I am grateful for the opportunity to offer a response to the articles in the Polity symposium “White Identity Reconsidered” individually and as a group.My own research on the politics of white identity has centered on measurement and conceptualization, two challenges that come in the early stages of taking on an understudied topic in public opinion like white identity politics. The conversation about those challenges continues with the studies included in this symposium. Among the contributions to the literature presented here is a consideration of how difficult it is to capture what it is about white identity that renders it politically potent (or not). Several possibilities are found within these papers, and together, they illustrate the rich range of tools we have at our disposal. Further, they force us to grapple with the question of which concept(s) and measure(s) we might want to include and when. They also make clear that we are not yet at a point where the answer to that question is by any means obvious. It has been noted many times now that political science as a discipline was slow to contemplate white identity. The studies in this symposium illustrate the exciting pace at which we are making up for lost time. As a result, there is a wide range of measures out there now to get at different aspects of white identity and related forms of ingroup attachment. Collectively, we are in the process of figuring out what each one means, when we should use different ones, what causes their aggregate levels in the population to rise and fall, and how they work—either together
{"title":"Response to Polity Symposium: White Identity Reconsidered","authors":"Deborah J. Schildkraut","doi":"10.1086/722809","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/722809","url":null,"abstract":"I am grateful for the opportunity to offer a response to the articles in the Polity symposium “White Identity Reconsidered” individually and as a group.My own research on the politics of white identity has centered on measurement and conceptualization, two challenges that come in the early stages of taking on an understudied topic in public opinion like white identity politics. The conversation about those challenges continues with the studies included in this symposium. Among the contributions to the literature presented here is a consideration of how difficult it is to capture what it is about white identity that renders it politically potent (or not). Several possibilities are found within these papers, and together, they illustrate the rich range of tools we have at our disposal. Further, they force us to grapple with the question of which concept(s) and measure(s) we might want to include and when. They also make clear that we are not yet at a point where the answer to that question is by any means obvious. It has been noted many times now that political science as a discipline was slow to contemplate white identity. The studies in this symposium illustrate the exciting pace at which we are making up for lost time. As a result, there is a wide range of measures out there now to get at different aspects of white identity and related forms of ingroup attachment. Collectively, we are in the process of figuring out what each one means, when we should use different ones, what causes their aggregate levels in the population to rise and fall, and how they work—either together","PeriodicalId":46912,"journal":{"name":"Polity","volume":"55 1","pages":"223 - 230"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45201694","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Jefferson’s first draft of the Declaration of Independence condemned King George III for maintaining the international slave trade. The clause denounced the “execrable trade” for violating enslaved people’s “rights of life & liberty,” thus alienating slave-trading congressional delegates, who forced Jefferson to cut the clause. Generations of scholars have mourned this deletion. This essay offers an alternate reading of the clause. In drafting the clause, Jefferson reframed colonial legislatures’ slave importation bans—intended to control and promote the domestic slave trade—as a statement of antislavery principle. Specifically, Virginia’s colonial legislature had proposed protectionist tariffs to decrease the supply of enslaved people, lowering the likelihood of slave revolt while increasing the value of enslaved people remaining within the colony. Jefferson drafted several of these nonimportation resolutions, from which later he drew the Declaration’s clause, reframing the economic concern as a moral one. The resulting clause sandwiched a protectionist nonimportation argument, largely neglected by scholars, in the more famous language of antislavery moral appeal. By comparing the clause to other colonial nonimportation resolutions, the essay shows how this deleted section of the Declaration affirmed the interests of slaveholders.
