Pub Date : 2022-03-22DOI: 10.1080/01292986.2021.2016874
Subin Paul, Ruth A. Palmer
ABSTRACT The limits to press freedom in India are usually surveyed from the top-down, with a focus on government efforts to censor journalists, particularly English-language journalists. In this essay, we instead examine India's restrictive press culture by focusing on the sociological workings of Hindi language news production, studying ways in which everyday journalism practices intersect with freedom of expression. The paper first traces the history of Hindi journalism alongside the development of press freedom. It then analyzes mainstream Hindi media coverage of the recent murder and rape of a “lower caste” woman in rural India. Our analysis reveals how the sociological realities of casteism and patriarchy merged with self-censorship to enable media cover up of the rape case. We then draw on interviews with Hindi journalists to illuminate the reasons behind censorship in such cases and in news media more broadly. We argue that a combination of structural, ideological, and historical conditions has limited the growth of press freedom in India. We further suggest that top-down approaches that focus exclusively on English-language media cannot adequately capture the dynamics of news reporting on the ground, and that contemporary news media can only be holistically understood by studying the “non-global,” Indian language press.
{"title":"The view from the hinterland: caste, gender and press freedom in Hindi news reporting","authors":"Subin Paul, Ruth A. Palmer","doi":"10.1080/01292986.2021.2016874","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01292986.2021.2016874","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The limits to press freedom in India are usually surveyed from the top-down, with a focus on government efforts to censor journalists, particularly English-language journalists. In this essay, we instead examine India's restrictive press culture by focusing on the sociological workings of Hindi language news production, studying ways in which everyday journalism practices intersect with freedom of expression. The paper first traces the history of Hindi journalism alongside the development of press freedom. It then analyzes mainstream Hindi media coverage of the recent murder and rape of a “lower caste” woman in rural India. Our analysis reveals how the sociological realities of casteism and patriarchy merged with self-censorship to enable media cover up of the rape case. We then draw on interviews with Hindi journalists to illuminate the reasons behind censorship in such cases and in news media more broadly. We argue that a combination of structural, ideological, and historical conditions has limited the growth of press freedom in India. We further suggest that top-down approaches that focus exclusively on English-language media cannot adequately capture the dynamics of news reporting on the ground, and that contemporary news media can only be holistically understood by studying the “non-global,” Indian language press.","PeriodicalId":46924,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Communication","volume":"32 1","pages":"200 - 217"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42984641","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-22DOI: 10.1080/01292986.2021.1971270
J. Ong, R. Tapsell
ABSTRACT Engaging with the special issue theme of media freedom ‘from below,’ this article contributes ethnographically grounded and comparative research of two democratic Southeast Asian countries dealing with urgent threats to media freedom and democracy: Indonesia and the Philippines. Our research identifies the main disinformation work models in Southeast Asia, most notably through the use of buzzers (Indonesia) and trolls (the Philippines). Our research examines the increasingly gray area between trolls, buzzers and disinformation, and their increasing relationship to political elites. By explaining recent practices of political disinformation campaigns and journalist harassment, we aim to deepen understanding as to how these campaigns are organized in order to prevent them in the future. This article ultimately calls for a critical collaboration with diverse stakeholders in countering 'fake news' by examining four dominant disinformation work models.
