Direct democracy in the United States exists alongside representative democracy as a forum in which citizens participate in the political decision-making process. Through their cooperation or obstruction, legislators can smooth or impede initiative implementation. Existing scholarship has explored legislative attitudes and behavior in limited contexts, concluding that legislators are hostile to direct democracy and seek to undermine its results. In this manuscript, I examine legislative attempts to amend or repeal ballot measures between 2010–2018 across all initiative states. The analysis focuses on the two issue areas most subject to legislative involvement: marijuana legalization and “governance” policies. I conclude that looser rules governing legislative behavior post-passage, narrower vote margins, and marijuana- and governance-related measures generate more frequent, and more extensive, legislative alteration attempts. The analysis advances the literature on legislative interference, providing insight into when, how, and under what conditions state government actors intervene in the initiative process.
{"title":"The Intersection of Direct Democracy and Representative Government: State Legislators’ Response to Ballot Measures","authors":"K. Ferraiolo","doi":"10.1086/724158","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/724158","url":null,"abstract":"Direct democracy in the United States exists alongside representative democracy as a forum in which citizens participate in the political decision-making process. Through their cooperation or obstruction, legislators can smooth or impede initiative implementation. Existing scholarship has explored legislative attitudes and behavior in limited contexts, concluding that legislators are hostile to direct democracy and seek to undermine its results. In this manuscript, I examine legislative attempts to amend or repeal ballot measures between 2010–2018 across all initiative states. The analysis focuses on the two issue areas most subject to legislative involvement: marijuana legalization and “governance” policies. I conclude that looser rules governing legislative behavior post-passage, narrower vote margins, and marijuana- and governance-related measures generate more frequent, and more extensive, legislative alteration attempts. The analysis advances the literature on legislative interference, providing insight into when, how, and under what conditions state government actors intervene in the initiative process.","PeriodicalId":46912,"journal":{"name":"Polity","volume":"55 1","pages":"248 - 274"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44533495","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper argues that in normalizing the language of the critique of law enforcement during voir dire in the 2021 trial of Derek Chauvin, three important changes occurred: the first was that Black jurors were less likely to be dismissed for opinions they have long voiced, but which had been seen as the basis for legitimate dismissal, the second was that it clarified what contextual impartiality should mean for the court given widespread scrutiny of the racial discrimination within and outside of the law. Lastly, the topics covered during voir dire served to highlight precisely the types of life experiences that may be valuable for the juror’s task of phronesis, Aristotle’s term for practical wisdom, necessary for deliberation and determining the verdict. The paper includes a close reading of the voir dire responses of several jurors in the Chauvin trial.
{"title":"How Woke Can a Juror Be? The Jury in the Chauvin Trial, Critiques of Law Enforcement, and a New Model of Impartiality","authors":"S. Chakravarti","doi":"10.1086/724160","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/724160","url":null,"abstract":"This paper argues that in normalizing the language of the critique of law enforcement during voir dire in the 2021 trial of Derek Chauvin, three important changes occurred: the first was that Black jurors were less likely to be dismissed for opinions they have long voiced, but which had been seen as the basis for legitimate dismissal, the second was that it clarified what contextual impartiality should mean for the court given widespread scrutiny of the racial discrimination within and outside of the law. Lastly, the topics covered during voir dire served to highlight precisely the types of life experiences that may be valuable for the juror’s task of phronesis, Aristotle’s term for practical wisdom, necessary for deliberation and determining the verdict. The paper includes a close reading of the voir dire responses of several jurors in the Chauvin trial.","PeriodicalId":46912,"journal":{"name":"Polity","volume":"55 1","pages":"332 - 355"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42294989","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This essay argues that delimiting the settler colonial analytic to colonial legacies in the “Anglo-world” risks disavowing its congruent relationship with other colonial ideologies such as those of the Spanish imperial world. In examining Alexis de Tocqueville’s comparisons of Anglo- and Spanish American colonization alongside Latin American writers like Lorenzo de Zavala and Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, it shows how they occupied a common discursive terrain in grappling with the prospects for democracy in the new world. For Tocqueville, the failure of Spanish American democracy compared to the United States stems from the different systems of land colonization at work in each context. Sarmiento and Zavala provide different accounts of American colonization that exhibit both intersections with and departures from Tocqueville. Bringing these writers together shows how settler colonial ideologies and imaginaries in the Americas circulated in a shared hemispheric space and reciprocally shaped one another in contingent ways.