{"title":"The Lost Clause: Reinterpreting the Declaration’s Silence on the Atlantic Slave Trade","authors":"Robinson Woodward-Burns","doi":"10.1086/722745","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/722745","url":null,"abstract":"Jefferson’s first draft of the Declaration of Independence condemned King George III for maintaining the international slave trade. The clause denounced the “execrable trade” for violating enslaved people’s “rights of life & liberty,” thus alienating slave-trading congressional delegates, who forced Jefferson to cut the clause. Generations of scholars have mourned this deletion. This essay offers an alternate reading of the clause. In drafting the clause, Jefferson reframed colonial legislatures’ slave importation bans—intended to control and promote the domestic slave trade—as a statement of antislavery principle. Specifically, Virginia’s colonial legislature had proposed protectionist tariffs to decrease the supply of enslaved people, lowering the likelihood of slave revolt while increasing the value of enslaved people remaining within the colony. Jefferson drafted several of these nonimportation resolutions, from which later he drew the Declaration’s clause, reframing the economic concern as a moral one. The resulting clause sandwiched a protectionist nonimportation argument, largely neglected by scholars, in the more famous language of antislavery moral appeal. By comparing the clause to other colonial nonimportation resolutions, the essay shows how this deleted section of the Declaration affirmed the interests of slaveholders.","PeriodicalId":46912,"journal":{"name":"Polity","volume":"55 1","pages":"59 - 80"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44245205","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article explores the ethical and strategic thought of Bong Joon-ho’s Okja, a film about a Korean adolescent and a genetically modified pig who save each other’s lives. In part one, I convene Bong Joon-ho and Frank Wilderson to explore how human supremacy and White supremacy work together. I argue that Okja connects super-pigs’ suffering to Black, Indigenous, Latino/a, and Asian suffering in the Americas, with the implication that non-White and non-human struggles for liberation are inseparable. That said, Bong insists that the Americas are not the entire world, in order to imagine liberatory responses which arise and arrive elsewhere. Hence, in part two, I resituate the transatlantic question of racial/species oppression in Okja within a transpacific analytic of global capitalism and US empire. I investigate how both humans and super-pigs, across both racial and species lines, can forward liberation projects within asymmetrical situations of conflict. My thesis is that Bong Joon-ho proposes that, in such situations, subversions among intimates are more valuable and useful than alliances among strangers.
{"title":"Bong Joon-ho’s Okja: Transatlantic Racism, Transpacific Capitalism, and Intimate Subversion","authors":"Fred Lee","doi":"10.1086/722726","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/722726","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the ethical and strategic thought of Bong Joon-ho’s Okja, a film about a Korean adolescent and a genetically modified pig who save each other’s lives. In part one, I convene Bong Joon-ho and Frank Wilderson to explore how human supremacy and White supremacy work together. I argue that Okja connects super-pigs’ suffering to Black, Indigenous, Latino/a, and Asian suffering in the Americas, with the implication that non-White and non-human struggles for liberation are inseparable. That said, Bong insists that the Americas are not the entire world, in order to imagine liberatory responses which arise and arrive elsewhere. Hence, in part two, I resituate the transatlantic question of racial/species oppression in Okja within a transpacific analytic of global capitalism and US empire. I investigate how both humans and super-pigs, across both racial and species lines, can forward liberation projects within asymmetrical situations of conflict. My thesis is that Bong Joon-ho proposes that, in such situations, subversions among intimates are more valuable and useful than alliances among strangers.","PeriodicalId":46912,"journal":{"name":"Polity","volume":"55 1","pages":"34 - 58"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46998779","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Recent scholarship across a range of disciplines has illuminated how the rhetoric of an “obesity epidemic” in public health converges with everyday fat-shaming rhetoric to mark particular bodies as indicative of moral failing, intellectual debility, and civic unfitness. Sabrina Strings, Rachel Sanders, Amy Farrell, and others have shown that this stigmatization also reinforces racialized, gendered, and neoliberal conceptions of responsible citizenship. Yet critical analysis of these discursive effects rarely highlights their relationship to democratic theory and practice. Accordingly, this paper examines how anti-obesity and fat-shaming discourse casts doubt on the worthiness and capacity of fat subjects, especially women of color, to participate as full members of the demos whose needs, desires, and concerns merit democratic consideration. Crucially, the mechanisms of marginalization through fat-shaming function across a range of approaches to democratic theory, including liberal, republican, and deliberative approaches. Furthermore, the exclusion of fat subjects from the demos contributes to an impoverished and perverse image of democracy itself as a politics of austerity, self-denial, and separation from others.
