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The view from the hinterland: caste, gender and press freedom in Hindi news reporting 来自内地的观点:印地语新闻报道中的种姓、性别和新闻自由
IF 2.6 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-03-22 DOI: 10.1080/01292986.2021.2016874
Subin Paul, Ruth A. Palmer
ABSTRACT The limits to press freedom in India are usually surveyed from the top-down, with a focus on government efforts to censor journalists, particularly English-language journalists. In this essay, we instead examine India's restrictive press culture by focusing on the sociological workings of Hindi language news production, studying ways in which everyday journalism practices intersect with freedom of expression. The paper first traces the history of Hindi journalism alongside the development of press freedom. It then analyzes mainstream Hindi media coverage of the recent murder and rape of a “lower caste” woman in rural India. Our analysis reveals how the sociological realities of casteism and patriarchy merged with self-censorship to enable media cover up of the rape case. We then draw on interviews with Hindi journalists to illuminate the reasons behind censorship in such cases and in news media more broadly. We argue that a combination of structural, ideological, and historical conditions has limited the growth of press freedom in India. We further suggest that top-down approaches that focus exclusively on English-language media cannot adequately capture the dynamics of news reporting on the ground, and that contemporary news media can only be holistically understood by studying the “non-global,” Indian language press.
摘要印度的新闻自由限制通常是自上而下的调查,重点是政府审查记者,尤其是英语记者的努力。在这篇文章中,我们通过关注印地语新闻制作的社会学运作,研究日常新闻实践与言论自由的交叉方式,来审视印度的限制性新闻文化。本文首先追溯了印地语新闻的历史以及新闻自由的发展。然后,它分析了主流印地语媒体对最近印度农村一名“低种姓”妇女被谋杀和强奸的报道。我们的分析揭示了种姓制度和父权制的社会现实如何与自我审查相结合,使媒体能够掩盖强奸案。然后,我们利用对印地语记者的采访来阐明在这种情况下以及更广泛的新闻媒体中审查制度背后的原因。我们认为,结构性、意识形态和历史条件的结合限制了印度新闻自由的发展。我们进一步认为,只关注英语媒体的自上而下的方法无法充分捕捉当地新闻报道的动态,而当代新闻媒体只能通过研究“非全球性”的印度语媒体来全面理解。
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引用次数: 1
Demystifying disinformation shadow economies: fake news work models in Indonesia and the Philippines 揭开虚假信息影子经济的神秘面纱:印尼和菲律宾的假新闻工作模式
IF 2.6 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-03-22 DOI: 10.1080/01292986.2021.1971270
J. Ong, R. Tapsell
ABSTRACT Engaging with the special issue theme of media freedom ‘from below,’ this article contributes ethnographically grounded and comparative research of two democratic Southeast Asian countries dealing with urgent threats to media freedom and democracy: Indonesia and the Philippines. Our research identifies the main disinformation work models in Southeast Asia, most notably through the use of buzzers (Indonesia) and trolls (the Philippines). Our research examines the increasingly gray area between trolls, buzzers and disinformation, and their increasing relationship to political elites. By explaining recent practices of political disinformation campaigns and journalist harassment, we aim to deepen understanding as to how these campaigns are organized in order to prevent them in the future. This article ultimately calls for a critical collaboration with diverse stakeholders in countering 'fake news' by examining four dominant disinformation work models.
摘要本文以“从下而下”的媒体自由为特刊主题,对印度尼西亚和菲律宾这两个面临媒体自由和民主紧迫威胁的东南亚民主国家进行了基于民族志的比较研究。我们的研究确定了东南亚的主要虚假信息工作模式,最显著的是通过使用蜂鸣器(印度尼西亚)和巨魔(菲律宾)。我们的研究考察了巨魔、蜂鸣器和虚假信息之间日益增长的灰色地带,以及他们与政治精英之间日益密切的关系。通过解释最近的政治虚假信息运动和骚扰记者的做法,我们旨在加深对这些运动是如何组织的了解,以便在未来预防这些运动。这篇文章最终呼吁通过研究四种主要的虚假信息工作模式,与不同的利益相关者在打击“假新闻”方面进行关键合作。
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引用次数: 12
News credibility revisited: the roles of news comment engagement and news literacy on news portal credibility in South Korea 新闻可信度再探:新闻评论参与度和新闻素养对韩国新闻门户网站可信度的影响
IF 2.6 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-03-13 DOI: 10.1080/01292986.2022.2049832
D. Chung, Hyun Ju Jeong, Sangwon Lee, Seungahn Nah
ABSTRACT Through a nationwide survey in South Korea, this study examines the relationship between different news comment engagement (reading, liking, and posting) and perceptions on the credibility of news portals, paying particular attention to the potential moderating role of news literacy. The results indicate a positive relationship between media use and portal news credibility. Further, reading comments and liking comments on portal sites was not associated with perceived news credibility, but posting comments yielded a strong association with perceived news credibility. There were no significant results related to the association between news literacy and news credibility assessments on news portal sites. However, findings point to the moderating role of news literacy between news comment engagement on portal sites and news portal credibility in which these associations were found to vary. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.
