{"title":"Benjamin A. Cowan, Moral Majorities Across the Americas: Brazil, the United States, and the Creation of the Religious Right. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2021. Photographs, notes, index, 304 pp.; hardcover $95, paperback $29.95, ebook $24.99","authors":"Seth Garfield","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.64","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.64","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"65 1","pages":"185 - 188"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41413159","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Professor Mesa-Lago is one of the first authors to highlight the importance of studying the political economy of pension systems, beginning with his book Social Security in Latin America (1978). Later, he was one of the first authors who began to elaborate substantiated criticism of the Chilean experience of individual capitalization (1985). Then (2008) he formalized a structural-type pension reform typology, consisting of a substitute model that closed the public system for a private system of defined contributions (Chile, Bolivia, Mexico, El Salvador, and the Dominican Republic); a mixed model, in which a public system was maintained and private management of funds was incorporated as a second pillar (Argentina, Costa Rica, Uruguay, and Panama); and a parallel model, in which the new private system entered directly into competition with the public pension system (Colombia and Peru). To frame the literature developed by Mesa-Lago more broadly, the study of pensions is relevant because these reforms must deal with financing problems and demands from different actors involved in this area. The solutions to the various demands and limitations caused by problems related to public pension finances are not usually reached in a single reform process. For example, Latin America is a region where old age pensions have been an essential axis for developing welfare regimes or schemes since the 1920s, with a heavy inheritance of fragmentation and segmentation that reproduced labor market inequalities (Cruz-Martínez et al. 2021). The current challenges are characterized by a context of inclusion of the excluded in the form of noncontributory pensions, while contributory schemes experience financing difficulties and worsening future sustainability, due to factors related to the demographic structure of the countries (Arenas de Mesa 2019). In addition, Latin America is experiencing a context of population aging and a consequent increase in the old age dependency rate, which calls into question the fiscal sustainability and equity of the architectures of pension systems. According to ECLAC, the population over 65 years of age doubled (from 3.7 percent to 7.7 percent) between 1965 and 2015, while in numbers, it grew from 9.1 million to 47 million. By 2065, it is estimated that 24.4 percent of the region’s population, equivalent to 183.5 million people, will be 65 years of age or older. Consequently, this Mesa-Lago monograph is a must-read reference for an overview, especially regarding the role of pensions in national strategies for social protection and poverty alleviation, particularly in a post-COVID recovery context. This work aims to evaluate the promises of privatization, considering the principles of Social Security, based on a bibliographic review and in the
梅萨-拉戈教授是最早强调研究养老金制度的政治经济学重要性的作者之一，他的著作《拉丁美洲的社会安全》(1978年)就是其中之一。后来，他是最早开始详细阐述对智利个人资本化经验的实证批评的作者之一(1985年)。然后(2008年)，他正式提出了一种结构性养老金改革类型，其中包括一种替代模式，即关闭公共体系，建立私人的固定缴款体系(智利、玻利维亚、墨西哥、萨尔瓦多和多米尼加共和国);混合模式，维持公共系统，并将资金的私人管理作为第二支柱(阿根廷、哥斯达黎加、乌拉圭和巴拿马);另一种是平行模式，即新的私人体系直接与公共养老金体系竞争(哥伦比亚和秘鲁)。为了更广泛地构建梅萨-拉戈开发的文献，对养老金的研究是相关的，因为这些改革必须处理融资问题和涉及这一领域的不同行动者的需求。解决与公共养老金财政有关的问题所引起的各种要求和限制通常不是在单一的改革过程中达成的。例如，自20世纪20年代以来，拉丁美洲地区的养老金一直是发展福利制度或计划的重要轴心，其严重的碎片化和分割现象再现了劳动力市场的不平等(Cruz-Martínez et al. 2021)。当前挑战的特点是，以非供款养老金的形式纳入被排除在外的人群，而由于与各国人口结构有关的因素，供款计划面临融资困难，未来可持续性恶化(Arenas de Mesa, 2019年)。此外，拉丁美洲正在经历人口老龄化的背景，随之而来的是老年抚养率的增加，这使人们对养老金制度结构的财政可持续性和公平性产生了疑问。根据拉加经委会的数据，1965年至2015年间，65岁以上人口翻了一番(从3.7%增加到7.7%)，人数从910万增加到4700万。据估计，到2065年，该地区24.4%的人口，相当于1.835亿人，将达到65岁或以上。因此，这本梅萨-拉戈专著是一本必读的概述参考资料，特别是关于养老金在国家社会保护和减贫战略中的作用，特别是在covid - 19后恢复背景下。这项工作的目的是评价私有化的承诺，考虑到社会保障的原则，根据书目审查和在