{"title":"Weight Stigma, Citizenship, and Neoliberal Democracy","authors":"Sharon A. Stanley, Kathryn Hicks","doi":"10.1086/722744","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/722744","url":null,"abstract":"Recent scholarship across a range of disciplines has illuminated how the rhetoric of an “obesity epidemic” in public health converges with everyday fat-shaming rhetoric to mark particular bodies as indicative of moral failing, intellectual debility, and civic unfitness. Sabrina Strings, Rachel Sanders, Amy Farrell, and others have shown that this stigmatization also reinforces racialized, gendered, and neoliberal conceptions of responsible citizenship. Yet critical analysis of these discursive effects rarely highlights their relationship to democratic theory and practice. Accordingly, this paper examines how anti-obesity and fat-shaming discourse casts doubt on the worthiness and capacity of fat subjects, especially women of color, to participate as full members of the demos whose needs, desires, and concerns merit democratic consideration. Crucially, the mechanisms of marginalization through fat-shaming function across a range of approaches to democratic theory, including liberal, republican, and deliberative approaches. Furthermore, the exclusion of fat subjects from the demos contributes to an impoverished and perverse image of democracy itself as a politics of austerity, self-denial, and separation from others.","PeriodicalId":46912,"journal":{"name":"Polity","volume":"55 1","pages":"81 - 105"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47799174","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the interim between the writings that would eventually anchor his legacy, Frantz Fanon spent most of his career as a radical psychiatrist in a small town in colonial Algeria. In his recently anthologized clinical writings, Fanon uses the tools of socialthérapie to confront the simultaneous impossibility of healthy reconciliation to colonial sociality and the necessity of sociality as a basic therapeutic condition with reference to which desire can be cultivated. This article argues for the political theoretical importance of Fanon’s clinical writings, which respond to this impasse and its symptoms, including exhaustion and refusal, with experiments in world-making within the bounds of his clinic, while making critically visible the eventual collapse of this possibility and the turn of his therapeutic imagination outwards. Reframing Fanon’s late work on African Solidarity, the problem of war, and the internationalist critique of neocolonial false peace from this perspective, the article closes by drawing together two otherwise opposed contemporary interpretive legacies that have broader resonance for antiracist and democratic thought today, those which affirm the persistence of world-making praxis in institutional terms, and those which draw from Fanon’s legacy a pessimism that radically disavows the possible success of such efforts.
{"title":"Fanon’s Clinic: Revolutionary Therapeutics and the Politics of Exhaustion","authors":"Nica Siegel","doi":"10.1086/722764","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/722764","url":null,"abstract":"In the interim between the writings that would eventually anchor his legacy, Frantz Fanon spent most of his career as a radical psychiatrist in a small town in colonial Algeria. In his recently anthologized clinical writings, Fanon uses the tools of socialthérapie to confront the simultaneous impossibility of healthy reconciliation to colonial sociality and the necessity of sociality as a basic therapeutic condition with reference to which desire can be cultivated. This article argues for the political theoretical importance of Fanon’s clinical writings, which respond to this impasse and its symptoms, including exhaustion and refusal, with experiments in world-making within the bounds of his clinic, while making critically visible the eventual collapse of this possibility and the turn of his therapeutic imagination outwards. Reframing Fanon’s late work on African Solidarity, the problem of war, and the internationalist critique of neocolonial false peace from this perspective, the article closes by drawing together two otherwise opposed contemporary interpretive legacies that have broader resonance for antiracist and democratic thought today, those which affirm the persistence of world-making praxis in institutional terms, and those which draw from Fanon’s legacy a pessimism that radically disavows the possible success of such efforts.","PeriodicalId":46912,"journal":{"name":"Polity","volume":"55 1","pages":"7 - 33"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45683560","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Michael