Two competing narratives characterize the role of race in Brazil’s 2018 election. Journalists observe that Jair Bolsonaro “entranced” nonwhite voters while “insulting them.” Scholars argue that Bolsonaro politicized race, costing him nonwhite support. In contrast, this article argues that racialized patterns of voter behavior were not distinct from those in recent general elections, and that voters’ electoral choices varied within as well as between racial categories. This study incorporates recent findings on racial subjectivity in Brazil, which emphasize the interaction of racial identification and educational status in shaping racial consciousness. Survey data show that racial differences are driven by highly educated black voters, who are least likely to support Bolsonaro compared to educated white voters and more likely to support leftist candidates. By incorporating findings on racial subjectivity into theoretical predictions and leveraging the 2018 election, this study identifies conditions in which racial identification operates to shape electoral behavior.
{"title":"Bolsonaro and the Black Vote: Racial Voting in Brazil’s 2018 Election","authors":"David De Micheli","doi":"10.1017/lap.2023.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2023.8","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Two competing narratives characterize the role of race in Brazil’s 2018 election. Journalists observe that Jair Bolsonaro “entranced” nonwhite voters while “insulting them.” Scholars argue that Bolsonaro politicized race, costing him nonwhite support. In contrast, this article argues that racialized patterns of voter behavior were not distinct from those in recent general elections, and that voters’ electoral choices varied within as well as between racial categories. This study incorporates recent findings on racial subjectivity in Brazil, which emphasize the interaction of racial identification and educational status in shaping racial consciousness. Survey data show that racial differences are driven by highly educated black voters, who are least likely to support Bolsonaro compared to educated white voters and more likely to support leftist candidates. By incorporating findings on racial subjectivity into theoretical predictions and leveraging the 2018 election, this study identifies conditions in which racial identification operates to shape electoral behavior.","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49049994","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This research note takes advantage of a novel dataset to analyze legislators’ behavior in Uruguay’s Parliament. Comparing the positions of legislators based on floor speeches and roll-call voting, it discusses the relationship between discourse and voting among individual legislators and parties. The dataset contains more than 57,000 speeches from more than 1,000 Uruguayan legislators between 1985 and 2015 and its related R package. The study estimates the parties’ policy positions on the basis of two data sources, roll-call votes and floor speeches, and then compares both results. Contrary to expectations, no clear association appears between the two scaling methods, demonstrating that vote and legislative speech may reflect the behavior of individual legislators with potentially conflicting goals. Strategic calculations or party discipline may be plausible explanations for the divergent results obtained from text and roll-call scaling methods.
{"title":"Estimating Parties’ Policy Positions in Uruguay: Comparing Scaling Methods Based on Legislative Speeches and Roll-Call Votes","authors":"D. Luján, N. Schmidt, Juan A Moraes","doi":"10.1017/lap.2023.12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2023.12","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This research note takes advantage of a novel dataset to analyze legislators’ behavior in Uruguay’s Parliament. Comparing the positions of legislators based on floor speeches and roll-call voting, it discusses the relationship between discourse and voting among individual legislators and parties. The dataset contains more than 57,000 speeches from more than 1,000 Uruguayan legislators between 1985 and 2015 and its related R package. The study estimates the parties’ policy positions on the basis of two data sources, roll-call votes and floor speeches, and then compares both results. Contrary to expectations, no clear association appears between the two scaling methods, demonstrating that vote and legislative speech may reflect the behavior of individual legislators with potentially conflicting goals. Strategic calculations or party discipline may be plausible explanations for the divergent results obtained from text and roll-call scaling methods.","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45613845","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Frederico Batista Pereira, Guilherme A. Russo, Felipe Nunes
Studies show that cash transfer programs increase incumbent approval through their financial impact and clear association with the executive. But does this effect hold when it is the legislature rather than the incumbent proposing the program? Amid the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic, more than 60 million Brazilians received an emergency assistance payment that was proposed by Congress against resistance from the executive. This study leverages this unique case to examine if cash transfer programs affect presidential approval under circumstances of unclear responsibility. Survey results showed that while approval ratings increased, the public was divided about who was responsible for the program. Moreover, a survey-experiment that informed respondents about the negotiations between the president and Congress found that information improves views about Congress but does not affect presidential approval. The results suggest that even cash transfer programs may promote limited vertical accountability in contexts of unclear policy responsibility.