{"title":"Carmelo Mesa-Lago, Evaluation of Four Decades of Pension Privatization in Latin America, 1980–2020: Promises and Reality. Mexico City: Fundación Friedrich Ebert, 2021. Figures, tables, abbreviations, notes, bibliography, appendixes, 204 pp","authors":"Luis Hernán Vargas Faulbaum","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.60","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.60","url":null,"abstract":"Professor Mesa-Lago is one of the first authors to highlight the importance of studying the political economy of pension systems, beginning with his book Social Security in Latin America (1978). Later, he was one of the first authors who began to elaborate substantiated criticism of the Chilean experience of individual capitalization (1985). Then (2008) he formalized a structural-type pension reform typology, consisting of a substitute model that closed the public system for a private system of defined contributions (Chile, Bolivia, Mexico, El Salvador, and the Dominican Republic); a mixed model, in which a public system was maintained and private management of funds was incorporated as a second pillar (Argentina, Costa Rica, Uruguay, and Panama); and a parallel model, in which the new private system entered directly into competition with the public pension system (Colombia and Peru). To frame the literature developed by Mesa-Lago more broadly, the study of pensions is relevant because these reforms must deal with financing problems and demands from different actors involved in this area. The solutions to the various demands and limitations caused by problems related to public pension finances are not usually reached in a single reform process. For example, Latin America is a region where old age pensions have been an essential axis for developing welfare regimes or schemes since the 1920s, with a heavy inheritance of fragmentation and segmentation that reproduced labor market inequalities (Cruz-Martínez et al. 2021). The current challenges are characterized by a context of inclusion of the excluded in the form of noncontributory pensions, while contributory schemes experience financing difficulties and worsening future sustainability, due to factors related to the demographic structure of the countries (Arenas de Mesa 2019). In addition, Latin America is experiencing a context of population aging and a consequent increase in the old age dependency rate, which calls into question the fiscal sustainability and equity of the architectures of pension systems. According to ECLAC, the population over 65 years of age doubled (from 3.7 percent to 7.7 percent) between 1965 and 2015, while in numbers, it grew from 9.1 million to 47 million. By 2065, it is estimated that 24.4 percent of the region’s population, equivalent to 183.5 million people, will be 65 years of age or older. Consequently, this Mesa-Lago monograph is a must-read reference for an overview, especially regarding the role of pensions in national strategies for social protection and poverty alleviation, particularly in a post-COVID recovery context. This work aims to evaluate the promises of privatization, considering the principles of Social Security, based on a bibliographic review and in the","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"65 1","pages":"177 - 181"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47129764","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT Mitigating climate change requires a global transition from fossil fuels to a “green economy” driven by renewable energies. This shift has fostered massive investments in mining resources, notably lithium in South America, needed to store renewable energies. These mining ventures often produce harmful externalities where lithium is located. In Argentina, a major producer, striking variation has occurred in the fortunes of lithium-mining projects. In some instances, mining companies offered concessions that mitigated environmental damage and improved local socioeconomic conditions. In others, companies made minimal concessions, and in a third set they halted projects in response to local resistance. Why do mining ventures result alternatively in negotiated, unnegotiated, or aborted extraction? The article proposes a new typology of modes of extraction together with a multilevel explanatory framework that centers on the strengths and strategies of transnational mining companies, subnational governments, and local communities in setting the terms for extracting lithium.