Lewis-Beck holds the title F. Wendell Miller Distinguished Professor of Political Science at the University of Iowa. His interests are comparative elections, election forecasting, political economy, and quantitative methodology. Professor Lewis-Beck has authored or coauthored over 315 articles and books, including Economics and Elections, The American Voter Revisited, French Presidential Elections, Forecasting Elections, The Austrian Voter, Latin American Elections: Choice and Change, The Danish Voter, and Applied Regression. He has served as Editor of the American Journal of Political Science, Electoral Studies, and the Sage QASS series (the green monographs) in quantitative methods. He is past Associate Editor of International Journal of Forecasting and current Associate Editor of French Politics. In addition to his position at Iowa, he has held various positions abroad including, more recently, Visiting Professor, GESIS, University of Mannheim; Paul Lazersfeld University Professor at the University of Vienna; Visiting Professor at Center for Citizenship and Democracy, University of Leuven (KU Leuven), Belgium; Visiting Professor at LUISS University, Rome; Visiting Senior Scholar, Political Science, University of Aarhus, Denmark. He can be reached at michael-lewis-beck@uiowa.edu. Mary Stegmaier is Vice Provost for International Programs and Associate Professor in the Truman School of Government and Public Affairs at the University of Missouri. Her research interests include international elections, voting behavior, and forecasting. Her work has been published in numerous peer-reviewed journals including Electoral Studies, the International Journal of Forecasting, Political Behavior, and Political Science Research & Methods. She can be reached at stegmaierm@missouri.edu. Charles Tien is Professor of Political Science at Hunter College and the Graduate Center, CUNY. He was a Fulbright Scholar in American Politics at Renmin University in Beijing, China. His recent publications have appeared in Italian Journal of Electoral Studies, The Forum, and Electoral Studies. He can be reached at ctien@hunter.cuny.edu. 1. Michael S. Lewis-Beck, William G. Jacoby, Helmut Norpoth, and Herbert F. Weisberg, The American Voter Revisited (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2008).
Michael Lewis-Beck是爱荷华大学F. Wendell Miller杰出政治学教授。他的研究兴趣是比较选举、选举预测、政治经济学和定量方法论。刘易斯-贝克教授撰写或合作撰写了超过315篇文章和书籍，包括经济学和选举，美国选民重访，法国总统选举，预测选举，奥地利选民，拉丁美洲选举:选择和变化，丹麦选民和应用回归。他曾担任《美国政治学杂志》、《选举研究》和Sage QASS系列(绿色专著)定量方法的编辑。他曾任《国际预测杂志》副主编，现任《法国政治》副主编。除了在爱荷华州的职位外，他还在国外担任过各种职务，包括最近担任曼海姆大学(University of Mannheim) GESIS客座教授;维也纳大学Paul Lazersfeld大学教授;比利时鲁汶大学公民与民主研究中心客座教授;罗马LUISS大学客座教授;丹麦奥胡斯大学政治学高级访问学者。您可以通过michael-lewis-beck@uiowa.edu与他联系。玛丽·斯特格迈尔是密苏里大学杜鲁门政府与公共事务学院国际项目副教务长兼副教授。她的研究兴趣包括国际选举、投票行为和预测。她的作品发表在许多同行评议的期刊上，包括《选举研究》、《国际预测杂志》、《政治行为》和《政治学研究与方法》。可以通过stegmaierm@missouri.edu与她联系。Charles Tien是纽约市立大学亨特学院和研究生中心的政治学教授。他是中国人民大学美国政治富布赖特学者。他最近的出版物出现在《意大利选举研究杂志》、《论坛》和《选举研究》。您可以通过ctien@hunter.cuny.edu与他联系。1. Michael S. Lewis-Beck, William G. Jacoby, Helmut Norpoth和Herbert F. Weisberg，《重新审视的美国选民》(Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2008)。
{"title":"Ask a Political Scientist: A Conversation with Michael S. Lewis-Beck about Vote Choice, Election Forecasting, and the 2022 Midterms","authors":"Mary Stegmaier, C. Tien","doi":"10.1086/721674","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/721674","url":null,"abstract":"Michael Lewis-Beck holds the title F. Wendell Miller Distinguished Professor of Political Science at the University of Iowa. His interests are comparative elections, election forecasting, political economy, and quantitative methodology. Professor Lewis-Beck has authored or coauthored over 315 articles and books, including Economics and Elections, The American Voter Revisited, French Presidential Elections, Forecasting Elections, The Austrian Voter, Latin American Elections: Choice and Change, The Danish Voter, and Applied Regression. He has served as Editor of the American Journal of Political Science, Electoral Studies, and the Sage QASS series (the green monographs) in quantitative methods. He is past Associate Editor of International Journal of Forecasting and current Associate Editor of French Politics. In addition to his position at Iowa, he has held various positions abroad including, more recently, Visiting Professor, GESIS, University of Mannheim; Paul Lazersfeld University Professor at the University of Vienna; Visiting Professor at Center for Citizenship and Democracy, University of Leuven (KU Leuven), Belgium; Visiting Professor at LUISS University, Rome; Visiting Senior Scholar, Political Science, University of Aarhus, Denmark. He can be reached at