本文认为，将定居者的殖民分析界定为“盎格鲁世界”中的殖民遗产，可能会否定其与西班牙帝国世界等其他殖民意识形态的一致关系。亚历克西斯·德·托克维尔（Alexis de Tocqueville）与洛伦佐·德·扎瓦拉（Lorenzo de Zavala）和多明戈·福斯蒂诺·萨米恩托（Domingo Faustino Sarmiento。对托克维尔来说，与美国相比，西班牙裔美国人民主的失败源于在每种情况下不同的土地殖民化制度。Sarmiento和Zavala提供了关于美国殖民的不同描述，展示了与托克维尔的交叉和背离。将这些作家聚集在一起表明，美洲的定居者殖民意识形态和想象是如何在一个共享的半球空间中传播的，并以偶然的方式相互塑造。
{"title":"Beyond the Anglo-World: Settler Colonialism and Democracy in the Americas","authors":"A. Dahl","doi":"10.1086/724166","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/724166","url":null,"abstract":"This essay argues that delimiting the settler colonial analytic to colonial legacies in the “Anglo-world” risks disavowing its congruent relationship with other colonial ideologies such as those of the Spanish imperial world. In examining Alexis de Tocqueville’s comparisons of Anglo- and Spanish American colonization alongside Latin American writers like Lorenzo de Zavala and Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, it shows how they occupied a common discursive terrain in grappling with the prospects for democracy in the new world. For Tocqueville, the failure of Spanish American democracy compared to the United States stems from the different systems of land colonization at work in each context. Sarmiento and Zavala provide different accounts of American colonization that exhibit both intersections with and departures from Tocqueville. Bringing these writers together shows how settler colonial ideologies and imaginaries in the Americas circulated in a shared hemispheric space and reciprocally shaped one another in contingent ways.","PeriodicalId":46912,"journal":{"name":"Polity","volume":"55 1","pages":"275 - 301"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49494686","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Matthew J. Uttermark, Kenneth R. Mackie, C. Weissert
Racial discrimination in school punishment is well documented but not well understood. We examine the politics of implicit bias as theorized by the Racial Classification Model using two types of school suspensions in a state with large numbers of both Black and Hispanic students. We find important differences in sanctioning patterns with Black and Hispanic enrollment as expected from differing stereotypes of those groups. There are also differences within Hispanic students in Florida—again highlighting the importance of group stereotypes. In addition, we find a spillover effect, where schools comprised of more Black (and to a lesser extent, Hispanic) students have higher suspension rates for not only Black students, but for White and Hispanic students as well.
{"title":"The Color of Discretion: Race and Ethnicity Biases in School Suspension","authors":"Matthew J. Uttermark, Kenneth R. Mackie, C. Weissert","doi":"10.1086/724165","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/724165","url":null,"abstract":"Racial discrimination in school punishment is well documented but not well understood. We examine the politics of implicit bias as theorized by the Racial Classification Model using two types of school suspensions in a state with large numbers of both Black and Hispanic students. We find important differences in sanctioning patterns with Black and Hispanic enrollment as expected from differing stereotypes of those groups. There are also differences within Hispanic students in Florida—again highlighting the importance of group stereotypes. In addition, we find a spillover effect, where schools comprised of more Black (and to a lesser extent, Hispanic) students have higher suspension rates for not only Black students, but for White and Hispanic students as well.","PeriodicalId":46912,"journal":{"name":"Polity","volume":"55 1","pages":"302 - 331"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49067978","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"On The Edge","authors":"Alyson Cole, Robyn Marasco, C. Tien","doi":"10.1086/722837","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/722837","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46912,"journal":{"name":"Polity","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44323828","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Ask a Political Scientist: A Conversation with Catharine A. MacKinnon about Power, Politics, and Political Science","authors":"Robyn Marasco, Alyson Cole","doi":"10.1086/722808","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/722808","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46912,"journal":{"name":"Polity","volume":"55 1","pages":"231 - 239"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49657361","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Alexandra Filindra, Beyza E. Buyuker, Noah J. Kaplan
Since the 1960s, political elites have used implicit and overt claims that the government discriminates against whites to mobilize white voters. As a result, many white Americans perceive government policies that address racial inequalities as a form of anti-white bias and politicians who criticize racial inequities as hostile to white interests. We hypothesize that white Americans who believe their group faces discrimination are more likely to mistrust the federal government. We test our hypothesis using three American National Election Study (ANES) cross-sectional studies (2012–2020), the 2016–2020 ANES panel, and a survey experiment. Our results show a negative and significant relationship between perceived ingroup discrimination and trust in government in 2012 and 2016 but not in 2020. A lagged dependent variable (LDV) analysis shows that the negative effect of ingroup discrimination remains significant even after an LDV is included in the model, but the reverse is not the case. Finally, a framing experiment suggests that those high on ingroup discrimination beliefs are more likely to think that politicians have an anti-white agenda, while those low on such beliefs are more likely to think that politicians have an anti-Black agenda.