{"title":"Who Is Responsible for the Emergency Aid? Cash Transfer and Presidential Approval During the COVID-19 Pandemic in Brazil","authors":"Frederico Batista Pereira, Guilherme A. Russo, Felipe Nunes","doi":"10.1017/lap.2023.17","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2023.17","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Studies show that cash transfer programs increase incumbent approval through their financial impact and clear association with the executive. But does this effect hold when it is the legislature rather than the incumbent proposing the program? Amid the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic, more than 60 million Brazilians received an emergency assistance payment that was proposed by Congress against resistance from the executive. This study leverages this unique case to examine if cash transfer programs affect presidential approval under circumstances of unclear responsibility. Survey results showed that while approval ratings increased, the public was divided about who was responsible for the program. Moreover, a survey-experiment that informed respondents about the negotiations between the president and Congress found that information improves views about Congress but does not affect presidential approval. The results suggest that even cash transfer programs may promote limited vertical accountability in contexts of unclear policy responsibility.","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43326045","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Jennifer Adair , In Search of the Lost Decade: Everyday Rights in Post-Dictatorship Argentina. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2020. Illustrations, notes, bibliography, index, 208 pp.; hardcover $85.00, paperback $34.95, ebook $34.95.","authors":"J. Schaefer","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.70","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.70","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"65 1","pages":"165 - 169"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"56993028","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT In environmental politics, social movements play a crucial role, promoting participatory rights and confronting injustice, inequality, and the interests of the powerful. This article examines an underexplored topic in the literature on social movements, especially in Latin America: the use of litigation to force decisionmakers to comply with participatory formats, specifically in the course of opposition to hydroelectric dams. These projects often are destructive to the local environment and communities. This study examines four cases of environmental litigation that halted dam construction in Brazil and Chile, singling out causal pathways for successful collective action. It focuses on two dimensions of movement success: the implementation of participatory formats and the resulting cancellation of dam projects. In line with the joint effect model of social movement theory, the cross-case comparison of legal disputes shows that pursuing legal strategies in parallel to broad social mobilization and the support of institutional allies, can lead to successful outcomes.
{"title":"Enforcing Citizen Participation Through Litigation: Analyzing the Outcomes of Anti-Dam Movements in Brazil and Chile","authors":"Marie-Sophie Heinelt, Valesca Lima","doi":"10.1017/lap.2023.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2023.7","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In environmental politics, social movements play a crucial role, promoting participatory rights and confronting injustice, inequality, and the interests of the powerful. This article examines an underexplored topic in the literature on social movements, especially in Latin America: the use of litigation to force decisionmakers to comply with participatory formats, specifically in the course of opposition to hydroelectric dams. These projects often are destructive to the local environment and communities. This study examines four cases of environmental litigation that halted dam construction in Brazil and Chile, singling out causal pathways for successful collective action. It focuses on two dimensions of movement success: the implementation of participatory formats and the resulting cancellation of dam projects. In line with the joint effect model of social movement theory, the cross-case comparison of legal disputes shows that pursuing legal strategies in parallel to broad social mobilization and the support of institutional allies, can lead to successful outcomes.","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"65 1","pages":"128 - 152"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41394658","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT Firms should be considered as actors that potentially mediate between social movement pressures and policy outcomes. This article shows that at the mining project level, social mobilization can generate important changes in corporate practices toward nearby communities, and that these practices can undermine the cohesion of social movement coalitions advocating for regulatory intervention or reform, thus limiting their ability to make compelling claims on the state. In this way, company interpretations of and responses to protest are an important mediating process that conditions civil society efforts to activate state institutions in their favor. This argument extends recent work on the social foundations of regulation in Latin America by including corporate actors. The article is based on a comparative case study of the Pascua Lama/Veladero mining projects in both Argentina and Chile, using both secondary sources and primary field research.
