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Bitter Fruit as Boundary Pushing and Sustaining 苦果推动和维持界限
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-26 DOI: 10.1086/729304
Lester K. Spence
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引用次数: 1
The Legacy of Bitter Fruit in Political Science 政治学中的苦果遗产
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-26 DOI: 10.1086/729347
Jane Y. Junn
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引用次数: 1
Claire Jean Kim: A Classic Revisited 克莱尔-让-金经典重温
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-26 DOI: 10.1086/729302
Dianne M. Pinderhughes
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引用次数: 0
Trajectories 轨迹
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-16 DOI: 10.1086/727985
Alyson Cole, Robyn Marasco, Charles Tien
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引用次数: 0
Ask a Political Scientist: A Conversation with Nicholas Xenos about Critical Theory, Democratic Politics, and the Problems with Patriotism 问政治科学家:与尼古拉斯-谢诺斯对话:批判理论、民主政治和爱国主义问题
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-16 DOI: 10.1086/728032
Kevin Henderson
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引用次数: 0
Conceptual Contestation: An Empirical Approach 概念之争:实证方法
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-16 DOI: 10.1086/727976
J. Gerring, L. Cojocaru
Conceptual disagreement has been recognized as a key feature of language since time immemorial. Yet, no attempt has been made to measure the degree of conceptual disagreement that exists or to compile a list of concepts identified as essentially contested. Accordingly, it is unclear how one might distinguish contested from uncontested concepts or test propositions about the causes of contestation. This research note begins by introducing an approach to measuring conceptual contestation within social science. Next, we explore factors that may help to explain variation in conceptual contestation. We find that the characteristics of concepts—their value, abstraction, and normativity—explain most of the variability in conceptual contestation.
自古以来,概念分歧就被认为是语言的一个重要特征。然而,目前还没有人试图衡量存在的概念分歧的程度,也没有人试图编制一份被认定为本质上存在争议的概念清单。因此,目前还不清楚如何区分有争议的概念和无争议的概念,也不清楚如何检验有关争议原因的命题。本研究报告首先介绍了一种衡量社会科学中概念争议的方法。接下来,我们探讨了可能有助于解释概念争议差异的因素。我们发现,概念的特征--其价值、抽象性和规范性--解释了概念争论的大部分变异。
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引用次数: 0
Vegans and “Green-Collared Criminals”: the Depoliticization of Animal Advocacy in Public Discourse 纯素食者和“绿领罪犯”:公共话语中动物倡导的非政治化
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-14 DOI: 10.1086/727840
Serrin Rutledge-Prior
While sustained public attention is often associated with the politicization of an issue, this paper argues that certain dominant strands of public discourse in relation to animal advocacy in fact serve to depoliticize the movement. Public discussion often equates animal advocacy with veganism, with the latter typically framed or understood as an individual’s dietary or lifestyle choice. Furthermore, animal activists are often associated with criminal, or even terrorist, behavior—as was highlighted when the Australian Prime Minister labelled animal activists as “green-collared criminals” in the wake of a public protest. In this paper, the implications of these two public narratives about animal activism is discussed with reference to two examples from Australia: the media coverage of a day of coordinated protests that took place on April 8, 2019, and the New South Wales state parliamentary debates surrounding the Right to Farm Bill 2019. By developing a multi-dimensional conceptual analysis of (de)politicization, this paper argues that the “veganization” (as a form of “issue-privatization”) and criminalization of animal activists in public discourse are both forms of depoliticization, in that they frame activists’ messages as, respectively, either more appropriately belonging within the private sphere of personal choice, or as not related to the public good at all. I conclude that to avoid the delegitimization that these discursive processes may entail, animal advocates need to develop counter-narratives that emphasize how their claims can support the strengthening of existing democratic institutions.
