ABSTRACT Postneoliberal regionalism in Latin America has failed to live up to the expectations of its proponents and analysts in the late 2000s and early 2010s. Several causes explain its disappointing result, but a relatively understudied cause may be found in the US policy of competitive liberalization. This policy not only aimed at securing US economic and trade interests but also served as a counterweight against emerging postneoliberalism and as a tool for reaffirming US hegemony. This article presents a case study of one example of competitive liberalization in action, the US-Peru FTA, in order to assess how the policy functioned and contributed to curbing the posthegemonic moment in Latin America. It observes a combination of coercion and the political influence of beneficiaries of free trade, and it considers how these dynamics worked to strengthen US influence, both in Peru and in the wider regional political economy.
{"title":"Competitive Liberalization, Postneoliberalism, and Hegemony: The Case of the US-Peru Free Trade Agreement","authors":"Quintijn B. Kat","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.33","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.33","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Postneoliberal regionalism in Latin America has failed to live up to the expectations of its proponents and analysts in the late 2000s and early 2010s. Several causes explain its disappointing result, but a relatively understudied cause may be found in the US policy of competitive liberalization. This policy not only aimed at securing US economic and trade interests but also served as a counterweight against emerging postneoliberalism and as a tool for reaffirming US hegemony. This article presents a case study of one example of competitive liberalization in action, the US-Peru FTA, in order to assess how the policy functioned and contributed to curbing the posthegemonic moment in Latin America. It observes a combination of coercion and the political influence of beneficiaries of free trade, and it considers how these dynamics worked to strengthen US influence, both in Peru and in the wider regional political economy.","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"65 1","pages":"126 - 150"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46458475","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
B. Junge, Sean T. Mitchell, Charles H. Klein, Matthew Spearly
ABSTRACT How do sequences of upward and downward socioeconomic mobility influence political views among those who have “risen” or “fallen” during periods of leftist governance? While existing studies identify a range of factors, long-term mobility trajectories have been largely unexplored. The question has particular salience in contemporary Brazil, where, after a decade of extraordinary poverty reduction on the watch of the leftist Workers’ Party (PT), a subsequent period of economic and political crises intensified anti-PT sentiment. This article uses original data from the 2016 Brazil’s Once-Rising Poor (BORP) Survey, using a 3-city sample of 822 poor and working-class Brazilians to analyze the relationship between retrospective assessments of prior socioeconomic mobility and anti-PT sentiment. The study found that people who reported a “stalled” mobility sequence (upward mobility followed by static or downward mobility) were more likely to harbor anti-left sentiment than other groups, as measured by this study’s anti-PT index.
{"title":"Mobility Interrupted: A New Framework for Understanding Anti-Left Sentiment Among Brazil’s “Once-Rising Poor”","authors":"B. Junge, Sean T. Mitchell, Charles H. Klein, Matthew Spearly","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.46","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.46","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT How do sequences of upward and downward socioeconomic mobility influence political views among those who have “risen” or “fallen” during periods of leftist governance? While existing studies identify a range of factors, long-term mobility trajectories have been largely unexplored. The question has particular salience in contemporary Brazil, where, after a decade of extraordinary poverty reduction on the watch of the leftist Workers’ Party (PT), a subsequent period of economic and political crises intensified anti-PT sentiment. This article uses original data from the 2016 Brazil’s Once-Rising Poor (BORP) Survey, using a 3-city sample of 822 poor and working-class Brazilians to analyze the relationship between retrospective assessments of prior socioeconomic mobility and anti-PT sentiment. The study found that people who reported a “stalled” mobility sequence (upward mobility followed by static or downward mobility) were more likely to harbor anti-left sentiment than other groups, as measured by this study’s anti-PT index.","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"65 1","pages":"1 - 30"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44720961","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Clientelism in Argentina is a topic that has received a great deal of attention in the specialized literature. However, an important mechanism has remained understudied: the exchange of public sector jobs for political support. Public employees are an important gear of political machines but have not received the attention they deserve. Studies of Argentine clientelism have focused mainly on punteros; that is, on local party brokers who mediate personal favors between poor voters and politicians (Auyero 2001; Levitsky 2003; Stokes 2005; Calvo and Murillo 2004; Zarazaga 2014). While many punteros are public employees or aspire to be, the two groups are not the same because many punteros do not hold1 a public job. Public employees who received their jobs in exchange for political support are a particular subset within the party machines’ army of campaigners. Oliveros’s book successfully fills the gap by studying how patronage affects electoral competition and the quality of democracy. This fascinating study is the first to provide a systematic analysis of the political activities of midand low-level public employees in Latin America. Oliveros argues that patronage jobs are distributed to supporters in exchange for a wide range of political services—such as helping with campaigns and electoral mobilization— that are essential for attracting and maintaining electoral support. The book makes an important theoretical contribution. While it is clear that public employees provide political services to the politicians who have hired them, it is less clear why they do not renege on such deals after being appointed. They can easily back out of the agreement after getting the job. Following Stokes’s rational inquiry method (2005), Oliveros asks why the deal is sustainable; that is,
