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Shifting Positions: Party Positions and Political Manifestos in Costa Rica 立场的转变:哥斯达黎加的政党立场和政治宣言
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-12-22 DOI: 10.1017/lap.2022.34
Elías Chavarría-Mora, Katie Angell
ABSTRACT This article analyzes how niche parties may utilize a strategy of policy shifting to garner additional voters. It leverages a unique opportunity in which a Costa Rican political party released two different versions of its party manifesto at different moments during a single election cycle. This rare opportunity uncovers how the party shifted from having a hard conservative stance on social issues, such as abortion, to moderating its stance and centering its focus on less contentious issues in a runoff election campaign. Understanding how a single political party may alter its strategy is important because it allows us to better gauge the effectiveness of shifting policy positions, especially for niche parties, for which a particular issue area is dominant. Moreover, this analysis opens additional avenues of research on political parties in the Latin American context, since research utilizing manifesto data in this context has been limited.
摘要本文分析了利基政党如何利用政策转移策略来获得额外的选民。它利用了一个独特的机会,哥斯达黎加政党在一个选举周期的不同时刻发布了两个不同版本的政党宣言。这一难得的机会揭示了民主党如何从在堕胎等社会问题上的强硬保守立场转变为在决选竞选中缓和立场并将焦点集中在争议较小的问题上。了解一个政党如何改变其战略是很重要的,因为它使我们能够更好地衡量政策立场转变的有效性,特别是对于一个特定问题领域占主导地位的小众政党。此外,这种分析开辟了拉丁美洲背景下政党研究的额外途径,因为在这一背景下利用宣言数据的研究是有限的。
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引用次数: 0
Weapons of Clients: Why Do Voters Support Bad Patrons? Ethnographic Evidence from Rural Brazil 客户的武器:为什么选民支持坏赞助人?巴西农村的民族志证据
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-12-22 DOI: 10.1017/lap.2022.49
Mariana Borges Martins da Silva
ABSTRACT Current approaches to voting behavior in clientelist contexts either predict that clients leave their preferences aside for fear of having their benefits cut off or voluntarily support politicians they perceive to be reliable patrons. These two approaches cannot account for clients’ vote choices in the Sertão of Bahia, Brazil, where voters were free to choose among competing candidates but supported patrons they knew were unreliable. This article argues that clients voluntarily voted for bad patrons as a strategy to gain symbolic power in their negotiations with politicians. By explaining clients’ paradoxical choices in the Sertão, this article reveals how clientelism can persist without monitoring mechanisms or positive attitudes toward patrons. In addition, this study shows the importance of incorporating voters’ perspectives and their everyday survival strategies to better account for clients’ political behavior.
当前研究客户主义背景下投票行为的方法,要么预测客户会因为害怕利益被切断而放弃自己的偏好,要么会自愿支持他们认为可靠的赞助人的政客。这两种方法无法解释巴西巴伊亚州sert的客户投票选择,在那里,选民可以自由选择竞争对手,但支持他们知道不可靠的赞助人。这篇文章认为,客户自愿投票给糟糕的赞助人是一种策略,以便在与政客的谈判中获得象征性的权力。通过解释sert中客户的矛盾选择,本文揭示了在没有监督机制或对客户的积极态度的情况下,客户主义是如何持续存在的。此外,本研究表明,将选民的观点和他们的日常生存策略结合起来,以更好地解释客户的政治行为的重要性。
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引用次数: 4
Eduardo Moncada, Resisting Extortion: Victims, Criminals, and States in Latin America. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2022. Maps, figures, tables, abbreviations, appendix, bibliography, index, 300 pp.; hardcover $99.99, paperback $34.99, ebook $28 Eduardo Moncada,《抵制勒索:拉丁美洲的受害者、罪犯和国家》。纽约:剑桥大学出版社,2022年。地图、图表、表格、缩写、附录、参考书目、索引,300页。;精装99.99美元,平装34.99美元,电子书28美元
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-21 DOI: 10.1017/lap.2022.54
C. Hummel
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引用次数: 0
Luciano Da Ros and Matthew M. Taylor, Brazilian Politics on Trial: Corruption and Reform Under Democracy. Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 2022. Tables, figures, appendix, bibliography, index, 281 pp.; hardcover $95, ebook $95 卢西亚诺·达·罗斯、马修·m·泰勒:《巴西政治审判:民主下的腐败与改革》。博尔德:Lynne Rienner, 2022。表格、图表、附录、参考书目、索引,281页;精装版95美元,电子书95美元
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-18 DOI: 10.1017/lap.2022.53
G. Meszaros
demands of populist politics. Last but not least, without a fruitful—and methodologically rigorous—dialogue between political science, as a central focus, and the contributions of sociology and history, these works would not have the explanatory potential that we now enjoy. It is not difficult to predict that both works, to which I will dedicate a particular and more in-depth review in the future, have come to enrich research, teaching, and in general, rigorous knowledge about Latin American political dynamics.