michael-lewis-beck@uiowa.edu. Mary Stegmaier is Vice Provost for International Programs and Associate Professor in the Truman School of Government and Public Affairs at the University of Missouri. Her research interests include international elections, voting behavior, and forecasting. Her work has been published in numerous peer-reviewed journals including Electoral Studies, the International Journal of Forecasting, Political Behavior, and Political Science Research & Methods. She can be reached at stegmaierm@missouri.edu. Charles Tien is Professor of Political Science at Hunter College and the Graduate Center, CUNY. He was a Fulbright Scholar in American Politics at Renmin University in Beijing, China. His recent publications have appeared in Italian Journal of Electoral Studies, The Forum, and Electoral Studies. He can be reached at ctien@hunter.cuny.edu. 1. Michael S. Lewis-Beck, William G. Jacoby, Helmut Norpoth, and Herbert F. Weisberg, The American Voter Revisited (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2008).","PeriodicalId":46912,"journal":{"name":"Polity","volume":"54 1","pages":"898 - 909"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41795590","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In 1910 the United Nations adopted the International Convention for the Suppression of the White Slave Traffic, which laid out language that sought to reflect an internationally recognized line in the sand between sex work and trafficking for sexual exploitation. The line was necessary in order to address the abduction and coercion of women into the sex industry without rendering the industry itself as criminal, thus securing commitment from states that had legal and regulated sex sectors. The role of the trafficking agenda in defining the line between sex work and sexual exploitation—and consequently the roles of victimhood and empowerment within this space—has endured in the century since. In particular, the trafficking agenda has been adopted by those who take an abolitionist approach to sex work, in service of a narrative that depicts sex work as inherently abusive and non-consensual. This narrative underpins widespread assumptions that all sex workers are victims of trafficking and sexual exploitation. Focusing on sex work in the Mekong region of Southeast Asia, this paper explores how these assumptions—and the trafficking agenda’s influence on claims to victimhood—have shaped policy and practice as they affect sex workers. In particular, these assumptions often result in sex workers who experience violence,
1910年，联合国通过了《禁止贩卖白奴国际公约》(International Convention for the Suppression for the White Slave trafficking)，该公约的措辞试图反映出国际公认的性工作与以性剥削为目的的人口贩卖之间的界限。为了解决绑架和强迫妇女进入性行业的问题，而不使该行业本身成为犯罪，从而确保拥有合法和规范的性部门的国家的承诺，这条线是必要的。人口贩运议程在界定性工作和性剥削之间的界限方面所起的作用，以及因此在这一领域中受害者和赋权的作用，在此后的一个世纪中一直存在。特别是，那些对性工作采取废除态度的人采用了贩卖人口议程，为一种描述性工作本质上是虐待和未经同意的叙述服务。这种说法支持了一种普遍的假设，即所有性工作者都是人口贩卖和性剥削的受害者。本文以东南亚湄公河地区的性工作为重点，探讨了这些假设——以及人口贩运议程对受害者声称的影响——是如何影响到性工作者的政策和实践的。特别是，这些假设经常导致性工作者遭受暴力，
{"title":"Claiming Victimhood Within the Sex Industry—How the Trafficking Agenda Interacts with Sex Worker Rights","authors":"Jenna Holliday","doi":"10.1086/721558","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/721558","url":null,"abstract":"In 1910 the United Nations adopted the International Convention for the Suppression of the White Slave Traffic, which laid out language that sought to reflect an internationally recognized line in the sand between sex work and trafficking for sexual exploitation. The line was necessary in order to address the abduction and coercion of women into the sex industry without rendering the industry itself as criminal, thus securing commitment from states that had legal and regulated sex sectors. The role of the trafficking agenda in defining the line between sex work and sexual exploitation—and consequently the roles of victimhood and empowerment within this space—has endured in the century since. In particular, the trafficking agenda has been adopted by those who take an abolitionist approach to sex work, in service of a narrative that depicts sex work as inherently abusive and non-consensual. This narrative underpins widespread assumptions that all sex workers are victims of trafficking and sexual exploitation. Focusing on sex work in the Mekong region of Southeast Asia, this paper explores how these assumptions—and the trafficking agenda’s influence on claims to victimhood—have shaped policy and practice as they affect sex workers. In particular, these assumptions often result in sex workers who experience violence,","PeriodicalId":46912,"journal":{"name":"Polity","volume":"54 1","pages":"866 - 873"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41572166","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the