{"title":"Virginia Oliveros, Patronage at Work: Public Jobs and Political Services in Argentina. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021. Tables, figures, notes, bibliography, index, 250 pp.; hardcover $110, ebook $88.","authors":"Rodrigo Zarazaga","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.43","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.43","url":null,"abstract":"Clientelism in Argentina is a topic that has received a great deal of attention in the specialized literature. However, an important mechanism has remained understudied: the exchange of public sector jobs for political support. Public employees are an important gear of political machines but have not received the attention they deserve. Studies of Argentine clientelism have focused mainly on punteros; that is, on local party brokers who mediate personal favors between poor voters and politicians (Auyero 2001; Levitsky 2003; Stokes 2005; Calvo and Murillo 2004; Zarazaga 2014). While many punteros are public employees or aspire to be, the two groups are not the same because many punteros do not hold1 a public job. Public employees who received their jobs in exchange for political support are a particular subset within the party machines’ army of campaigners. Oliveros’s book successfully fills the gap by studying how patronage affects electoral competition and the quality of democracy. This fascinating study is the first to provide a systematic analysis of the political activities of midand low-level public employees in Latin America. Oliveros argues that patronage jobs are distributed to supporters in exchange for a wide range of political services—such as helping with campaigns and electoral mobilization— that are essential for attracting and maintaining electoral support. The book makes an important theoretical contribution. While it is clear that public employees provide political services to the politicians who have hired them, it is less clear why they do not renege on such deals after being appointed. They can easily back out of the agreement after getting the job. Following Stokes’s rational inquiry method (2005), Oliveros asks why the deal is sustainable; that is,","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":" ","pages":"167 - 170"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46743043","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"LAP volume 64 issue 4 Cover and Front matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.29","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.29","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"64 1","pages":"f1 - f4"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42498696","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Auyero, Javier. 2001. Poor People’s Politics: Peronist Survival Networks and the Legacy of Evita. Durham: Duke University Press. Calvo, Ernesto, and María Victoria Murillo. 2004. Who Delivers? Partisan Clients in the Argentine Electoral Market. American Journal of Political Science 48, 4: 742–57. ——. 2019. Non-Policy Politics: Richer Voter, Poorer Voter, and the Diversification of Parties’ Electoral Offers. New York: Cambridge University Press. Finan, Frederico, and Laura Schechter. 2012. Vote-Buying and Reciprocity. Econometrica 80, 2: 863–81. Levitsky, Steven. 2003. Transforming Labor-Based Parties in Latin America: Argentine Peronism in Comparative Perspective. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Nichter, Simeon, and Michael Peress. 2017. Request Fulfilling: When Citizens Demand Clientelist Benefits. Comparative Political Studies 50, 8: 1086–1117. Stokes, Susan C. 2005. Perverse Accountability: A Formal Model of Machine Politics with Evidence from Argentina. American Political Science Review 99, 3: 315–25. Zarazaga, Rodrigo. 2014. Brokers Beyond Clientelism: A New Perspective Through the Argentine Case. Latin American Politics and Society 56, 3: 23–45.
{"title":"Paul Lagunes, The Eye and the Whip: Corruption Control in the Americas. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2021. Figures, tables, illustrations, bibliography, index, 168 pp.; hardcover $74, ebook.","authors":"Matthew M. Taylor","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.44","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.44","url":null,"abstract":"Auyero, Javier. 2001. Poor People’s Politics: Peronist Survival Networks and the Legacy of Evita. Durham: Duke University Press. Calvo, Ernesto, and María Victoria Murillo. 2004. Who Delivers? Partisan Clients in the Argentine Electoral Market. American Journal of Political Science 48, 4: 742–57. ——. 2019. Non-Policy Politics: Richer Voter, Poorer Voter, and the Diversification of Parties’ Electoral Offers. New York: Cambridge University Press. Finan, Frederico, and Laura Schechter. 2012. Vote-Buying and Reciprocity. Econometrica 80, 2: 863–81. Levitsky, Steven. 2003. Transforming Labor-Based Parties in Latin America: Argentine Peronism in Comparative Perspective. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Nichter, Simeon, and Michael Peress. 2017. Request Fulfilling: When Citizens Demand Clientelist Benefits. Comparative Political Studies 50, 8: 1086–1117. Stokes, Susan C. 2005. Perverse Accountability: A Formal Model of Machine Politics with Evidence from Argentina. American Political Science Review 99, 3: 315–25. Zarazaga, Rodrigo. 2014. Brokers Beyond Clientelism: A New Perspective Through the Argentine Case. Latin American Politics and Society 56, 3: 23–45.","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"64 1","pages":"170 - 173"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43473200","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
antiunion labor relations regimes, such as Uber and Amazon, expand their presence in Latin American markets, this masterfully told story of overreach and insensitivity to local norms and practices by Walmart in Brazil gains new relevance. The tale of successful resistance by subaltern actors presented in this book should also serve as an important reference for the new cohort of Latin American union practitioners and labor studies scholars who are involved in transnationalized struggles in favor of decent, dignified work.