民粹主义政治的要求。最后但同样重要的是,如果作为中心焦点的政治学与社会学和历史学的贡献之间没有富有成效的、方法上严格的对话,这些作品就不会有我们现在所享有的解释潜力。不难预测,我将在未来专门对这两部作品进行更深入的回顾,这两部著作都丰富了对拉丁美洲政治动态的研究、教学,以及总体上的严谨知识。
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引用次数: 0
Competitive Liberalization, Postneoliberalism, and Hegemony: The Case of the US-Peru Free Trade Agreement 竞争自由化、后新自由主义与霸权:以美国-秘鲁自由贸易协定为例
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-17 DOI: 10.1017/lap.2022.33
Quintijn B. Kat
ABSTRACT Postneoliberal regionalism in Latin America has failed to live up to the expectations of its proponents and analysts in the late 2000s and early 2010s. Several causes explain its disappointing result, but a relatively understudied cause may be found in the US policy of competitive liberalization. This policy not only aimed at securing US economic and trade interests but also served as a counterweight against emerging postneoliberalism and as a tool for reaffirming US hegemony. This article presents a case study of one example of competitive liberalization in action, the US-Peru FTA, in order to assess how the policy functioned and contributed to curbing the posthegemonic moment in Latin America. It observes a combination of coercion and the political influence of beneficiaries of free trade, and it considers how these dynamics worked to strengthen US influence, both in Peru and in the wider regional political economy.
拉丁美洲的后新自由主义地区主义在2000年代末和2010年代初未能达到其支持者和分析人士的期望。有几个原因可以解释其令人失望的结果,但一个相对较少研究的原因可能是美国的竞争自由化政策。这一政策不仅旨在确保美国的经济和贸易利益,而且是对新兴的后新自由主义的制衡,也是重申美国霸权的工具。本文以美国-秘鲁自由贸易协定(US-Peru FTA)为例,对竞争自由化的一个实例进行了案例研究,以评估该政策是如何发挥作用的,并有助于遏制拉丁美洲的后神学时刻。它观察到自由贸易受益者的胁迫和政治影响的结合,并考虑了这些动态如何加强美国在秘鲁和更广泛的区域政治经济中的影响力。
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引用次数: 0
Mobility Interrupted: A New Framework for Understanding Anti-Left Sentiment Among Brazil’s “Once-Rising Poor” 流动性中断:理解巴西“一度崛起的穷人”反左翼情绪的新框架
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-03 DOI: 10.1017/lap.2022.46
B. Junge, Sean T. Mitchell, Charles H. Klein, Matthew Spearly
ABSTRACT How do sequences of upward and downward socioeconomic mobility influence political views among those who have “risen” or “fallen” during periods of leftist governance? While existing studies identify a range of factors, long-term mobility trajectories have been largely unexplored. The question has particular salience in contemporary Brazil, where, after a decade of extraordinary poverty reduction on the watch of the leftist Workers’ Party (PT), a subsequent period of economic and political crises intensified anti-PT sentiment. This article uses original data from the 2016 Brazil’s Once-Rising Poor (BORP) Survey, using a 3-city sample of 822 poor and working-class Brazilians to analyze the relationship between retrospective assessments of prior socioeconomic mobility and anti-PT sentiment. The study found that people who reported a “stalled” mobility sequence (upward mobility followed by static or downward mobility) were more likely to harbor anti-left sentiment than other groups, as measured by this study’s anti-PT index.