{"title":"Modes of Extraction in Latin America’s Lithium Triangle: Explaining Negotiated, Unnegotiated, and Aborted Mining Projects","authors":"L. González, R. Snyder","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.32","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.32","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Mitigating climate change requires a global transition from fossil fuels to a “green economy” driven by renewable energies. This shift has fostered massive investments in mining resources, notably lithium in South America, needed to store renewable energies. These mining ventures often produce harmful externalities where lithium is located. In Argentina, a major producer, striking variation has occurred in the fortunes of lithium-mining projects. In some instances, mining companies offered concessions that mitigated environmental damage and improved local socioeconomic conditions. In others, companies made minimal concessions, and in a third set they halted projects in response to local resistance. Why do mining ventures result alternatively in negotiated, unnegotiated, or aborted extraction? The article proposes a new typology of modes of extraction together with a multilevel explanatory framework that centers on the strengths and strategies of transnational mining companies, subnational governments, and local communities in setting the terms for extracting lithium.","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"65 1","pages":"47 - 73"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-12-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45136288","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT This article analyzes how niche parties may utilize a strategy of policy shifting to garner additional voters. It leverages a unique opportunity in which a Costa Rican political party released two different versions of its party manifesto at different moments during a single election cycle. This rare opportunity uncovers how the party shifted from having a hard conservative stance on social issues, such as abortion, to moderating its stance and centering its focus on less contentious issues in a runoff election campaign. Understanding how a single political party may alter its strategy is important because it allows us to better gauge the effectiveness of shifting policy positions, especially for niche parties, for which a particular issue area is dominant. Moreover, this analysis opens additional avenues of research on political parties in the Latin American context, since research utilizing manifesto data in this context has been limited.
{"title":"Shifting Positions: Party Positions and Political Manifestos in Costa Rica","authors":"Elías Chavarría-Mora, Katie Angell","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.34","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.34","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article analyzes how niche parties may utilize a strategy of policy shifting to garner additional voters. It leverages a unique opportunity in which a Costa Rican political party released two different versions of its party manifesto at different moments during a single election cycle. This rare opportunity uncovers how the party shifted from having a hard conservative stance on social issues, such as abortion, to moderating its stance and centering its focus on less contentious issues in a runoff election campaign. Understanding how a single political party may alter its strategy is important because it allows us to better gauge the effectiveness of shifting policy positions, especially for niche parties, for which a particular issue area is dominant. Moreover, this analysis opens additional avenues of research on political parties in the Latin American context, since research utilizing manifesto data in this context has been limited.","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"65 1","pages":"1 - 21"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42809704","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT Current approaches to voting behavior in clientelist contexts either predict that clients leave their preferences aside for fear of having their benefits cut off or voluntarily support politicians they perceive to be reliable patrons. These two approaches cannot account for clients’ vote choices in the Sertão of Bahia, Brazil, where voters were free to choose among competing candidates but supported patrons they knew were unreliable. This article argues that clients voluntarily voted for bad patrons as a strategy to gain symbolic power in their negotiations with politicians. By explaining clients’ paradoxical choices in the Sertão, this article reveals how clientelism can persist without monitoring mechanisms or positive attitudes toward patrons. In addition, this study shows the importance of incorporating voters’ perspectives and their everyday survival strategies to better account for clients’ political behavior.
{"title":"Weapons of Clients: Why Do Voters Support Bad Patrons? Ethnographic Evidence from Rural Brazil","authors":"Mariana Borges Martins da Silva","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.49","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.49","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Current approaches to voting behavior in clientelist contexts either predict that clients leave their preferences aside for fear of having their benefits cut off or voluntarily support politicians they perceive to be reliable patrons. These two approaches cannot account for clients’ vote choices in the Sertão of Bahia, Brazil, where voters were free to choose among competing candidates but supported patrons they knew were unreliable. This article argues that clients voluntarily voted for bad patrons as a strategy to gain symbolic power in their negotiations with politicians. By explaining clients’ paradoxical choices in the Sertão, this article reveals how clientelism can persist without monitoring mechanisms or positive attitudes toward patrons. In addition, this study shows the importance of incorporating voters’ perspectives and their everyday survival strategies to better account for clients’ political behavior.","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"65 1","pages":"22 - 46"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45361152","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
demands of populist politics. Last but not least, without a fruitful—and methodologically rigorous—dialogue between political science, as a central focus, and the contributions of sociology and history, these works would not have the explanatory potential that we now enjoy. It is not difficult to predict that both works, to which I will dedicate a particular and more in-depth review in the future, have come to enrich research, teaching, and in general, rigorous knowledge about Latin American political dynamics.