{"title":"Demystifying disinformation shadow economies: fake news work models in Indonesia and the Philippines","authors":"J. Ong, R. Tapsell","doi":"10.1080/01292986.2021.1971270","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01292986.2021.1971270","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Engaging with the special issue theme of media freedom ‘from below,’ this article contributes ethnographically grounded and comparative research of two democratic Southeast Asian countries dealing with urgent threats to media freedom and democracy: Indonesia and the Philippines. Our research identifies the main disinformation work models in Southeast Asia, most notably through the use of buzzers (Indonesia) and trolls (the Philippines). Our research examines the increasingly gray area between trolls, buzzers and disinformation, and their increasing relationship to political elites. By explaining recent practices of political disinformation campaigns and journalist harassment, we aim to deepen understanding as to how these campaigns are organized in order to prevent them in the future. This article ultimately calls for a critical collaboration with diverse stakeholders in countering 'fake news' by examining four dominant disinformation work models.","PeriodicalId":46924,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Communication","volume":"32 1","pages":"251 - 267"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45833856","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-13DOI: 10.1080/01292986.2022.2049832
D. Chung, Hyun Ju Jeong, Sangwon Lee, Seungahn Nah
ABSTRACT Through a nationwide survey in South Korea, this study examines the relationship between different news comment engagement (reading, liking, and posting) and perceptions on the credibility of news portals, paying particular attention to the potential moderating role of news literacy. The results indicate a positive relationship between media use and portal news credibility. Further, reading comments and liking comments on portal sites was not associated with perceived news credibility, but posting comments yielded a strong association with perceived news credibility. There were no significant results related to the association between news literacy and news credibility assessments on news portal sites. However, findings point to the moderating role of news literacy between news comment engagement on portal sites and news portal credibility in which these associations were found to vary. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.
{"title":"News credibility revisited: the roles of news comment engagement and news literacy on news portal credibility in South Korea","authors":"D. Chung, Hyun Ju Jeong, Sangwon Lee, Seungahn Nah","doi":"10.1080/01292986.2022.2049832","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01292986.2022.2049832","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Through a nationwide survey in South Korea, this study examines the relationship between different news comment engagement (reading, liking, and posting) and perceptions on the credibility of news portals, paying particular attention to the potential moderating role of news literacy. The results indicate a positive relationship between media use and portal news credibility. Further, reading comments and liking comments on portal sites was not associated with perceived news credibility, but posting comments yielded a strong association with perceived news credibility. There were no significant results related to the association between news literacy and news credibility assessments on news portal sites. However, findings point to the moderating role of news literacy between news comment engagement on portal sites and news portal credibility in which these associations were found to vary. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.","PeriodicalId":46924,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Communication","volume":"32 1","pages":"371 - 391"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-03-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46865402","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-07DOI: 10.1080/01292986.2022.2046826
Macau K. F. Mak, M. Chan, Francis L. F. Lee, Hsuan-Ting Chen
ABSTRACT Although social media afford users the possibility of sharing and discussing news, some users may have much concern over how others view these expressive behaviors. The recommendation features of social media indeed offer cues about others’ opinions and possible references to engage with news. We investigate the mediating role of reliance on two social recommendation features, i.e. social filtering and popularity indicators, for news selection in the relationship between concern over online expression and social media news participation in six Asian societies (Taiwan, South Korea, Japan, Hong Kong, Singapore, and Malaysia), using representative online survey data. Compared with Western countries, Asian societies share a more collectivistic culture and show a greater acceptance towards reticent behaviors than expressive ones. The results show a positive indirect effect of concern over expression on news participation through the reliance on social filtering across all the samples. Similarly, a positive indirect effect through the reliance on popularity indicators is observed for five of the six samples. The significant indirect effects indicate that users with much concern over expression have a greater reliance on social recommendation features, which in turn facilitates their news participation. Implications of the findings are discussed.
