ABSTRACT Are Latin American presidents at greater risk for removal in remittance-dependent countries? Departing from the debate about whether remittances produce democratic or autocratic outcomes, this article asks whether remittances contribute to presidential removals, which are an important characteristic of Latin American democracies since the Third Wave. It uses questions about supporting a military coup under high corruption and crime scenarios to gauge remittance recipients’ support for early removal of a president. It finds that remittances create a constituency that tolerates military coups. Using data from Martínez (2021), the analysis also shows that remittances increase the risk of removal for presidents who face a greater number of scandals; but remittances do not pose this threat under poor economic performance.
{"title":"Do Remittances Contribute to Presidential Instability in Latin America?","authors":"J. Acevedo","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.68","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.68","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Are Latin American presidents at greater risk for removal in remittance-dependent countries? Departing from the debate about whether remittances produce democratic or autocratic outcomes, this article asks whether remittances contribute to presidential removals, which are an important characteristic of Latin American democracies since the Third Wave. It uses questions about supporting a military coup under high corruption and crime scenarios to gauge remittance recipients’ support for early removal of a president. It finds that remittances create a constituency that tolerates military coups. Using data from Martínez (2021), the analysis also shows that remittances increase the risk of removal for presidents who face a greater number of scandals; but remittances do not pose this threat under poor economic performance.","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"65 1","pages":"72 - 94"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47655877","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT Because conditional cash transfer programs (CCTs) can address the deep roots of violence, many scholars and policymakers have assumed them to be an effective and innocuous tool to take on the issue. I argue that while CCTs may have positive economic effects, they can also trigger social discord, criminal predation, and political conflict and, in doing so, increase violence. To test this claim, I take advantage of the exogenous shock caused by the randomized expansion of Mexico’s flagship CCT, PROGRESA/Oportunidades. I find that the experimental introduction of the program increased rather than decreased violence. Then, I analyze all the data compiled by LAPOP on the issue over the years. I find that, other things constant, Latin Americans are more exposed to violence and insecurity when they participate in CCTs than when they do not. These findings urge us to reconsider the effects of social programs on violence.
{"title":"The Unintended Consequences of Conditional Cash Transfer Programs for Violence: Experimental and Survey Evidence from Mexico and the Americas","authors":"Daniel Zizumbo-Colunga","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.67","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.67","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Because conditional cash transfer programs (CCTs) can address the deep roots of violence, many scholars and policymakers have assumed them to be an effective and innocuous tool to take on the issue. I argue that while CCTs may have positive economic effects, they can also trigger social discord, criminal predation, and political conflict and, in doing so, increase violence. To test this claim, I take advantage of the exogenous shock caused by the randomized expansion of Mexico’s flagship CCT, PROGRESA/Oportunidades. I find that the experimental introduction of the program increased rather than decreased violence. Then, I analyze all the data compiled by LAPOP on the issue over the years. I find that, other things constant, Latin Americans are more exposed to violence and insecurity when they participate in CCTs than when they do not. These findings urge us to reconsider the effects of social programs on violence.","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"1 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50167383","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT This article describes the process of legal contention between civil society, political parties, and state institutions for the baldíos lands in the Colombian Altillanura region in the last two decades, a region considered the country’s “last agricultural frontier.” The article focuses on the dual and sometimes contradictory roles of the state institutions, both as facilitators of baldíos grabbing and as guarantors of the peasants’ legal land rights. It analyzes the different attempts by the Colombian government to remove the legal limitations to land accumulation and the resistance put up by civil society and the political parties, which resorted to the existing legal mechanisms to deactivate those attempts. The results reveal the two-sided role of the state: while the government introduces legal changes to facilitate baldíos grabbing, state bodies are actively denouncing and sanctioning illegalities or ruling in favor of peasants deprived of their lands.
