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Between Documentation and Dispossession: the Language of the Nuu-chah-nulth People in the Journals of James Cook’s Third Voyage 在文献记录与剥夺之间:詹姆斯·库克第三次航海日志中努查努斯人的语言
1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-13 DOI: 10.1093/hwj/dbad013
Giulia Iannuzzi
Abstract Through a case study of James Cook's third voyage and his contact with the Nuu-chah-nulth people of Vancouver Island in 1778, this article sheds new light on the epistemological dispossession of indigenous peoples that accompanied European expansion in the eighteenth century. The documentation of the Nuu-chah-nulth language in the official account of the expedition (1784) contributed to the establishment of a monopoly on history, from which indigenous forms of knowledge were excluded. The study of languages contributed to the representation of indigenous peoples as having no history and as being situated in the past of a presumed European ‘modernity’.
本文通过对詹姆斯·库克的第三次航行及其在1778年与温哥华岛nuu - chha -nulth人的接触的个案研究,揭示了18世纪欧洲扩张对土著人民的认识论剥夺。在1784年的官方探险记录中,Nuu-chah-nulth语言的记录有助于建立对历史的垄断,本土形式的知识被排除在外。对语言的研究有助于将土著人民描绘成没有历史的人,并认为他们处于一个假定的欧洲“现代性”的过去。
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引用次数: 0
Naked Civil Servant: Queer Sex, Catholicism and Conformism in the Post-War London Diaries of George Lucas 《裸体公务员:战后乔治·卢卡斯伦敦日记中的同性恋、天主教和循规蹈矩》
1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-10 DOI: 10.1093/hwj/dbad014
Dominic Janes
Abstract The minutely documented diaries of an ‘everyman’ such as George Lucas enable us to view the complex pleasures and challenging realities of the post-war queer quotidian in remarkable detail. A sample of the years after 1957, when Lucas was aged in his thirties, suggests that more attention needs to be paid to age-differential relationships and to the problematic aspects of the sexual idolization of young men. Lucas’s respectably boring career and Catholic faith can, however, be understood as having provided the stability on which his emotional survival depended, helping us to view other such unglamorous queer lives with greater empathy.
乔治·卢卡斯(George Lucas)等“普通人”详细记录的日记使我们能够以非凡的细节看到战后酷儿日常生活中复杂的乐趣和具有挑战性的现实。1957年之后,卢卡斯30多岁,这段时间的样本表明,需要更多地关注年龄差异关系和年轻男性性偶像化的问题。然而,卢卡斯令人尊敬的无聊职业和天主教信仰可以被理解为为他的情感生存提供了稳定,帮助我们以更大的同情心看待其他如此平淡无奇的酷儿生活。
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引用次数: 0
Undisciplined History: Creative Methods and Academic Practice 散漫的历史:创作方法与学术实践
1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-06 DOI: 10.1093/hwj/dbad012
Matt Houlbrook, Alison Twells, Will Pooley, Helen Rogers
Abstract This article explores the relationship between scholarly practice and the growing field of creative histories. Drawing on examples from the United Kingdom, it seeks to unsettle dominant approaches to creative methodologies within our discipline and suggest what these more playful and experimental approaches might add to our practice as historians. Prompted by our encounters with the rich and vital histories made by schoolchildren, community groups, filmmakers, and songwriters, we are interested in the potential of these imaginative engagements with the past to enrich academic history. The article is in conversation with online features published at Paper Trails, a new open access platform with UCL Press.