United States, White people often accuse Black people of playing the “race card.” This phrase is used to chastise Black people for using their history of victimization as an excuse to avoid personal accountability.Within the connotation of this phrase are assumptions about Black victimization. One assumption is that Black identity, and in turn Black victimhood, is a social resource that Black people will use strategically for their own benefit. Second, this phrase carries an assumption that being a victim by way of one’s Black identity is a desirable, beneficial social status. These assumptions of victimhood as desirable and strategic underline many academic (namely social psychological) and political constructions of victimhood. However, articulations of victimhood in social and political psychology do not often consider the history of systemic racism; nor, histories of White violence against Black people. Black people in the United States have been victimized by White physical and structural violence since the early origins of the country. Although
{"title":"Psychological Perspectives on Perceptions of Black Victimhood in the United States","authors":"M. J. Perez, P. Salter","doi":"10.1086/721559","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/721559","url":null,"abstract":"In the United States, White people often accuse Black people of playing the “race card.” This phrase is used to chastise Black people for using their history of victimization as an excuse to avoid personal accountability.Within the connotation of this phrase are assumptions about Black victimization. One assumption is that Black identity, and in turn Black victimhood, is a social resource that Black people will use strategically for their own benefit. Second, this phrase carries an assumption that being a victim by way of one’s Black identity is a desirable, beneficial social status. These assumptions of victimhood as desirable and strategic underline many academic (namely social psychological) and political constructions of victimhood. However, articulations of victimhood in social and political psychology do not often consider the history of systemic racism; nor, histories of White violence against Black people. Black people in the United States have been victimized by White physical and structural violence since the early origins of the country. Although","PeriodicalId":46912,"journal":{"name":"Polity","volume":"54 1","pages":"858 - 865"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49219146","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
T his article explores the role of narrative in the construction of victimhood. It suggests that victimhood is a social construct, rather than a fi xed entity. The paper also investigates the gendered nature of victimhood. This endeavor includes a study of a terrorist bombing where the line between victims and terrorists has been highly politicized. Declassi fi ed documents, media reports, academic materi-als, and a fi lm are analyzed. Against this backdrop, the paper fi rst discusses the notion and the construction process of victimhood. Then it offers background information on the case of Hyunhee Kim, or Korean Air (KAL) fl ight 858. This is followed by an examination of the contestedness of Kim ’ s claims to victimhood surrounding the case. The article as a whole contributes to studies on narrative, victimhood, gender, and security.
{"title":"Contested Victimhood of a “Virgin Terrorist”","authors":"Sungju Park-Kang","doi":"10.1086/721560","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/721560","url":null,"abstract":"T his article explores the role of narrative in the construction of victimhood. It suggests that victimhood is a social construct, rather than a fi xed entity. The paper also investigates the gendered nature of victimhood. This endeavor includes a study of a terrorist bombing where the line between victims and terrorists has been highly politicized. Declassi fi ed documents, media reports, academic materi-als, and a fi lm are analyzed. Against this backdrop, the paper fi rst discusses the notion and the construction process of victimhood. Then it offers background information on the case of Hyunhee Kim, or Korean Air (KAL) fl ight 858. This is followed by an examination of the contestedness of Kim ’ s claims to victimhood surrounding the case. The article as a whole contributes to studies on narrative, victimhood, gender, and security.","PeriodicalId":46912,"journal":{"name":"Polity","volume":"54 1","pages":"890 - 897"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49640178","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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