{"title":"Paula Biglieri and Luciana Cadahia, Seven Essays on Populism: For a Renewed Theoretical Perspective. Translated by George Ciccariello-Maher. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2021. Notes, bibliography, index, 208 pp.; hardcover $64.95, paperback $22.95, ebook $18.","authors":"Federico Tarragoni","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.41","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.41","url":null,"abstract":"antiunion labor relations regimes, such as Uber and Amazon, expand their presence in Latin American markets, this masterfully told story of overreach and insensitivity to local norms and practices by Walmart in Brazil gains new relevance. The tale of successful resistance by subaltern actors presented in this book should also serve as an important reference for the new cohort of Latin American union practitioners and labor studies scholars who are involved in transnationalized struggles in favor of decent, dignified work.","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"64 1","pages":"160 - 163"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44712710","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"LAP volume 64 issue 4 Cover and Back matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.30","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.30","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"64 1","pages":"b1 - b2"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42456928","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Scott B. Martin, João Paulo Cândia Veiga, and Katiuscia Moreno Galhera, Labor Contestation at Walmart Brazil: Limits of Global Diffusion in Latin America. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2021. Figures, tables, notes, bibliography, index, 336 pp.; hardcover $74.99, ebook $59.99.","authors":"J. Silverman","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.40","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.40","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"64 1","pages":"157 - 160"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49109129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
by convincing evidence: “that the eye and whip approach contributes to improved compliance with existing regulations and results in the more efficient use of public resources” (118), that the eye without “at least the implicit threat” of the whip is ineffective (12), and that the costs of conducting audits is more than offset by the efficiency and spending gains (12, 100). These criticisms are in no way intended to detract from the intrinsic contributions of this carefully designed, refreshingly concise, and meticulous book. If anything, they suggest a need to better integrate methods in the study of regional corruption dynamics. Lagunes has already shown himself also to be a skilled corruption researcher, conducting incisive interviews with key anticorruption officials and organizing a multimethod investigation of the Lava Jato probes across Latin America (Lagunes and Svejnar 2020). Further integration of these diverse research traditions, and dialogue across them, will inevitably enrich the study of corruption across the hemisphere and presumably beyond. In the meantime, The Eye and the Whip stands out as a rare three-country exploration of what works in tackling this pervasive and insidious challenge.