{"title":"The mediating role of social recommendation in the relationship between concern over expression and social media news participation: a comparative study of six Asian societies","authors":"Macau K. F. Mak, M. Chan, Francis L. F. Lee, Hsuan-Ting Chen","doi":"10.1080/01292986.2022.2046826","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01292986.2022.2046826","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Although social media afford users the possibility of sharing and discussing news, some users may have much concern over how others view these expressive behaviors. The recommendation features of social media indeed offer cues about others’ opinions and possible references to engage with news. We investigate the mediating role of reliance on two social recommendation features, i.e. social filtering and popularity indicators, for news selection in the relationship between concern over online expression and social media news participation in six Asian societies (Taiwan, South Korea, Japan, Hong Kong, Singapore, and Malaysia), using representative online survey data. Compared with Western countries, Asian societies share a more collectivistic culture and show a greater acceptance towards reticent behaviors than expressive ones. The results show a positive indirect effect of concern over expression on news participation through the reliance on social filtering across all the samples. Similarly, a positive indirect effect through the reliance on popularity indicators is observed for five of the six samples. The significant indirect effects indicate that users with much concern over expression have a greater reliance on social recommendation features, which in turn facilitates their news participation. Implications of the findings are discussed.","PeriodicalId":46924,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Communication","volume":"32 1","pages":"271 - 289"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-03-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47470496","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-04DOI: 10.1080/01292986.2021.2022728
T. Lin
ABSTRACT This mixed-method study uses a big data approach to examine cross-platform public sentiments towards Taiwan’s first nuclear energy referendum, and further conducts content analysis for nuclear news framing strategies. Sentiment analysis shows polarized affective attitudes towards Go Green with Nuclear (GGWN) referendum, regardless of media types. News coverage and social media contents reveal significant sentiment differences in narrating the referendum, nuclear energy, and political party-related issues. Polarized political party-related nuclear claims tend to show negative sentiments. As for agenda setting, the big data analysis shows that politics dominate nuclear narratives on news, Facebook and forums. In addition, content analysis reveals that the majority of news articles involve politics, but rarely report on energy and environmental subjects. In terms of generic news framing strategies, dramatic framing is used more than substantive framing in nuclear narratives. Conflict is the leading framing, followed by action. As for environmental news framing, most GGWN-related news is not eco-centric. Eco-efficient framing is most used to emphasize economic growth, national development and people’s livelihood. Moreover, mainstream and alternative media show no significant differences in using generic and environmental news framing to report nuclear referendum issues. Implications are discussed.
{"title":"Online opinions, sentiments and news framing of the first nuclear referendum in Taiwan: a mix-method approach","authors":"T. Lin","doi":"10.1080/01292986.2021.2022728","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01292986.2021.2022728","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This mixed-method study uses a big data approach to examine cross-platform public sentiments towards Taiwan’s first nuclear energy referendum, and further conducts content analysis for nuclear news framing strategies. Sentiment analysis shows polarized affective attitudes towards Go Green with Nuclear (GGWN) referendum, regardless of media types. News coverage and social media contents reveal significant sentiment differences in narrating the referendum, nuclear energy, and political party-related issues. Polarized political party-related nuclear claims tend to show negative sentiments. As for agenda setting, the big data analysis shows that politics dominate nuclear narratives on news, Facebook and forums. In addition, content analysis reveals that the majority of news articles involve politics, but rarely report on energy and environmental subjects. In terms of generic news framing strategies, dramatic framing is used more than substantive framing in nuclear narratives. Conflict is the leading framing, followed by action. As for environmental news framing, most GGWN-related news is not eco-centric. Eco-efficient framing is most used to emphasize economic growth, national development and people’s livelihood. Moreover, mainstream and alternative media show no significant differences in using generic and environmental news framing to report nuclear referendum issues. Implications are discussed.","PeriodicalId":46924,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Communication","volume":"32 1","pages":"152 - 173"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46964970","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-04DOI: 10.1080/01292986.2021.2022173
Hsuan-Ting Chen, Minwei Ai, Jing Guo
ABSTRACT Using nationally representative data in Taiwan, this study investigated the effect of cross-cutting exposure on social media on attitudinal change. Findings showed that the way people responded to political disagreement on social media matters. People’s attitudes were likely to change when they checked cross-cutting information and expressed opinion after being exposed to it, but not when they ignored the disagreeing information after the exposure. Accordingly, checking disagreeing information and expressing opinion played a significant role in mediating the relationship between exposure to cross-cutting information and attitude change. More importantly, the indirect effect of cross-cutting exposure on attitude through information checking was contingent on the levels of individuals’ openness to diversity and social network homogeneity. The indirect effect was strengthened when the level of openness to diversity was higher but weakened when the level of social network homogeneity was higher. Implications of the findings are discussed.
