ABSTRACT In contemporary Latin America, deep-seated social discontent with political elites and institutions has been, paradoxically, the counterpart of democratic stability and resilience. This paradox suggests that scholarly assessments of democracy are, at least partially, at odds with citizens’ own views of democracy. This article thus develops a framework to describe citizens’ everyday experience with civil, political, and social entitlements associated with democracy. It introduces the framework by analyzing the structural underpinnings of democratic discontent in Chile and then applying it to the analysis of perceived citizenship entitlements in 18 countries, using the AmericasBarometer data. Significant variance is observed across time and both across and within countries. The descriptive findings also imply that only a (declining) minority of Latin American citizens feel fully entitled to civil, political, and social citizenship rights. We advocate the need to bring the demand side of democracy back to the analysis of democratic shortcomings and crises.
{"title":"Uneven States, Unequal Societies, and Democracy’s Unfulfilled Promises: Citizenship Rights in Chile and Contemporary Latin America","authors":"J. Luna, Rodrigo M. Medel","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.59","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.59","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In contemporary Latin America, deep-seated social discontent with political elites and institutions has been, paradoxically, the counterpart of democratic stability and resilience. This paradox suggests that scholarly assessments of democracy are, at least partially, at odds with citizens’ own views of democracy. This article thus develops a framework to describe citizens’ everyday experience with civil, political, and social entitlements associated with democracy. It introduces the framework by analyzing the structural underpinnings of democratic discontent in Chile and then applying it to the analysis of perceived citizenship entitlements in 18 countries, using the AmericasBarometer data. Significant variance is observed across time and both across and within countries. The descriptive findings also imply that only a (declining) minority of Latin American citizens feel fully entitled to civil, political, and social citizenship rights. We advocate the need to bring the demand side of democracy back to the analysis of democratic shortcomings and crises.","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"65 1","pages":"170 - 196"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46506680","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"LAP volume 65 issue 2 Cover and Front matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.57","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.57","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"65 1","pages":"f1 - f3"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47716219","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"LAP volume 65 issue 2 Cover and Back matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.58","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.58","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"65 1","pages":"b1 - b5"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42937016","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Karen Kampwirth, LGBTQ Politics in Nicaragua: Revolution, Dictatorship, and Social Movements. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2022. Illustrations, abbreviations, bibliography, index, 360 pp.; hardcover $50, ebook $50.","authors":"Luciana Chamorro","doi":"10.1017/lap.2023.13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2023.13","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43683635","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Legislative allies are widely recognized as key to social movement success, but the emergence of their alliance with activists remains understudied. This article proposes a strategic approach to this phenomenon based on the cases of the environmental, labor, and LGBT+ movements in Chile and their allied legislators. According to this approach, an alliance emerges due to two necessary conditions. Movement organizations must display tactical capacity, which signals their adaptability and competence to participate in Congress. And a socially skilled leadership creates the trust required for movement leaders and legislators to cooperate during the lawmaking process. This approach emphasizes that alliances emerge from activists’ strategic efforts to build a social tie, whose effectiveness is mediated by legislators’ expectations and congressional norms. By specifying the strategic dimension of an alliance, this study highlights the capacity of activists to foster cooperative relations with state actors.
{"title":"A Strategic Approach to the Alliance-Formation Process Between Activists and Legislators in Chile","authors":"Rodolfo López Moreno","doi":"10.1017/lap.2023.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2023.11","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Legislative allies are widely recognized as key to social movement success, but the emergence of their alliance with activists remains understudied. This article proposes a strategic approach to this phenomenon based on the cases of the environmental, labor, and LGBT+ movements in Chile and their allied legislators. According to this approach, an alliance emerges due to two necessary conditions. Movement organizations must display tactical capacity, which signals their adaptability and competence to participate in Congress. And a socially skilled leadership creates the trust required for movement leaders and legislators to cooperate during the lawmaking process. This approach emphasizes that alliances emerge from activists’ strategic efforts to build a social tie, whose effectiveness is mediated by legislators’ expectations and congressional norms. By specifying the strategic dimension of an alliance, this study highlights the capacity of activists to foster cooperative relations with state actors.","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-04-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42276490","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Claudia Bacci and Alejandra Oberti , eds., Testimonios, géneros y afectos. América Latina desde los territorios y las memorias del presente. Villa María: Eduvim, 2022. Figures, tables, notes, bibliography, index, 428 pp; paperback: 4030 (ARS).","authors":"Mauro Greco","doi":"10.1017/lap.2023.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2023.4","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"65 1","pages":"169 - 174"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42686345","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Maxwell A. Cameron and Grace M. Jaramillo , eds., Challenges to Democracy in the Andes: Strongmen, Broken Constitutions, and Regimes in Crisis. Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 2022. Tables, figures, 263 pp.; hardcover $98, ebook $98.","authors":"John Polga-Hecimovich","doi":"10.1017/lap.2023.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2023.10","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48111859","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Germán Feierherd, Patricio Larroulet, Wei Long, N. Lustig
ABSTRACT Latin American countries experienced a significant reduction in income inequality at the turn of the twenty-first century. From the early 2000s to around 2012, the average Gini coefficient fell from 0.51 to 0.47. The period of falling inequality coincided with leftist presidential candidates achieving electoral victories across the region: by 2009, 11 of the 17 countries had a leftist president—the so-called Pink Tide. Using a difference-in-differences design, a range of econometric models, inequality measurements, and samples, this study finds evidence that leftist governments lowered income inequality faster than non-leftist regimes, increasing the income share captured by the first 7 deciles at the expense of the top 10 percent. The analysis suggests that this reduction was achieved by increasing social pensions, minimum wages, and tax revenue.