向上和向下的社会经济流动序列如何影响那些在左翼统治时期“上升”或“下降”的人的政治观点?虽然现有的研究确定了一系列因素,但长期的流动性轨迹在很大程度上尚未得到探索。这个问题在当代巴西尤为突出,在左翼工人党(Workers’Party,简称PT)的领导下,巴西在10年的时间里取得了非凡的减贫成果,随后一段时期的经济和政治危机加剧了反PT情绪。本文使用2016年巴西一度上升的穷人(BORP)调查的原始数据,使用3个城市的822名穷人和工薪阶层巴西人的样本来分析先前社会经济流动性的回顾性评估与反pt情绪之间的关系。研究发现,根据这项研究的反左翼指数(anti-PT index),报告流动顺序“停滞”的人(向上流动,然后是静态或向下流动)比其他群体更有可能怀有反左翼情绪。
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引用次数: 0
Virginia Oliveros, Patronage at Work: Public Jobs and Political Services in Argentina. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021. Tables, figures, notes, bibliography, index, 250 pp.; hardcover $110, ebook $88. 弗吉尼亚·奥利韦罗斯,《工作中的赞助人:阿根廷的公共就业和政治服务》。剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2021年。表格、图表、注释、参考书目、索引,250页。;精装本110美元,电子书88美元。
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/lap.2022.43
Rodrigo Zarazaga
Clientelism in Argentina is a topic that has received a great deal of attention in the specialized literature. However, an important mechanism has remained understudied: the exchange of public sector jobs for political support. Public employees are an important gear of political machines but have not received the attention they deserve. Studies of Argentine clientelism have focused mainly on punteros; that is, on local party brokers who mediate personal favors between poor voters and politicians (Auyero 2001; Levitsky 2003; Stokes 2005; Calvo and Murillo 2004; Zarazaga 2014). While many punteros are public employees or aspire to be, the two groups are not the same because many punteros do not hold1 a public job. Public employees who received their jobs in exchange for political support are a particular subset within the party machines’ army of campaigners. Oliveros’s book successfully fills the gap by studying how patronage affects electoral competition and the quality of democracy. This fascinating study is the first to provide a systematic analysis of the political activities of midand low-level public employees in Latin America. Oliveros argues that patronage jobs are distributed to supporters in exchange for a wide range of political services—such as helping with campaigns and electoral mobilization— that are essential for attracting and maintaining electoral support. The book makes an important theoretical contribution. While it is clear that public employees provide political services to the politicians who have hired them, it is less clear why they do not renege on such deals after being appointed. They can easily back out of the agreement after getting the job. Following Stokes’s rational inquiry method (2005), Oliveros asks why the deal is sustainable; that is,
阿根廷的庇护主义是一个在专业文献中受到大量关注的话题。然而,一个重要的机制仍未得到充分研究:以公共部门的工作交换政治支持。公务员是政治机器的重要组成部分,但却没有得到应有的重视。对阿根廷庇护主义的研究主要集中在嫖客身上;也就是说,在贫穷的选民和政客之间调解个人利益的地方政党经纪人(Auyero 2001;Levitsky 2003;斯托克斯2005;Calvo和Murillo 2004;Zarazaga 2014)。虽然许多投币者是公职人员或渴望成为公职人员,但这两个群体并不相同,因为许多投币者并没有担任公职。在政党机器的竞选大军中,以政治支持换取工作的公职人员是一个特殊的群体。奥利韦罗斯的书通过研究赞助如何影响选举竞争和民主质量,成功地填补了这一空白。这项引人入胜的研究首次对拉丁美洲中低级别公职人员的政治活动进行了系统分析。Oliveros认为,赞助工作是分配给支持者,以换取广泛的政治服务,例如帮助竞选和选举动员,这对于吸引和维持选举支持至关重要。这本书作出了重要的理论贡献。虽然公职人员为雇用他们的政治家提供政治服务是显而易见的,但不太清楚的是,为什么他们在被任命后不违背这种交易。他们在得到这份工作后可以很容易地退出协议。遵循Stokes的理性询问法(2005),Oliveros问为什么交易是可持续的;也就是说,
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引用次数: 0
LAP volume 64 issue 4 Cover and Front matter LAP第64卷第4期封面和封面
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/lap.2022.29