{"title":"The effect of cross-cutting exposure on attitude change: examining the mediating role of response behaviors and the moderating role of openness to diversity and social network homogeneity","authors":"Hsuan-Ting Chen, Minwei Ai, Jing Guo","doi":"10.1080/01292986.2021.2022173","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01292986.2021.2022173","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Using nationally representative data in Taiwan, this study investigated the effect of cross-cutting exposure on social media on attitudinal change. Findings showed that the way people responded to political disagreement on social media matters. People’s attitudes were likely to change when they checked cross-cutting information and expressed opinion after being exposed to it, but not when they ignored the disagreeing information after the exposure. Accordingly, checking disagreeing information and expressing opinion played a significant role in mediating the relationship between exposure to cross-cutting information and attitude change. More importantly, the indirect effect of cross-cutting exposure on attitude through information checking was contingent on the levels of individuals’ openness to diversity and social network homogeneity. The indirect effect was strengthened when the level of openness to diversity was higher but weakened when the level of social network homogeneity was higher. Implications of the findings are discussed.","PeriodicalId":46924,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Communication","volume":"32 1","pages":"93 - 110"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46737458","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-04DOI: 10.1080/01292986.2021.2022175
J. Lin
ABSTRACT Considering the implications of cross-cutting exposure for democratic deliberation in the age of algorithms, this study proposes a conceptual model that delineates the roles of perceived realism and approval of algorithmic curation in the relationship between cross-cutting exposure and online political engagement. Secondary data obtained from the 2018 national survey conducted by the Taiwan Institute for Governance and Communication Research were utilized to test the relationships. The results indicated a negative association between cross-cutting exposure and online political engagement. The significant mediation model further showed that exposure to cross-cutting perspectives on social media was negatively associated with online political engagement by way of decreased perceived realism. That association was conditioned by the level of approval of algorithmic curation, which weakened the negative mediating role of perceived realism as it increased. Implications of those results and directions for future research are discussed.
{"title":"Cross-Cutting exposure, perceived realism, and online political engagement in the age of algorithms","authors":"J. Lin","doi":"10.1080/01292986.2021.2022175","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01292986.2021.2022175","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 Considering the implications of cross-cutting exposure for democratic deliberation in the age of algorithms, this study proposes a conceptual model that delineates the roles of perceived realism and approval of algorithmic curation in the relationship between cross-cutting exposure and online political engagement. Secondary data obtained from the 2018 national survey conducted by the Taiwan Institute for Governance and Communication Research were utilized to test the relationships. The results indicated a negative association between cross-cutting exposure and online political engagement. The significant mediation model further showed that exposure to cross-cutting perspectives on social media was negatively associated with online political engagement by way of decreased perceived realism. That association was conditioned by the level of approval of algorithmic curation, which weakened the negative mediating role of perceived realism as it increased. Implications of those results and directions for future research are discussed.","PeriodicalId":46924,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Communication","volume":"32 1","pages":"131 - 151"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41262854","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-04DOI: 10.1080/01292986.2022.2034903
Chia-hung Tsai, Tsung-han Tsai
ABSTRACT Independence–unification (IU) views have been profoundly influential in Taiwan politics. This study uses the rally ‘round the flag effect to explain the increase in support for Taiwan independence after President Tsai Ing-wen rejected China's ‘one country, two systems' proposal. Taking advantage of within-individual differences in panel data, we can estimate the probability of IU views given a set of certain characteristics compared with other values of those characteristics and ascertain the influence of change in variables such as approval of the president's handling cross-Strait relations at different time points. Our preliminary results show that Taiwanese people indeed change their IU views due to the external and domestic environment. People who perceive that the economy has improved and whose views on President Tsai have become more favorable tend to flock towards the independence side. People whose views of President Tsai’s handling of cross-Strait relations have become more favorable also move towards independence. If we only consider differences between individuals, feelings about the KMT and DPP stand out as significant predictors of IU views.