{"title":"Do Perceptions of Ingroup Discrimination Fuel White Mistrust in Government? Insights from the 2012–2020 ANES and a Framing Experiment","authors":"Alexandra Filindra, Beyza E. Buyuker, Noah J. Kaplan","doi":"10.1086/722763","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/722763","url":null,"abstract":"Since the 1960s, political elites have used implicit and overt claims that the government discriminates against whites to mobilize white voters. As a result, many white Americans perceive government policies that address racial inequalities as a form of anti-white bias and politicians who criticize racial inequities as hostile to white interests. We hypothesize that white Americans who believe their group faces discrimination are more likely to mistrust the federal government. We test our hypothesis using three American National Election Study (ANES) cross-sectional studies (2012–2020), the 2016–2020 ANES panel, and a survey experiment. Our results show a negative and significant relationship between perceived ingroup discrimination and trust in government in 2012 and 2016 but not in 2020. A lagged dependent variable (LDV) analysis shows that the negative effect of ingroup discrimination remains significant even after an LDV is included in the model, but the reverse is not the case. Finally, a framing experiment suggests that those high on ingroup discrimination beliefs are more likely to think that politicians have an anti-white agenda, while those low on such beliefs are more likely to think that politicians have an anti-Black agenda.","PeriodicalId":46912,"journal":{"name":"Polity","volume":"55 1","pages":"137 - 167"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41975129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Racial sympathy, defined as white distress over Black suffering, is an influential, but understudied, force in American politics. This paper considers the behavioral consequences of racial sympathy. How does racial sympathy manifest into political behavior? To answer this question, I conduct a series of in-depth interviews with racial justice activists; these white Americans are unusually, deeply, and genuinely invested in eradicating Black suffering. Many also recognize the role that institutions and politics play in perpetuating racial inequality. However, many activists propose individual-level solutions, such as tolerance classes, eliminating prejudice at home, and empathizing with individual Black people, eschewing the importance of electoral politics. I complement the qualitative interviews with results from a national study of white Americans. Ultimately, I argue that white Americans’ emphasis on personal activities may limit the political impact of racial sympathy.
{"title":"Think Structurally, Act Individually?: Racial Sympathy and Political Behavior","authors":"Jennifer Chudy","doi":"10.1086/722820","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/722820","url":null,"abstract":"Racial sympathy, defined as white distress over Black suffering, is an influential, but understudied, force in American politics. This paper considers the behavioral consequences of racial sympathy. How does racial sympathy manifest into political behavior? To answer this question, I conduct a series of in-depth interviews with racial justice activists; these white Americans are unusually, deeply, and genuinely invested in eradicating Black suffering. Many also recognize the role that institutions and politics play in perpetuating racial inequality. However, many activists propose individual-level solutions, such as tolerance classes, eliminating prejudice at home, and empathizing with individual Black people, eschewing the importance of electoral politics. I complement the qualitative interviews with results from a national study of white Americans. Ultimately, I argue that white Americans’ emphasis on personal activities may limit the political impact of racial sympathy.","PeriodicalId":46912,"journal":{"name":"Polity","volume":"55 1","pages":"168 - 194"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45243641","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
After the 2016 presidential election, a dominant media narrative emerged which claimed that Donald Trump’s 2016 electoral victory was due to an upsurge in support by working class White voters, largely due to economic anxiety experienced since the 2008 recession. But as survey data from the 2016 election became available, a different story began to emerge. The consensus among social scientists became that racial attitudes were the most important predictors of support for Trump among many White voters in 2016, including those with less than a college education (whose incomes it should be noted may or may not put them in the working class). The literature remains dominated by studies that focus on White hostility toward racial outgroups, but a number of studies have emphasized the importance of Whites’ ingroup attitudes. Trump lost reelection in 2020, but remains popular and most experts anticipate that he will run again in 2024. We therefore need to consider the still-unresolved question of if and how White ingroup identity is relevant to understanding Trump’s electoral success. Yet there are few studies that have actually examined the effects of the full range of ingroup and outgroup attitudes simultaneously. In this paper, we re-evaluate the relative importance of the effect of White Racial Identity (WRI) on vote choice in recent presidential elections. We find that, like indicators of outgroup attitudes, the level of WRI has remained stable over the last several elections and in recent years has actually decreased. We also find that WRI actually has no direct effect on vote choice in recent presidential elections, including the two elections (2016 and 2020) in which Trump ran as the Republican nominee. We find instead that WRI influenced the presidential vote at best indirectly, serving as a platform for expressing White outgroup hostility.