{"title":"Luciano Da Ros and Matthew M. Taylor, Brazilian Politics on Trial: Corruption and Reform Under Democracy. Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 2022. Tables, figures, appendix, bibliography, index, 281 pp.; hardcover $95, ebook $95","authors":"G. Meszaros","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.53","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.53","url":null,"abstract":"demands of populist politics. Last but not least, without a fruitful—and methodologically rigorous—dialogue between political science, as a central focus, and the contributions of sociology and history, these works would not have the explanatory potential that we now enjoy. It is not difficult to predict that both works, to which I will dedicate a particular and more in-depth review in the future, have come to enrich research, teaching, and in general, rigorous knowledge about Latin American political dynamics.","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"65 1","pages":"171 - 174"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47873109","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT Postneoliberal regionalism in Latin America has failed to live up to the expectations of its proponents and analysts in the late 2000s and early 2010s. Several causes explain its disappointing result, but a relatively understudied cause may be found in the US policy of competitive liberalization. This policy not only aimed at securing US economic and trade interests but also served as a counterweight against emerging postneoliberalism and as a tool for reaffirming US hegemony. This article presents a case study of one example of competitive liberalization in action, the US-Peru FTA, in order to assess how the policy functioned and contributed to curbing the posthegemonic moment in Latin America. It observes a combination of coercion and the political influence of beneficiaries of free trade, and it considers how these dynamics worked to strengthen US influence, both in Peru and in the wider regional political economy.
{"title":"Competitive Liberalization, Postneoliberalism, and Hegemony: The Case of the US-Peru Free Trade Agreement","authors":"Quintijn B. Kat","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.33","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.33","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Postneoliberal regionalism in Latin America has failed to live up to the expectations of its proponents and analysts in the late 2000s and early 2010s. Several causes explain its disappointing result, but a relatively understudied cause may be found in the US policy of competitive liberalization. This policy not only aimed at securing US economic and trade interests but also served as a counterweight against emerging postneoliberalism and as a tool for reaffirming US hegemony. This article presents a case study of one example of competitive liberalization in action, the US-Peru FTA, in order to assess how the policy functioned and contributed to curbing the posthegemonic moment in Latin America. It observes a combination of coercion and the political influence of beneficiaries of free trade, and it considers how these dynamics worked to strengthen US influence, both in Peru and in the wider regional political economy.","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"65 1","pages":"126 - 150"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46458475","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
B. Junge, Sean T. Mitchell, Charles H. Klein, Matthew Spearly
ABSTRACT How do sequences of upward and downward socioeconomic mobility influence political views among those who have “risen” or “fallen” during periods of leftist governance? While existing studies identify a range of factors, long-term mobility trajectories have been largely unexplored. The question has particular salience in contemporary Brazil, where, after a decade of extraordinary poverty reduction on the watch of the leftist Workers’ Party (PT), a subsequent period of economic and political crises intensified anti-PT sentiment. This article uses original data from the 2016 Brazil’s Once-Rising Poor (BORP) Survey, using a 3-city sample of 822 poor and working-class Brazilians to analyze the relationship between retrospective assessments of prior socioeconomic mobility and anti-PT sentiment. The study found that people who reported a “stalled” mobility sequence (upward mobility followed by static or downward mobility) were more likely to harbor anti-left sentiment than other groups, as measured by this study’s anti-PT index.
