people without disabilities to obtain resources, instrumental goals, and ultimately subjective well-being. Social participation and employment seem to be crucial mechanisms behind such disparities. The social system of a country (macro level) also shapes the gap in subjective well-being between both groups. The main objective of this paper is to analyse the gap in subjective well-being between people with and without disabilities. How is this gap linked to social participation and labour market integration, and how does the welfare-state regime shape the gap in subjective well-being between people with and without disabilities? The core of this research are multilevel analyses of cumulative European Social Survey data from 31 European countries. The results reveal that people with disabilities show significantly lower subjective well-being than people without disabilities. Welfare-state regimes have an effect on this gap, with social-democratic (and family-oriented) Nordic countries performing best in providing equal living conditions for people with and without disabilities.

This article explores the relationship between statistical classifications and comparisons in German colonial statistics between 1885 and 1914. It questions the importance and the characteristics of comparison in terms of space and population in colonial statistics. The aim is to sharpen the view of statistical methods and categories in an imperial context. The results show that the statistical observation of colonies was based on a territorial distinction between metropole and colonies, which led to the use of different methods. I argue that this territorial and methodological distinction was interwoven with a fundamental incomparability between colonized populations and colonizers.