{"title":"The Legal Contention for Baldíos Land in the Colombian Altillanura","authors":"Carolina Hurtado-Hurtado, Dionisio Ortiz-Miranda, Eladio Arnalte-Alegre","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.38","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.38","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article describes the process of legal contention between civil society, political parties, and state institutions for the baldíos lands in the Colombian Altillanura region in the last two decades, a region considered the country’s “last agricultural frontier.” The article focuses on the dual and sometimes contradictory roles of the state institutions, both as facilitators of baldíos grabbing and as guarantors of the peasants’ legal land rights. It analyzes the different attempts by the Colombian government to remove the legal limitations to land accumulation and the resistance put up by civil society and the political parties, which resorted to the existing legal mechanisms to deactivate those attempts. The results reveal the two-sided role of the state: while the government introduces legal changes to facilitate baldíos grabbing, state bodies are actively denouncing and sanctioning illegalities or ruling in favor of peasants deprived of their lands.","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"65 1","pages":"55 - 82"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44280119","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT How does the execution of horizontal accountability mechanisms affect cabinet members’ instability? This article analyzes distinct features of no-confidence motions (NCMs) in presidential systems, using a mixed-method research design that identifies elements of legislative control mechanisms in Peruvian and Colombian polities. Although the congress in presidential systems rarely approves NCMs, high salience policy shocks trigger their proposal, resulting in the dismissal or resignation of the cabinet member in question. Those results are subtle opportunities for opposition legislators to indicate the incompetence of the incumbent government in particular policy areas. This study contributes to understanding how contextual factors affect the effectiveness of the check and balance principle in presidential systems.
{"title":"Too Legit to Quit? Analyzing the Effect of No-Confidence Motions on Cabinet Members’ Instability in Presidential Systems: The Cases of Colombia and Peru","authors":"Jhon Kelly Bonilla-Aranzales","doi":"10.1017/lap.2023.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2023.1","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT How does the execution of horizontal accountability mechanisms affect cabinet members’ instability? This article analyzes distinct features of no-confidence motions (NCMs) in presidential systems, using a mixed-method research design that identifies elements of legislative control mechanisms in Peruvian and Colombian polities. Although the congress in presidential systems rarely approves NCMs, high salience policy shocks trigger their proposal, resulting in the dismissal or resignation of the cabinet member in question. Those results are subtle opportunities for opposition legislators to indicate the incompetence of the incumbent government in particular policy areas. This study contributes to understanding how contextual factors affect the effectiveness of the check and balance principle in presidential systems.","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"65 1","pages":"95 - 127"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44755823","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT Earlier empirical research on party list proportional representation systems shows that women spend less on campaigns than men, particularly when quotas are applied. An analysis of the candidate campaign expenses for the 2014 and 2018 Colombian Lower Chamber elections provides a novel test of this gender gap and its underlying causes. The research design leverages Colombia’s unique context of electoral institutions, with interdistrict variation in terms of quota rules, and the availability of detailed information on campaign spending and funding. The regression models show that the gender gap in campaign spending is limited to districts with quota rules and disappears among incumbents and candidates listed first on the ballot. As for funding, women candidates are most disadvantaged with regard to personal funds and corporate donations but attract as many individual donations as men do.
{"title":"Legislative Quotas and the Gender Gap in Campaign Finance: The Case of the 2014 and 2018 Legislative Elections in Colombia","authors":"Bart Maddens, Gertjan Muyters, Gert-Jan Put","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.39","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.39","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Earlier empirical research on party list proportional representation systems shows that women spend less on campaigns than men, particularly when quotas are applied. An analysis of the candidate campaign expenses for the 2014 and 2018 Colombian Lower Chamber elections provides a novel test of this gender gap and its underlying causes. The research design leverages Colombia’s unique context of electoral institutions, with interdistrict variation in terms of quota rules, and the availability of detailed information on campaign spending and funding. The regression models show that the gender gap in campaign spending is limited to districts with quota rules and disappears among incumbents and candidates listed first on the ballot. As for funding, women candidates are most disadvantaged with regard to personal funds and corporate donations but attract as many individual donations as men do.","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"65 1","pages":"83 - 109"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43997180","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"LAP volume 65 issue 1 Cover and Back matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.56","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.56","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"65 1","pages":"b1 - b3"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43367940","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT Racism in social media is ubiquitous, persisting online in ways unique to the internet while also reverberating from the world offline. When will racist frames activate in social media networks? This article argues that social media users engage with racist content when they perceive a threat to the in-group status, selecting frames that serve as markers to separate the in-group identity from the out-group identity. Racialized frames serve as these markers, and the perceived threats to the in-group status make racist content cognitively congruent. Evidence of this behavior is provided by examining Twitter activity during the indígena protests in Ecuador in October 2019. A novel, multistep machine-learning process detects racist tweets, and an interrupted time series analysis shows how events that can be perceived as threats to the in-group activate racist content in some social media communities.