{"title":"Pride or Prejudice? Clarifying the Role of White Racial Identity in Recent Presidential Elections","authors":"Richard C. Fording, S. Schram","doi":"10.1086/722807","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/722807","url":null,"abstract":"After the 2016 presidential election, a dominant media narrative emerged which claimed that Donald Trump’s 2016 electoral victory was due to an upsurge in support by working class White voters, largely due to economic anxiety experienced since the 2008 recession. But as survey data from the 2016 election became available, a different story began to emerge. The consensus among social scientists became that racial attitudes were the most important predictors of support for Trump among many White voters in 2016, including those with less than a college education (whose incomes it should be noted may or may not put them in the working class). The literature remains dominated by studies that focus on White hostility toward racial outgroups, but a number of studies have emphasized the importance of Whites’ ingroup attitudes. Trump lost reelection in 2020, but remains popular and most experts anticipate that he will run again in 2024. We therefore need to consider the still-unresolved question of if and how White ingroup identity is relevant to understanding Trump’s electoral success. Yet there are few studies that have actually examined the effects of the full range of ingroup and outgroup attitudes simultaneously. In this paper, we re-evaluate the relative importance of the effect of White Racial Identity (WRI) on vote choice in recent presidential elections. We find that, like indicators of outgroup attitudes, the level of WRI has remained stable over the last several elections and in recent years has actually decreased. We also find that WRI actually has no direct effect on vote choice in recent presidential elections, including the two elections (2016 and 2020) in which Trump ran as the Republican nominee. We find instead that WRI influenced the presidential vote at best indirectly, serving as a platform for expressing White outgroup hostility.","PeriodicalId":46912,"journal":{"name":"Polity","volume":"55 1","pages":"106 - 136"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44653658","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Amanda Graham, Justin T. Pickett, F. Cullen, C. Jonson, Murat Haner, Melissa M. Sloan
After more than one million COVID-19 deaths and ninety-one million cases in the United States, it is clear that COVID-19 has and will continue to pose a threat to the health of the United States’ population and economy. However, despite the clear and early warnings from the CDC, many have continued to downplay the impact of the pandemic, which has arguably inflamed the perniciousness of the virus. Using data from national surveys conducted a year apart, in March 2020 and March 2021, we examine the perceived national and personal threat of COVID-19 in the United States. We argue that collective narcissism—in the form of White nationalism—has blinded some Americans to this national threat, leading to an inadequate collective response that was further exacerbated by the political leadership of former President Donald Trump. We demonstrate that White nationalism is associated with discounting the national but not personal threat of the virus. This was true both early in the pandemic (2020) and later (2021), after the virus had ravaged the country.
{"title":"Blinded by the White (Nationalism): Separatist Ideology and Discounting the Threat of COVID-19 to Society","authors":"Amanda Graham, Justin T. Pickett, F. Cullen, C. Jonson, Murat Haner, Melissa M. Sloan","doi":"10.1086/722762","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/722762","url":null,"abstract":"After more than one million COVID-19 deaths and ninety-one million cases in the United States, it is clear that COVID-19 has and will continue to pose a threat to the health of the United States’ population and economy. However, despite the clear and early warnings from the CDC, many have continued to downplay the impact of the pandemic, which has arguably inflamed the perniciousness of the virus. Using data from national surveys conducted a year apart, in March 2020 and March 2021, we examine the perceived national and personal threat of COVID-19 in the United States. We argue that collective narcissism—in the form of White nationalism—has blinded some Americans to this national threat, leading to an inadequate collective response that was further exacerbated by the political leadership of former President Donald Trump. We demonstrate that White nationalism is associated with discounting the national but not personal threat of the virus. This was true both early in the pandemic (2020) and later (2021), after the virus had ravaged the country.","PeriodicalId":46912,"journal":{"name":"Polity","volume":"55 1","pages":"195 - 222"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42288831","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：