{"title":"Explaining change in independence–unification views in Taiwan: a within-between model","authors":"Chia-hung Tsai, Tsung-han Tsai","doi":"10.1080/01292986.2022.2034903","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01292986.2022.2034903","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Independence–unification (IU) views have been profoundly influential in Taiwan politics. This study uses the rally ‘round the flag effect to explain the increase in support for Taiwan independence after President Tsai Ing-wen rejected China's ‘one country, two systems' proposal. Taking advantage of within-individual differences in panel data, we can estimate the probability of IU views given a set of certain characteristics compared with other values of those characteristics and ascertain the influence of change in variables such as approval of the president's handling cross-Strait relations at different time points. Our preliminary results show that Taiwanese people indeed change their IU views due to the external and domestic environment. People who perceive that the economy has improved and whose views on President Tsai have become more favorable tend to flock towards the independence side. People whose views of President Tsai’s handling of cross-Strait relations have become more favorable also move towards independence. If we only consider differences between individuals, feelings about the KMT and DPP stand out as significant predictors of IU views.","PeriodicalId":46924,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Communication","volume":"32 1","pages":"111 - 130"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49404477","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-04DOI: 10.1080/01292986.2022.2043399
T. Lin, Chia-hung Tsai
During the 2016 American presidential election, the possible impact of social media algorithm and echo chamber effects on socio-political polarization and perhaps even voting results, attracted much scholarly attention. Such socio-political polarization was present, at least to a degree, also in Asian countries with diverse political and cultural systems. Exposure to heterogeneous perspectives has been found to enhance individuals’ political participation when they get used to diverse online discourse environments (Kim, Hsu, & de Zúñiga, 2013). In contrast, those in information cocoons surrounded by similar viewpoints or like-minded values, tended to filter out dissenting views, firm in their specific world views, and tended to go to extremes easily (Sunstein, 2009). Two opposing arguments about the Internet and social media depict different attributes of polarization. On one hand, the openness of the Internet allows individuals to receive different ideas, which likely decreases the effects of polarization (Garrett, Carnahan, & Lynch, 2013; Hong & Kim, 2016). On the other hand, as increasing empirical evidence shows, polarization can be exacerbated under selective exposure to divisive ideologies and information on social network sites. Social media is considered a contributor to ideology polarization as its algorithm leads to filter bubbles that screen out differing views while enhancing similar political beliefs and perspectives (Hong & Kim, 2016). Through algorithmic personalization, liked-minded contents are promoted or filtered, which magnifies the effects of the echo chamber (Dubois & Blank, 2018). Evidence of echo chambers on social media is supported by studies using digital trace data (Terren & Borge, 2021). Social media heavy users are likely to have scanty network heterogeneity as a result of limited exposure to different perspectives, which reinforces polarization as a result of less exposure to diverse viewpoints (Lee, Choi, Kim, & Kim, 2014). Internet and social media algorithms have been criticized for worsening social-political polarization when these black-box machinery mechanisms predetermine users’ exposure to information. Those exposed to homogeneous political views believe their views are held by the majority, which deepens the gulf between political parties or social groups different from them and thus cause political turmoil and societal chaos. Yarchi, Baden, and Kligler-Vilenchik’s (2020) computational communication research confirms social media effects on political polarization. According to Yarchi et al. (2020), political polarization are categorized into interactional polarization, positional polarization and affective polarization. Political polarization is shaped by individual political attitudes or partisan dispositions (Coffey & Joseph, 2012). Media framing, as the second-level of agenda setting, selects and emphasizes facts and interpretations to shape public perceptions and tell stories to conform to their media n