{"title":"Lost in Corporate Translation: How Firms Mediate Between Social Mobilization and Regulatory Intervention in the Extractive Sector","authors":"P. Haslam, Julieta Godfrid","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.63","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.63","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Firms should be considered as actors that potentially mediate between social movement pressures and policy outcomes. This article shows that at the mining project level, social mobilization can generate important changes in corporate practices toward nearby communities, and that these practices can undermine the cohesion of social movement coalitions advocating for regulatory intervention or reform, thus limiting their ability to make compelling claims on the state. In this way, company interpretations of and responses to protest are an important mediating process that conditions civil society efforts to activate state institutions in their favor. This argument extends recent work on the social foundations of regulation in Latin America by including corporate actors. The article is based on a comparative case study of the Pascua Lama/Veladero mining projects in both Argentina and Chile, using both secondary sources and primary field research.","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"65 1","pages":"20 - 46"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44205861","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT Electoral contests in Latin America are often characterized by attempts by political parties to sway the outcome of elections using vote buying—a practice that seems to persist during elections throughout the region. This article examines how clientelist parties’ use of vote buying is jointly shaped by two voter traits: poverty and partisanship. We hypothesize that clientelist parties pursue a mixed strategy, broadly targeting their core voters but also poor swing voters. While most of the existing evidence comes from single-country studies, this study adds cross-national evidence from multilevel regressions of survey data from 22 Latin American countries. Empirically, we find that poverty matters mainly for swing voters. For partisans, the effect of poverty on vote buying is weaker. These results suggest that poverty plays an important role in vote-buying strategies—but also that partisanship moderates clientelistic parties’ vote-buying strategies during electoral campaigns.
{"title":"Poverty, Partisanship, and Vote Buying in Latin America","authors":"M. Justesen, L. Manzetti","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.66","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.66","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Electoral contests in Latin America are often characterized by attempts by political parties to sway the outcome of elections using vote buying—a practice that seems to persist during elections throughout the region. This article examines how clientelist parties’ use of vote buying is jointly shaped by two voter traits: poverty and partisanship. We hypothesize that clientelist parties pursue a mixed strategy, broadly targeting their core voters but also poor swing voters. While most of the existing evidence comes from single-country studies, this study adds cross-national evidence from multilevel regressions of survey data from 22 Latin American countries. Empirically, we find that poverty matters mainly for swing voters. For partisans, the effect of poverty on vote buying is weaker. These results suggest that poverty plays an important role in vote-buying strategies—but also that partisanship moderates clientelistic parties’ vote-buying strategies during electoral campaigns.","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"65 1","pages":"1 - 19"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43257321","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Edwin F. Ackerman, Origins of the Mass Party: Dispossession and Party Form in Mexico and Bolivia. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2022. Figures, tables, abbreviations, notes, appendixes, bibliography, index, 197 pp.; hardcover $74, ebook $72.99. Juan Pablo Luna, Rafael Piñeiro Rodríguez, Fernando Rosenblatt, and Gabriel Vommaro, eds. Diminished Parties: Democratic Representation in Contemporary Latin America. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021. Figures, tables, abbreviations, notes, bibliography, index, 341 pp.; hardcover $120, paperback $29.99 (forthcoming), ebook $120. Fernando Rosenblatt, Party Vibrancy and Democracy in Latin America. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018. Figures, tables, abbreviations, notes, appendixes, bibliography, index, 276 pp.; hardcover $96, paperback $34.95, ebook $31.82. Brandon Van Dyck, Democracy Against Parties: The Divergent Fates of America’s New Left Contenders. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2021. Figures, tables, abbreviations, notes, bibliography, index, 276 pp.; hardcover $55, ebook $48.45.