虽然持续的公众关注通常与一个问题的政治化有关,但本文认为,与动物保护有关的公共话语的某些主导股实际上有助于使该运动非政治化。公众讨论经常将动物倡导与素食主义等同起来,后者通常被框定或理解为个人的饮食或生活方式选择。此外,动物保护主义者经常与犯罪甚至恐怖主义行为联系在一起——澳大利亚总理在公众抗议后将动物保护主义者称为“绿领罪犯”,这一点尤为突出。本文以澳大利亚的两个例子为例,讨论了这两种关于动物维权主义的公共叙述的影响:2019年4月8日发生的协调抗议活动的媒体报道,以及新南威尔士州议会围绕《2019年农业权法案》的辩论。通过对(去)政治化进行多维度的概念分析,本文认为,公共话语中的“素食组织”(作为“问题私有化”的一种形式)和对动物活动家的刑事定罪都是去政治化的形式,因为它们分别将活动家的信息构建为要么更合适地属于个人选择的私人领域,要么根本与公共利益无关。我的结论是,为了避免这些话语过程可能带来的非合法性,动物倡导者需要发展反叙事,强调他们的主张如何能够支持加强现有的民主制度。
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引用次数: 0
Treaty as De-Fetishizing Critique: A Social Theory of Treaty Interpretation 作为去拜物教批判的条约:一种条约解释的社会理论
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-14 DOI: 10.1086/727910
Corey Snelgrove
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引用次数: 0
Revoke the Charters: A Critical Reevaluation of Charter Schools 撤销特许:对特许学校的重新评估
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-14 DOI: 10.1086/727906
Jeremy Kingston Cynamon, Sonia Maria Pavel
This paper develops a critical normative analysis of charter schools. It categorizes and evaluates the main arguments in defense of charters: market competition, improved learning outcomes, autonomy and innovation, and their potential to function as “counterpublics.” After finding each argument wanting, the paper proposes a tripartite critique of charters based on (i) their deleterious effects on social solidarity, (ii) the procedural injustice involved in access, and (iii) their substantively unjust outcomes. We show how charter schools undermine social and political solidarity by fragmenting communities into more homogenous subsets. Although they purport to be equally open to all, charters covertly rely on morally arbitrary characteristics such as class, race, and disability in admissions. Finally, we argue that they unfairly reduce the quality of education for some students, thus resulting in substantively unjust outcomes.
本文对特许学校进行了批判性的规范分析。它对捍卫宪章的主要论点进行了分类和评估:市场竞争、改进的学习成果、自主和创新,以及它们作为“反公众”的潜力。在发现每个论点都有不足之处之后,本文提出了对宪章的三方批评,基于(i)它们对社会团结的有害影响,(ii)涉及获取的程序不公正,以及(iii)它们实质上不公正的结果。我们展示了特许学校是如何通过将社区分裂成更同质的子集来破坏社会和政治团结的。尽管他们声称对所有人平等开放,但特许学校在招生时却暗地依赖于道德上武断的特征,如阶级、种族和残疾。最后,我们认为他们不公平地降低了一些学生的教育质量,从而导致了实质上不公正的结果。
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引用次数: 0
Democracy and the Unconscious 民主与无意识
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-14 DOI: 10.1086/727908
Ali Aslam, David McIvor, Joel Schlosser
This essay examines the relationship between democracy and the unconscious. It does so by understanding democracy through the repressed desire for shared power by a collective actor that has episodically realized itself, in ways that haunt political languages, practices, and aspirations. Democratic flourishing rests upon erotic practices through which the demos transgressively transforms politics by embracing what we refer to as democratic narcissism. Democratic decline and impasse are symptomatic of repressed desires for power that have required the people’s abjection rather than coalescing into a self-affirming narcissism of the demos.
这篇文章探讨了民主与无意识之间的关系。它这样做是通过理解民主,通过一个集体行动者的压抑的分享权力的愿望,这种愿望断断续续地实现了自己,以困扰政治语言、实践和愿望的方式。民主的繁荣依赖于性爱实践,通过这种实践,民众通过拥抱我们所说的民主自恋,越轨地改变了政治。民主的衰落和僵局是对权力的渴望被压抑的症状,这种渴望需要人民的卑躬屈膝,而不是凝聚成民众自我肯定的自恋。
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引用次数: 0
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