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引用次数: 0
Paul Lagunes, The Eye and the Whip: Corruption Control in the Americas. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2021. Figures, tables, illustrations, bibliography, index, 168 pp.; hardcover $74, ebook. 保罗·拉古内斯,《眼睛与鞭子:美洲的腐败控制》。牛津:牛津大学出版社,2021。图表、表格、插图、参考书目、索引,168页;精装版74美元,电子书。
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/lap.2022.44
Matthew M. Taylor
Auyero, Javier. 2001. Poor People’s Politics: Peronist Survival Networks and the Legacy of Evita. Durham: Duke University Press. Calvo, Ernesto, and María Victoria Murillo. 2004. Who Delivers? Partisan Clients in the Argentine Electoral Market. American Journal of Political Science 48, 4: 742–57. ——. 2019. Non-Policy Politics: Richer Voter, Poorer Voter, and the Diversification of Parties’ Electoral Offers. New York: Cambridge University Press. Finan, Frederico, and Laura Schechter. 2012. Vote-Buying and Reciprocity. Econometrica 80, 2: 863–81. Levitsky, Steven. 2003. Transforming Labor-Based Parties in Latin America: Argentine Peronism in Comparative Perspective. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Nichter, Simeon, and Michael Peress. 2017. Request Fulfilling: When Citizens Demand Clientelist Benefits. Comparative Political Studies 50, 8: 1086–1117. Stokes, Susan C. 2005. Perverse Accountability: A Formal Model of Machine Politics with Evidence from Argentina. American Political Science Review 99, 3: 315–25. Zarazaga, Rodrigo. 2014. Brokers Beyond Clientelism: A New Perspective Through the Argentine Case. Latin American Politics and Society 56, 3: 23–45.
哈维尔·奥耶罗,2001。穷人的政治:庇隆主义的生存网络和埃维塔的遗产。杜伦:杜克大学出版社。卡尔沃,埃内斯托,María维多利亚·穆里略2004。谁提供?阿根廷选举市场中的党派客户。政治学学报,48(4):742-57。——2019. 非政策政治:富裕选民、贫穷选民和政党选举提议的多样化。纽约:剑桥大学出版社。费南、弗雷德里科和劳拉·谢克特2012。贿选和互惠。计量经济学,2008,(2):863 - 868。Steven Levitsky, 2003。拉丁美洲劳工政党的转型:比较视角下的阿根廷庇隆主义。剑桥:剑桥大学出版社。Nichter, Simeon和Michael Peress, 2017。请求实现:当公民要求客户利益时。比较政治研究,2010,8(8):1086-1117。Susan C. Stokes, 2005。不正当的问责制:机器政治的正式模型与来自阿根廷的证据。政治学评论,1999,(3):315-25。Zarazaga, Rodrigo. 2014。超越裙带主义的经纪人:阿根廷案例的新视角。拉丁美洲政治与社会,56(3):23-45。
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引用次数: 0
Paula Biglieri and Luciana Cadahia, Seven Essays on Populism: For a Renewed Theoretical Perspective. Translated by George Ciccariello-Maher. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2021. Notes, bibliography, index, 208 pp.; hardcover $64.95, paperback $22.95, ebook $18. 宝拉·比格列里和卢西安娜·卡达希亚:《论民粹主义:一个新的理论视角》。George ciccarello - maher译。剑桥:政治出版社,2021。注释,参考书目,索引,208页;精装本64.95美元,平装本22.95美元,电子书18美元。
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/lap.2022.41
Federico Tarragoni
antiunion labor relations regimes, such as Uber and Amazon, expand their presence in Latin American markets, this masterfully told story of overreach and insensitivity to local norms and practices by Walmart in Brazil gains new relevance. The tale of successful resistance by subaltern actors presented in this book should also serve as an important reference for the new cohort of Latin American union practitioners and labor studies scholars who are involved in transnationalized struggles in favor of decent, dignified work.
优步(Uber)和亚马逊(Amazon。本书中讲述的下层行动者成功抵抗的故事,也应该成为新一批拉丁美洲工会从业者和劳工研究学者的重要参考,他们参与了支持体面、有尊严工作的跨国斗争。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Latin American Politics and Society
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