{"title":"Rage in the Machine: Activation of Racist Content in Social Media","authors":"Sebastián Vallejo Vera","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.25","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.25","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Racism in social media is ubiquitous, persisting online in ways unique to the internet while also reverberating from the world offline. When will racist frames activate in social media networks? This article argues that social media users engage with racist content when they perceive a threat to the in-group status, selecting frames that serve as markers to separate the in-group identity from the out-group identity. Racialized frames serve as these markers, and the perceived threats to the in-group status make racist content cognitively congruent. Evidence of this behavior is provided by examining Twitter activity during the indígena protests in Ecuador in October 2019. A novel, multistep machine-learning process detects racist tweets, and an interrupted time series analysis shows how events that can be perceived as threats to the in-group activate racist content in some social media communities.","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"65 1","pages":"74 - 100"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46012795","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT States targeted by human rights criticism usually do something—whether ratifying treaties, passing laws, establishing institutions, prosecuting perpetrators, or shifting discourse. But how do we know how coordinated, comprehensive, and effective these actions are? This article proposes five questions to assess how willing a state is to take the steps necessary to meaningfully respond to human rights crises. It applies this approach to two human rights crises in Mexico: femicides and violence against women, and disappearances. This approach effectively differentiates state responses that initially appear similar, demonstrating that the Mexican government has been more willing to address violence against women and femicides than disappearances. An explanation for this difference in outcomes points to a combination of factors related to the underlying preferences of the government involved, the characteristics of victims, and the specific human right being violated.
{"title":"Willingness: Human Rights Crises and State Response in Mexico","authors":"Alejandro Anaya-Muñoz, Janice K. Gallagher","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.48","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.48","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT States targeted by human rights criticism usually do something—whether ratifying treaties, passing laws, establishing institutions, prosecuting perpetrators, or shifting discourse. But how do we know how coordinated, comprehensive, and effective these actions are? This article proposes five questions to assess how willing a state is to take the steps necessary to meaningfully respond to human rights crises. It applies this approach to two human rights crises in Mexico: femicides and violence against women, and disappearances. This approach effectively differentiates state responses that initially appear similar, demonstrating that the Mexican government has been more willing to address violence against women and femicides than disappearances. An explanation for this difference in outcomes points to a combination of factors related to the underlying preferences of the government involved, the characteristics of victims, and the specific human right being violated.","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"65 1","pages":"101 - 125"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49381494","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Caitlin Andrews-Lee, The Emergence and Revival of Charismatic Movements: Argentine Peronism and Venezuelan Chavismo. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021. Tables, figures, bibliography, index, 251 pp; hardcover $99.99, ebook. - Julio F. Carrión, A Dynamic Theory of Populism in Power: The Andes in Comparative Perspective. New York: Oxford University Press, 2022. Figures, acronyms, bibliography, index, 296 pp; hardcover 80. - Volume 65 Issue 1