在2016年美国总统大选期间,社交媒体算法和回音室效应对社会政治两极分化甚至投票结果可能产生的影响引起了学术界的广泛关注。这种社会政治两极化至少在一定程度上也存在于具有不同政治和文化制度的亚洲国家。研究发现,当人们习惯了多样化的网络话语环境时,接触异质视角可以增强个人的政治参与(Kim, Hsu, & de Zúñiga, 2013)。相比之下,那些处于信息茧中的人被相似的观点或志同道合的价值观所包围,他们倾向于过滤掉不同的观点,坚定自己特定的世界观,并且容易走向极端(Sunstein, 2009)。关于互联网和社交媒体的两种对立观点描述了两极分化的不同属性。一方面,互联网的开放性使个人能够接受不同的想法,这可能会减少两极分化的影响(Garrett, Carnahan, & Lynch, 2013;Hong & Kim, 2016)。另一方面,越来越多的经验证据表明,在选择性地接触分裂的意识形态和社交网站上的信息时,两极分化可能会加剧。社交媒体被认为是意识形态两极分化的一个因素,因为它的算法会导致过滤泡沫,过滤掉不同的观点,同时增强相似的政治信仰和观点(Hong & Kim, 2016)。通过算法个性化,志同道合的内容被提升或过滤,这放大了回声室的影响(Dubois & Blank, 2018)。使用数字跟踪数据的研究支持了社交媒体上回声室的证据(Terren & Borge, 2021)。由于接触不同观点的机会有限,社交媒体重度用户可能缺乏网络异质性,这加剧了极化,因为接触不同观点的机会较少(Lee, Choi, Kim, & Kim, 2014)。互联网和社交媒体算法因加剧社会政治两极分化而受到批评,因为这些黑箱机器机制预先决定了用户对信息的接触。那些接触到同质化政治观点的人认为他们的观点是大多数人所持有的,这加深了与他们不同的政党或社会群体之间的鸿沟,从而导致政治动荡和社会混乱。Yarchi, Baden和Kligler-Vilenchik(2020)的计算传播研究证实了社交媒体对政治两极分化的影响。Yarchi et al.(2020)将政治极化分为互动极化、位置极化和情感极化。政治两极分化是由个人政治态度或党派倾向形成的(Coffey & Joseph, 2012)。媒体框架作为议程设置的第二层,选择和强调事实和解释,以塑造公众的感知,并讲述符合其媒体叙事的故事(Morstatter, Wu, Yavanoglu, Corman, & Liu, 2018)。对冲突的党派框架性在大众媒体中表现出来。对政治新闻的关注会影响观众的行为,加剧两极分化,而两极分化受个人党派倾向和意识形态倾向的强烈影响(Coffey & Joseph, 2012)。通过算法定制,涉及多利益相关者议程设置和框架力量复杂性的社交媒体使用被视为有效的工具
{"title":"Taking stock of social-political polarization in Asia: political communication, social media and digital governance","authors":"T. Lin, Chia-hung Tsai","doi":"10.1080/01292986.2022.2043399","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01292986.2022.2043399","url":null,"abstract":"During the 2016 American presidential election, the possible impact of social media algorithm and echo chamber effects on socio-political polarization and perhaps even voting results, attracted much scholarly attention. Such socio-political polarization was present, at least to a degree, also in Asian countries with diverse political and cultural systems. Exposure to heterogeneous perspectives has been found to enhance individuals’ political participation when they get used to diverse online discourse environments (Kim, Hsu, & de Zúñiga, 2013). In contrast, those in information cocoons surrounded by similar viewpoints or like-minded values, tended to filter out dissenting views, firm in their specific world views, and tended to go to extremes easily (Sunstein, 2009). Two opposing arguments about the Internet and social media depict different attributes of polarization. On one hand, the openness of the Internet allows individuals to receive different ideas, which likely decreases the effects of polarization (Garrett, Carnahan, & Lynch, 2013; Hong & Kim, 2016). On the other hand, as increasing empirical evidence shows, polarization can be exacerbated under selective exposure to divisive ideologies and information on social network sites. Social media is considered a contributor to ideology polarization as its algorithm leads to filter bubbles that screen out differing views while enhancing similar political beliefs and perspectives (Hong & Kim, 2016). Through algorithmic personalization, liked-minded contents are promoted or filtered, which magnifies the effects of the echo chamber (Dubois & Blank, 2018). Evidence of echo chambers on social media is supported by studies using digital trace data (Terren & Borge, 2021). Social media heavy users are likely to have scanty network heterogeneity as a result of limited exposure to different perspectives, which reinforces polarization as a result of less exposure to diverse viewpoints (Lee, Choi, Kim, & Kim, 2014). Internet and social media algorithms have been criticized for worsening social-political polarization when these black-box machinery mechanisms predetermine users’ exposure to information. Those exposed to homogeneous political views believe their views are held by the majority, which deepens the gulf between political parties or social groups different from them and thus