摘要本文探讨学术实践与不断发展的创作史领域之间的关系。以英国为例,它试图颠覆我们学科中创造性方法论的主导方法,并建议这些更有趣和实验性的方法可能为我们作为历史学家的实践增添什么。在我们与学生、社区团体、电影制作人和词曲作者所创造的丰富而重要的历史的接触的推动下,我们对这些与过去富有想象力的接触丰富学术史的潜力感兴趣。这篇文章是与伦敦大学学院出版社(UCL Press)新推出的开放获取平台Paper Trails发表的在线专题对话。
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引用次数: 0
Correction to: Red Love and Betrayal in the Making of North Korea: Comrade Hŏ Jŏng-suk 更正:《朝鲜形成过程中的红色爱情与背叛》:许同志Jŏng-suk
1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-30 DOI: 10.1093/hwj/dbad016
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引用次数: 0
Remnants of ‘Adibo dali’ (1896) and the Plunder of Yendi in German Museums “阿迪博·达利”(1896)的遗迹与德国博物馆对耶恩迪的掠夺
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-06 DOI: 10.1093/hwj/dbad011
Yann LeGall, Elias Aguigah
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引用次数: 0
‘We Kept Them to Remember’: Tin Trunk Archives and the Emotional History of the Mau Mau War “我们让他们记住”:锡箱档案和茅茅战争的情感历史
1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-04 DOI: 10.1093/hwj/dbad010
Rose Miyonga
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引用次数: 0
‘Working Mothers’ in Eighteenth-Century London 18世纪伦敦的“职业母亲”
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-18 DOI: 10.1093/hwj/dbad008
Alexandra Shepard
The phrase ‘working mother’ was a mid-nineteenth-century addition to the English lexicon that would have been incomprehensible to the inhabitants of early modern Britain. There were very few circumstances in which a mother did not work, whether in return for income, as a producer for home consumption, and/or as a provider of ‘subsistence services’ (involving unpaid laundry, housework, meal preparation, and the personal care of dependents). The majority of mothers who managed households – either jointly as wives or singly as widows – also undertook responsibility for delegating work to others, especially (but not exclusively) to servants. Illness was as likely a diversion for mothers from income-generating work as either unpaid childcare or leisure. The common perception that women combining motherhood with other employment is a relatively recent phenomenon overlooks a much longer history of maternal duty, understood as much in terms of provision as in terms of a unique and irreplaceable affective commitment to the personal care and socialization of children. The term ‘working mother’ is, of course, highly problematic both because of its suggestion that mothering is not work and because it implies that mothering should preclude paid work – notions originating in nineteenth-century AngloAmerican discourse with the concept of the male breadwinner wage, separate spheres ideology, and the re-categorization of housewives as ‘dependents’. Cross-culturally and over the longue durée, mothering has been (and continues to be) experienced as work, although its characterization within capitalist systems consistently overlooks this dimension, emphasizing instead mothering’s moral or affective characteristics. In response, twentieth-century social reproduction feminism has emphasized both the costs and value of unpaid care work, in terms of its discriminatory consequences for women (within the waged workforce as well as beyond it), and in terms of the accrual of its value within broader capitalist systems which could not function without unpaid care – which, if properly valued, can represent staggering proportions of GDP. Feminist economists have long urged for the inclusion of unpaid care work in Systems of National Accounting alongside subsistence production, to date unsuccessfully (although a broader range of subsistence services, including unpaid care, features in the Satellite Accounts that assess sectors not represented in National Accounts). Questions surrounding the definition of ‘production boundaries’ – the parameters determining what work counts as ‘productive’ to an economy – remain fraught with