{"title":"Caitlin Andrews-Lee, The Emergence and Revival of Charismatic Movements: Argentine Peronism and Venezuelan Chavismo. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021. Tables, figures, bibliography, index, 251 pp; hardcover $99.99, ebook. - Julio F. Carrión, A Dynamic Theory of Populism in Power: The Andes in Comparative Perspective. New York: Oxford University Press, 2022. Figures, acronyms, bibliography, index, 296 pp; hardcover $74, ebook $80.","authors":"Armando Chaguaceda","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.52","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.52","url":null,"abstract":"Caitlin Andrews-Lee, The Emergence and Revival of Charismatic Movements: Argentine Peronism and Venezuelan Chavismo. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021. Tables, figures, bibliography, index, 251 pp; hardcover $99.99, ebook. - Julio F. Carrión, A Dynamic Theory of Populism in Power: The Andes in Comparative Perspective. New York: Oxford University Press, 2022. Figures, acronyms, bibliography, index, 296 pp; hardcover 80. - Volume 65 Issue 1","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"63 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134977939","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Marcelo Bergman and Gustavo Fondevila, Prisons and Crime in Latin America. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2021. Figures, tables, appendix, notes, bibliography, index, 261 pp.; hardcover $99.99, paperback $34.99, ebook $28. James H. Creechan, Drug Wars and Covert Netherworlds: The Transformations of Mexico’s Narco Cartels. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2021. Figures, abbreviations, notes, bibliography, index, 392 pp; hardcover $100, paperback $35, ebook $35. YanildaMaría González, Authoritarian Police in Democracy: Contested Security in Latin America. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2020. Figures, tables, notes, bibliography, index, 250 pp.; paperback $34.99, hardcover $99.99, ebook $28. EduardoMoncada, Resisting Extortion: Victims, Criminals, and States in Latin America. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2022. Maps, figures, tables, abbreviations, appendix, notes, bibliography, index, 300 pp; paperback $34.99, hardcover $99.99, ebook $28.00. Guillermo Trejo and Sandra Ley, Votes, Drugs, and Violence: The Political Logic of Criminal Wars in Mexico. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2020. Maps, figures, tables, acronyms, appendix, notes, bibliography, index, 422 pp; paperback $34.99, hardcover $105.00, ebook $28.00.
马塞洛·伯格曼和古斯塔沃·方德维拉，《拉丁美洲的监狱与犯罪》。纽约:剑桥大学出版社，2021。图、表、附录、注释、参考书目、索引，261页;精装本99.99美元，平装本34.99美元，电子书28美元。James H. Creechan著，《毒品战争和隐秘的阴间世界:墨西哥毒品卡特尔的转变》。图森:亚利桑那大学出版社，2021年。图表，缩写，注释，参考书目，索引，392页;精装本100美元，平装本35美元，电子书35美元。YanildaMaría González，民主中的威权警察:拉丁美洲有争议的安全。纽约:剑桥大学出版社，2020。图表、表格、注释、参考书目、索引，250页;平装本34.99美元，精装本99.99美元，电子书28美元。抵抗勒索:受害者、罪犯和拉丁美洲国家。纽约:剑桥大学出版社，2022。地图、图表、表格、缩写、附录、注释、参考书目、索引，300页;平装本34.99美元，精装本99.99美元，电子书28.00美元。吉列尔莫·特雷霍和桑德拉·雷，《选票、毒品和暴力:墨西哥犯罪战争的政治逻辑》。纽约:剑桥大学出版社，2020。地图、图表、表格、缩略语、附录、注释、参考书目、索引，422页;平装本34.99美元，精装本105.00美元，电子书28.00美元。
{"title":"New Avenues in the Study of Crime, Violence, and State in Latin America","authors":"Mart Trasberg","doi":"10.1017/lap.2022.61","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/lap.2022.61","url":null,"abstract":"Marcelo Bergman and Gustavo Fondevila, Prisons and Crime in Latin America. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2021. Figures, tables, appendix, notes, bibliography, index, 261 pp.; hardcover $99.99, paperback $34.99, ebook $28. James H. Creechan, Drug Wars and Covert Netherworlds: The Transformations of Mexico’s Narco Cartels. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2021. Figures, abbreviations, notes, bibliography, index, 392 pp; hardcover $100, paperback $35, ebook $35. YanildaMaría González, Authoritarian Police in Democracy: Contested Security in Latin America. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2020. Figures, tables, notes, bibliography, index, 250 pp.; paperback $34.99, hardcover $99.99, ebook $28. EduardoMoncada, Resisting Extortion: Victims, Criminals, and States in Latin America. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2022. Maps, figures, tables, abbreviations, appendix, notes, bibliography, index, 300 pp; paperback $34.99, hardcover $99.99, ebook $28.00. Guillermo Trejo and Sandra Ley, Votes, Drugs, and Violence: The Political Logic of Criminal Wars in Mexico. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2020. Maps, figures, tables, acronyms, appendix, notes, bibliography, index, 422 pp; paperback $34.99, hardcover $105.00, ebook $28.00.","PeriodicalId":46899,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Politics and Society","volume":"65 1","pages":"151 - 160"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48628065","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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