{"title":"Mobility Interrupted: A New Framework for Understanding Anti-Left Sentiment Among Brazil’s “Once-Rising Poor”","authors":"B. Junge, Sean T. Mitchell, Charles H. Klein, Matthew Spearly","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.46","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.46","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT How do sequences of upward and downward socioeconomic mobility influence political views among those who have “risen” or “fallen” during periods of leftist governance? While existing studies identify a range of factors, long-term mobility trajectories have been largely unexplored. The question has particular salience in contemporary Brazil, where, after a decade of extraordinary poverty reduction on the watch of the leftist Workers’ Party (PT), a subsequent period of economic and political crises intensified anti-PT sentiment. This article uses original data from the 2016 Brazil’s Once-Rising Poor (BORP) Survey, using a 3-city sample of 822 poor and working-class Brazilians to analyze the relationship between retrospective assessments of prior socioeconomic mobility and anti-PT sentiment. The study found that people who reported a “stalled” mobility sequence (upward mobility followed by static or downward mobility) were more likely to harbor anti-left sentiment than other groups, as measured by this study’s anti-PT index.","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"65 1","pages":"1 - 30"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44720961","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Clientelism in Argentina is a topic that has received a great deal of attention in the specialized literature. However, an important mechanism has remained understudied: the exchange of public sector jobs for political support. Public employees are an important gear of political machines but have not received the attention they deserve. Studies of Argentine clientelism have focused mainly on punteros; that is, on local party brokers who mediate personal favors between poor voters and politicians (Auyero 2001; Levitsky 2003; Stokes 2005; Calvo and Murillo 2004; Zarazaga 2014). While many punteros are public employees or aspire to be, the two groups are not the same because many punteros do not hold1 a public job. Public employees who received their jobs in exchange for political support are a particular subset within the party machines’ army of campaigners. Oliveros’s book successfully fills the gap by studying how patronage affects electoral competition and the quality of democracy. This fascinating study is the first to provide a systematic analysis of the political activities of midand low-level public employees in Latin America. Oliveros argues that patronage jobs are distributed to supporters in exchange for a wide range of political services—such as helping with campaigns and electoral mobilization— that are essential for attracting and maintaining electoral support. The book makes an important theoretical contribution. While it is clear that public employees provide political services to the politicians who have hired them, it is less clear why they do not renege on such deals after being appointed. They can easily back out of the agreement after getting the job. Following Stokes’s rational inquiry method (2005), Oliveros asks why the deal is sustainable; that is,
{"title":"Virginia Oliveros, Patronage at Work: Public Jobs and Political Services in Argentina. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021. Tables, figures, notes, bibliography, index, 250 pp.; hardcover $110, ebook $88.","authors":"Rodrigo Zarazaga","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.43","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.43","url":null,"abstract":"Clientelism in Argentina is a topic that has received a great deal of attention in the specialized literature. However, an important mechanism has remained understudied: the exchange of public sector jobs for political support. Public employees are an important gear of political machines but have not received the attention they deserve. Studies of Argentine clientelism have focused mainly on punteros; that is, on local party brokers who mediate personal favors between poor voters and politicians (Auyero 2001; Levitsky 2003; Stokes 2005; Calvo and Murillo 2004; Zarazaga 2014). While many punteros are public employees or aspire to be, the two groups are not the same because many punteros do not hold1 a public job. Public employees who received their jobs in exchange for political support are a particular subset within the party machines’ army of campaigners. Oliveros’s book successfully fills the gap by studying how patronage affects electoral competition and the quality of democracy. This fascinating study is the first to provide a systematic analysis of the political activities of midand low-level public employees in Latin America. Oliveros argues that patronage jobs are distributed to supporters in exchange for a wide range of political services—such as helping with campaigns and electoral mobilization— that are essential for attracting and maintaining electoral support. The book makes an important theoretical contribution. While it is clear that public employees provide political services to the politicians who have hired them, it is less clear why they do not renege on such deals after being appointed. They can easily back out of the agreement after getting the job. Following Stokes’s rational inquiry method (2005), Oliveros asks why the deal is sustainable; that is,","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":" ","pages":"167 - 170"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46743043","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：