“职业母亲”这个短语是19世纪中期加入英语词典的,对于早期现代英国的居民来说是难以理解的。很少有母亲不工作的情况,无论是作为收入的回报,作为家庭消费的生产者,和/或作为“生存服务”的提供者(包括无偿洗衣、家务、做饭和个人照顾家属)。大多数管理家庭的母亲——无论是作为妻子共同管理还是作为寡妇单独管理——也承担将工作委派给他人的责任,特别是(但不完全是)委派给仆人。对于母亲来说,疾病很可能使她们从创收工作中分心,就像没有报酬的育儿或休闲一样。人们普遍认为妇女把做母亲和从事其他工作结合起来是一种相对较新的现象,这种看法忽视了母亲职责的更长的历史,这种职责既可以从提供方面理解,也可以从对儿童的个人照顾和社会化的独特和不可替代的情感承诺方面理解。当然,“职业母亲”这个词是非常有问题的,因为它暗示了做母亲不是工作,也因为它暗示了做母亲应该排除有偿工作——这种观念起源于19世纪的英美话语,包括男性养家糊口的工资、不同领域的意识形态,以及将家庭主妇重新分类为“依赖者”的概念。在跨文化和长期的发展过程中,养育子女一直(并将继续)被视为一种工作,尽管在资本主义制度中,它的特征一直忽视了这一维度,而是强调养育子女的道德或情感特征。作为回应,20世纪的社会再生产女权主义强调了无偿护理工作的成本和价值,就其对妇女的歧视性后果(在有工资的劳动力中以及在其之外)而言,就其在更广泛的资本主义体系中价值的累积而言,没有无偿护理就无法运作-如果得到适当的评价,它可以代表GDP的惊人比例。女权主义经济学家长期以来一直敦促将无偿护理工作与生活生产一起纳入国民核算体系,但迄今尚未成功(尽管包括无偿护理在内的更广泛的生活服务在评估国民核算中未代表的部门的卫星账户中占有重要地位)。围绕“生产边界”的定义——决定什么工作对一个经济体来说是“生产性”的参数——的问题仍然充满争议
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引用次数: 0
St Wilgefortis and Her/Their Beard: The Devotions of Unhappy Wives and Non-Binary People St Wilgefortis和她/他们的胡子:不快乐的妻子和非二元人群的奉献
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-04-28 DOI: 10.1093/hwj/dbad005
Hannah Skoda
This image (figure 1) of St Wilgefortis hangs in the abbey Church of St Etienne in Beauvais. We see a bearded saint, dressed in late medieval women’s clothing, with luscious long plaits, curvaceous breasts and a look at once of suffering, relief and compassion. Wilgefortis’ story is dramatic and unforgettable. She was, the legend tells us, a young Christian woman, the daughter of the king of Portugal, and devoted to her faith. But her ambitious father promised her in marriage to the pagan king of Figure 1: St Wilgefortis at the Church of St Etienne in Beauvais, c. 1500 (image: Jean-François Madre, secrétaire de l’Association Beauvais Cathédrale)
这幅圣威尔格福蒂斯的画像(图1)悬挂在博韦的圣艾蒂安修道院教堂。我们看到一个蓄着胡子的圣人,穿着中世纪晚期的妇女服装,梳着甜美的长辫子,曲线丰满的乳房,一副痛苦、解脱和同情的表情。Wilgefortis的故事充满戏剧性,令人难忘。传说告诉我们,她是一位年轻的基督教妇女,葡萄牙国王的女儿,并献身于她的信仰。但她野心勃勃的父亲将她嫁给了异教国王(图1:约1500年,波维圣艾蒂安教堂的圣威尔格福蒂斯)。(图片来源:jean - franois Madre, secrsamtaaire de l 'Association Beauvais cathsamdrale)
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引用次数: 0
Freud in Dublin? The Formation of Psychoanalysis in Ireland, c.1928–1993 弗洛伊德在都柏林?爱尔兰精神分析的形成,1928 - 1993
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-04-24 DOI: 10.1093/hwj/dbad006
Fergus Campbell
On 26 June 1933, Samuel Beckett’s father, William, died of a heart attack, and during the following months, the 27-year-old writer began to suffer from panic attacks and depression. By the end of the year he was experiencing a range of physical problems including cysts and boils that did not respond to medication, and he woke frequently in the night with a pounding heart and drenched in sweat, an experience so disturbing that he was only able to sleep if his brother, Frank, slept in the same bed as him. The crisis became acute one winter afternoon, as Beckett explained:
1933年6月26日,塞缪尔·贝克特的父亲威廉因心脏病发作去世,在接下来的几个月里,这位27岁的作家开始遭受恐慌和抑郁的折磨。到了年底,他遇到了一系列身体问题,包括囊肿和疖子,这些问题对药物没有反应,他经常在晚上醒来时心跳加速,满身大汗,这种经历非常令人不安,只有当他的兄弟弗兰克和他睡在同一张床上时,他才能入睡。正如贝克特所解释的那样,危机在一个冬天的下午变得更加严重:
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引用次数: 0
Editorial: Remembering the Radical Seventies 社论:怀念激进的70年代
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-04-18 DOI: 10.1093/hwj/dbad007
M. Hamilton
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引用次数: 1
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History Workshop Journal
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