cause political turmoil and societal chaos. Yarchi, Baden, and Kligler-Vilenchik’s (2020) computational communication research confirms social media effects on political polarization. According to Yarchi et al. (2020), political polarization are categorized into interactional polarization, positional polarization and affective polarization. Political polarization is shaped by individual political attitudes or partisan dispositions (Coffey & Joseph, 2012). Media framing, as the second-level of agenda setting, selects and emphasizes facts and interpretations to shape public perceptions and tell stories to conform to their media n","PeriodicalId":46924,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Communication","volume":"32 1","pages":"71 - 74"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45126790","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-04DOI: 10.1080/01292986.2021.2022174
Chi-chen Huang, Tzu-ching Kuo
ABSTRACT The rise of political polarization and its consequences for democracies have attracted much attention. But why the growing polarization? We argue that the main reason lies in the fact people act on the basis of not only their self-identities but also their perception of others, especially those viewed as the opposing group. In Taiwan, independence or unification with China is no doubt the most fundamental political cleavage. We therefore focus on the nature, sources, and consequences of such polarization in the mass public. This study (1) defines and operationalizes both perceived and actual polarization on independence-unification issue at individual level, (2) explores which individual characteristics such as Taiwanese-Chinese identity, partisanship, and media exposure are differentially related to the two types of polarization, and (3) compares consequences of perceived and actual polarization for citizens' affective polarization. We find that both an individual's Chinese–Taiwanese identity and partisanship contribute most to higher levels of perceived polarization, which in turn penetrates into social life and is significantly associated with negative emotions toward child's potential interparty marriage. The key implication of our study is that to prevent the self-perpetuating upward trend of political polarization, we should understand the determinants of the associated misperception.
{"title":"Actual and perceived polarization on independence-unification views in Taiwan","authors":"Chi-chen Huang, Tzu-ching Kuo","doi":"10.1080/01292986.2021.2022174","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01292986.2021.2022174","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The rise of political polarization and its consequences for democracies have attracted much attention. But why the growing polarization? We argue that the main reason lies in the fact people act on the basis of not only their self-identities but also their perception of others, especially those viewed as the opposing group. In Taiwan, independence or unification with China is no doubt the most fundamental political cleavage. We therefore focus on the nature, sources, and consequences of such polarization in the mass public. This study (1) defines and operationalizes both perceived and actual polarization on independence-unification issue at individual level, (2) explores which individual characteristics such as Taiwanese-Chinese identity, partisanship, and media exposure are differentially related to the two types of polarization, and (3) compares consequences of perceived and actual polarization for citizens' affective polarization. We find that both an individual's Chinese–Taiwanese identity and partisanship contribute most to higher levels of perceived polarization, which in turn penetrates into social life and is significantly associated with negative emotions toward child's potential interparty marriage. The key implication of our study is that to prevent the self-perpetuating upward trend of political polarization, we should understand the determinants of the associated misperception.","PeriodicalId":46924,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Communication","volume":"32 1","pages":"75 - 92"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42445548","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}