{"title":"Alejandro Toledo Manrique, Education and the Future of Latin America. Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 2021. Figures, tables, illustrations, abbreviations, notes, bibliography, index, 246 pp.; hardcover $95, ebook $95.","authors":"Rafael E. de Hoyos","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.45","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.45","url":null,"abstract":"by convincing evidence: “that the eye and whip approach contributes to improved compliance with existing regulations and results in the more efficient use of public resources” (118), that the eye without “at least the implicit threat” of the whip is ineffective (12), and that the costs of conducting audits is more than offset by the efficiency and spending gains (12, 100). These criticisms are in no way intended to detract from the intrinsic contributions of this carefully designed, refreshingly concise, and meticulous book. If anything, they suggest a need to better integrate methods in the study of regional corruption dynamics. Lagunes has already shown himself also to be a skilled corruption researcher, conducting incisive interviews with key anticorruption officials and organizing a multimethod investigation of the Lava Jato probes across Latin America (Lagunes and Svejnar 2020). Further integration of these diverse research traditions, and dialogue across them, will inevitably enrich the study of corruption across the hemisphere and presumably beyond. In the meantime, The Eye and the Whip stands out as a rare three-country exploration of what works in tackling this pervasive and insidious challenge.","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"64 1","pages":"173 - 177"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49126968","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In US popular national discourse, immigration tends to be associated with Latinx and Latin American people. Yet the Western European philosophical subfield of ethics of immigration has not adequately engaged the materiality of US-Mexico border histories and the lived experiences of immigrants entering the United States from Latin America. This is foremost in the historical lack of dialogue and uptake with Latin American philosophy. If one were to investigate early articles in the field of ethics of immigration, one would encounter abstract discussions of these matters that presuppose neutral notions of space, homogenized accounts of immigrants, and idealized concepts of states. Latin American Immigration Ethics is a non-ideal theory,1 materialist intervention that is conscious of these conceptual traps and carves out a distinct Latin American immigration ethics. The collection splits into four sections. The first focuses on providing methodological foundations for a Latin American ethics of immigration. Specifically, it argues that we should take a Latin American and decolonial approach to immigration issues. While both of these approaches are heterogeneous and thus do not link a priori, they are distinctly recognizable approaches that emerge from the three articles in the section. The first chapter, co-authored by Amy Reed-Sandoval and Luis Rubén Díaz Cepeda and titled “Latin American Immigration Ethics: A Roadmap,” develops the nonessentialist roadmap thesis that Latin American immigration ethics has two methodological features. First, by paying attention to the histories of Latin American migrations, it is explicitly a historical method. This can be helpful when the authors situate migration within the history of Spanish colonization in 1492 and move through the period of Latin American independence because it encourages philosophers to research, for instance, the arguments in favor of blanqueamiento (i.e., white immigration policies). Second, this contextual approach to immigration draws on Latin American philosophy. This chapter expands our categorical horizons beyond merely Global South to Global North analyses to include South-South and North-South histories of migration. It also goes beyond discussions of the categories of migrant and refugee and introduces the concept of the exile as a unit of analysis. The second chapter, written by José Jorge Mendoza, called “Decolonizing Immigration Justice,” critically evaluates three dominant view in the field of ethics of immigration: reactionary, market based, and liberal egalitarian. The first prioritizes enforcement as a way of managing threats to the national cultural order. The second is concerned with maintaining a situation in which global competition for labor is operative. The third tends to argue for open borders because of the
{"title":"Amy Reed-Sandoval and Luis Rubén Díaz Cepeda, Latin American Immigration Ethics. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2021. Notes, bibliography, index, 312 pp.; hardcover $100, paperback $35, ebook.","authors":"Ernesto Rosen Velásquez","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.42","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.42","url":null,"abstract":"In US popular national discourse, immigration tends to be associated with Latinx and Latin American people. Yet the Western European philosophical subfield of ethics of immigration has not adequately engaged the materiality of US-Mexico border histories and the lived experiences of immigrants entering the United States from Latin America. This is foremost in the historical lack of dialogue and uptake with Latin American philosophy. If one were to investigate early articles in the field of ethics of immigration, one would encounter abstract discussions of these matters that presuppose neutral notions of space, homogenized accounts of immigrants, and idealized concepts of states. Latin American Immigration Ethics is a non-ideal theory,1 materialist intervention that is conscious of these conceptual traps and carves out a distinct Latin American immigration ethics. The collection splits into four sections. The first focuses on providing methodological foundations for a Latin American ethics of immigration. Specifically, it argues that we should take a Latin American and decolonial approach to immigration issues. While both of these approaches are heterogeneous and thus do not link a priori, they are distinctly recognizable approaches that emerge from the three articles in the section. The first chapter, co-authored by Amy Reed-Sandoval and Luis Rubén Díaz Cepeda and titled “Latin American Immigration Ethics: A Roadmap,” develops the nonessentialist roadmap thesis that Latin American immigration ethics has two methodological features. First, by paying attention to the histories of Latin American migrations, it is explicitly a historical method. This can be helpful when the authors situate migration within the history of Spanish colonization in 1492 and move through the period of Latin American independence because it encourages philosophers to research, for instance, the arguments in favor of blanqueamiento (i.e., white immigration policies). Second, this contextual approach to immigration draws on Latin American philosophy. This chapter expands our categorical horizons beyond merely Global South to Global North analyses to include South-South and North-South histories of migration. It also goes beyond discussions of the categories of migrant and refugee and introduces the concept of the exile as a unit of analysis. The second chapter, written by José Jorge Mendoza, called “Decolonizing Immigration Justice,” critically evaluates three dominant view in the field of ethics of immigration: reactionary, market based, and liberal egalitarian. The first prioritizes enforcement as a way of managing threats to the national cultural order. The second is concerned with maintaining a situation in which global competition for labor is operative. The third tends to argue for open borders because of the","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":" ","pages":"164 - 167"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48981440","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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