埃德温·阿克曼:《群众党的起源:墨西哥和玻利维亚的剥夺与政党形式》。牛津:牛津大学出版社，2022。图表、表格、缩写、注释、附录、参考书目、索引，共197页;精装版74美元，电子书72.99美元。Juan Pablo Luna, Rafael Piñeiro Rodríguez, Fernando Rosenblatt和Gabriel Vommaro编。削弱政党:当代拉丁美洲的民主代表制。剑桥:剑桥大学出版社，2021。图表、表格、缩写、注释、参考书目、索引，341页;精装本120美元，平装本29.99美元(即将出版)，电子书120美元。费尔南多·罗森布拉特:《拉丁美洲的政党活力与民主》。牛津:牛津大学出版社，2018。图、表、缩写、注释、附录、参考书目、索引，276页;精装本96美元，平装本34.95美元，电子书31.82美元。布兰登·范·戴克，《反对政党的民主:美国新左派竞争者的不同命运》。匹兹堡:匹兹堡大学出版社，2021年。图、表、缩写、注释、参考书目、索引，276页;精装版55美元，电子书48.45美元。
{"title":"Parties and Civil Society in Latin America: The Dominance of Contingent and Frayed Linkages","authors":"M. Singer","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.65","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.65","url":null,"abstract":"Edwin F. Ackerman, Origins of the Mass Party: Dispossession and Party Form in Mexico and Bolivia. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2022. Figures, tables, abbreviations, notes, appendixes, bibliography, index, 197 pp.; hardcover $74, ebook $72.99. Juan Pablo Luna, Rafael Piñeiro Rodríguez, Fernando Rosenblatt, and Gabriel Vommaro, eds. Diminished Parties: Democratic Representation in Contemporary Latin America. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021. Figures, tables, abbreviations, notes, bibliography, index, 341 pp.; hardcover $120, paperback $29.99 (forthcoming), ebook $120. Fernando Rosenblatt, Party Vibrancy and Democracy in Latin America. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018. Figures, tables, abbreviations, notes, appendixes, bibliography, index, 276 pp.; hardcover $96, paperback $34.95, ebook $31.82. Brandon Van Dyck, Democracy Against Parties: The Divergent Fates of America’s New Left Contenders. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2021. Figures, tables, abbreviations, notes, bibliography, index, 276 pp.; hardcover $55, ebook $48.45.","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"65 1","pages":"153 - 161"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45794311","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Pablo Ruiz-Tagle, Five Republics and One Tradition: A History of Constitutionalism in Chile, 1810–2020. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2021. Appendix, tables, bibliography, index, 305 pp.; hardcover $110, paperback $30.","authors":"Patricio D. Navia","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.71","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.71","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-05-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42445670","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT The use of veto points to block policy change has received significant attention in Latin America, but the different institutional venues have not been analyzed in a unified framework. Uruguay is exceptional in that political actors use both referendums and judicial review as effective ways to oppose public policies. While the activation of direct democracy mechanisms in Uruguay has been widely studied, the surge in the use of the judicial venue remains underexplored. This article argues that veto point use responds to the ideological content of policies adopted by different coalitions and the type of interest organization affected. It shows that policy opponents predominantly activate referendums when center-right coalitions rule and judicial review when center-left coalitions govern. It illustrates the causal argument by tracing the politics of court and referendum activation. This approach helps to bridge the gap between research on direct democracy and judicial politics, providing a unified framework.
{"title":"From Second-Best to First-Best Veto Point: Explaining the Changing Uses of Judicial Review and Referendums in Uruguay","authors":"F. Antía, D. Vairo","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.50","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.50","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The use of veto points to block policy change has received significant attention in Latin America, but the different institutional venues have not been analyzed in a unified framework. Uruguay is exceptional in that political actors use both referendums and judicial review as effective ways to oppose public policies. While the activation of direct democracy mechanisms in Uruguay has been widely studied, the surge in the use of the judicial venue remains underexplored. This article argues that veto point use responds to the ideological content of policies adopted by different coalitions and the type of interest organization affected. It shows that policy opponents predominantly activate referendums when center-right coalitions rule and judicial review when center-left coalitions govern. It illustrates the causal argument by tracing the politics of court and referendum activation. This approach helps to bridge the gap between research on direct democracy and judicial politics, providing a unified framework.","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"65 1","pages":"145 - 169"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49296511","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：