{"title":"The Pink Tide and Income Inequality in Latin America","authors":"Germán Feierherd, Patricio Larroulet, Wei Long, N. Lustig","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.47","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.47","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Latin American countries experienced a significant reduction in income inequality at the turn of the twenty-first century. From the early 2000s to around 2012, the average Gini coefficient fell from 0.51 to 0.47. The period of falling inequality coincided with leftist presidential candidates achieving electoral victories across the region: by 2009, 11 of the 17 countries had a leftist president—the so-called Pink Tide. Using a difference-in-differences design, a range of econometric models, inequality measurements, and samples, this study finds evidence that leftist governments lowered income inequality faster than non-leftist regimes, increasing the income share captured by the first 7 deciles at the expense of the top 10 percent. The analysis suggests that this reduction was achieved by increasing social pensions, minimum wages, and tax revenue.","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"65 1","pages":"110 - 144"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-04-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42529181","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The government of Colombia, led by President Álvaro Uribe, imposed a high tax on the country’s wealthy citizens during his first term in office (2002–10), justified by public safety concerns. At the time, the country was internationally seen as a “failed state,” and violence caused by criminal groups and irregular forces seemed impossible to stop. The tax served to fund the military’s professionalization and expansion. Despite the high cost, the tax was successful, and the wealthy continued to pay it for several years. Other Latin American countries attempted, with varying degrees of success, to address their own security issues through similar taxes. In this book, Gustavo Flores-Macías describes a theory in which “demand and supply factors” (2) explain why economic elites in Latin America pay for public goods, even though they have a history of avoiding investing in the state, especially through taxes. Flores-Macías argues that in a world where Latin America is the most dangerous region, organized crime affects not only the daily lives of poor residents but also the activities of companies and wealthy families. When facing a security threat, the economic elite demands state protection. On the supply side, the government provides policy solutions, some of which involve business groups. The linkages between business and government authorities, such as “consultation forums, collaboration mechanisms, and the inclusion of corporate leaders or their representatives into government positions” (49), determine whether the elite tax can be successfully enacted. These relationships are especially strong in right-wing governments, such as in Colombia, Honduras, and several Mexican subnational states, where elites have shown willingness to pay a higher tax. The book connects well the historical literature on state formation to the current discussion on elite taxes. Its main contribution is that contemporary risks to public safety mimic prior systemic crises, which, according to the state formation literature, offer incentives for elites to invest in public safety. Homicide rates in Latin America are currently driving governments and elites to seek remedies that include higher budgetary revenues. This implied longitudinal comparison suggests that the government can hardly force elites to pay security taxes, as would be expected, for example, under a leftist administration. Business actors are still powerful. So, in this context of “strong society, weak state,” the elite’s willingness to invest in public safety is an essential condition. While this argument is compelling and relies on the vibrant literature of state building, there are parts that could benefit from further clarification. State
{"title":"Gustavo Flores-Macías, Contemporary State Building: Elite Taxation and Public Safety in Latin America. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2022. Figures, tables, bibliography, index, 260 pp.; hardcover $99.99, ebook $99.99.","authors":"Luis Garcia","doi":"10.1017/lap.2023.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2023.6","url":null,"abstract":"The government of Colombia, led by President Álvaro Uribe, imposed a high tax on the country’s wealthy citizens during his first term in office (2002–10), justified by public safety concerns. At the time, the country was internationally seen as a “failed state,” and violence caused by criminal groups and irregular forces seemed impossible to stop. The tax served to fund the military’s professionalization and expansion. Despite the high cost, the tax was successful, and the wealthy continued to pay it for several years. Other Latin American countries attempted, with varying degrees of success, to address their own security issues through similar taxes. In this book, Gustavo Flores-Macías describes a theory in which “demand and supply factors” (2) explain why economic elites in Latin America pay for public goods, even though they have a history of avoiding investing in the state, especially through taxes. Flores-Macías argues that in a world where Latin America is the most dangerous region, organized crime affects not only the daily lives of poor residents but also the activities of companies and wealthy families. When facing a security threat, the economic elite demands state protection. On the supply side, the government provides policy solutions, some of which involve business groups. The linkages between business and government authorities, such as “consultation forums, collaboration mechanisms, and the inclusion of corporate leaders or their representatives into government positions” (49), determine whether the elite tax can be successfully enacted. These relationships are especially strong in right-wing governments, such as in Colombia, Honduras, and several Mexican subnational states, where elites have shown willingness to pay a higher tax. The book connects well the historical literature on state formation to the current discussion on elite taxes. Its main contribution is that contemporary risks to public safety mimic prior systemic crises, which, according to the state formation literature, offer incentives for elites to invest in public safety. Homicide rates in Latin America are currently driving governments and elites to seek remedies that include higher budgetary revenues. This implied longitudinal comparison suggests that the government can hardly force elites to pay security taxes, as would be expected, for example, under a leftist administration. Business actors are still powerful. So, in this context of “strong society, weak state,” the elite’s willingness to invest in public safety is an essential condition. While this argument is compelling and relies on the vibrant literature of state building, there are parts that could benefit from further clarification. State","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"65 1","pages":"180 - 183"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43438375","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Carlos A. Pérez Ricart, Cien años de espías y drogas. La historia de los agentes antinarcóticos de Estados Unidos en México. Mexico City: Penguin Random House, 2022. Bibliography, 375 pp.; paperback MX$349, ebook MX$249.","authors":"Sonja Wolf","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.69","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.69","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"65 1","pages":"162 - 165"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48502451","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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