摘要通过在韩国进行的一项全国性调查,本研究考察了不同新闻评论参与度(阅读、点赞和发帖)与对新闻门户网站可信度的看法之间的关系,特别关注新闻素养的潜在调节作用。研究结果表明,媒体使用与门户新闻可信度呈正相关。此外,在门户网站上阅读评论和点赞评论与感知新闻可信度无关,但发布评论与感知的新闻可信度有很强的关联。在新闻门户网站上,新闻素养与新闻可信度评估之间的关联没有显著的结果。然而,研究结果表明,新闻素养在门户网站上的新闻评论参与度和新闻门户网站的可信度之间起着调节作用,这些关联各不相同。讨论了理论和实践意义。
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引用次数: 3
The mediating role of social recommendation in the relationship between concern over expression and social media news participation: a comparative study of six Asian societies 社会推荐在表达关注与社交媒体新闻参与关系中的中介作用:基于六个亚洲社会的比较研究
IF 2.6 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-03-07 DOI: 10.1080/01292986.2022.2046826
Macau K. F. Mak, M. Chan, Francis L. F. Lee, Hsuan-Ting Chen
ABSTRACT Although social media afford users the possibility of sharing and discussing news, some users may have much concern over how others view these expressive behaviors. The recommendation features of social media indeed offer cues about others’ opinions and possible references to engage with news. We investigate the mediating role of reliance on two social recommendation features, i.e. social filtering and popularity indicators, for news selection in the relationship between concern over online expression and social media news participation in six Asian societies (Taiwan, South Korea, Japan, Hong Kong, Singapore, and Malaysia), using representative online survey data. Compared with Western countries, Asian societies share a more collectivistic culture and show a greater acceptance towards reticent behaviors than expressive ones. The results show a positive indirect effect of concern over expression on news participation through the reliance on social filtering across all the samples. Similarly, a positive indirect effect through the reliance on popularity indicators is observed for five of the six samples. The significant indirect effects indicate that users with much concern over expression have a greater reliance on social recommendation features, which in turn facilitates their news participation. Implications of the findings are discussed.
摘要尽管社交媒体为用户提供了分享和讨论新闻的可能性,但一些用户可能会非常关注其他人如何看待这些表达行为。社交媒体的推荐功能确实提供了关于他人意见的线索,以及参与新闻的可能参考。我们使用具有代表性的在线调查数据,研究了在六个亚洲社会(台湾、韩国、日本、香港、新加坡和马来西亚)中,对新闻选择的两个社会推荐特征(即社会过滤和流行指数)的依赖在对网络表达的关注与社交媒体新闻参与之间的关系中的中介作用。与西方国家相比,亚洲社会共享更集体主义的文化,对沉默行为的接受程度高于表达行为。结果显示,在所有样本中,对表达的担忧通过依赖社会过滤对新闻参与产生了积极的间接影响。同样,在六个样本中的五个样本中,通过对受欢迎程度指标的依赖观察到了积极的间接影响。显著的间接效应表明,非常关注表达的用户更依赖社交推荐功能,这反过来又促进了他们的新闻参与。讨论了研究结果的含义。
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引用次数: 0
Online opinions, sentiments and news framing of the first nuclear referendum in Taiwan: a mix-method approach 台湾第一次核公投的网络观点、情绪和新闻框架:混合方法
IF 2.6 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/01292986.2021.2022728
T. Lin
ABSTRACT This mixed-method study uses a big data approach to examine cross-platform public sentiments towards Taiwan’s first nuclear energy referendum, and further conducts content analysis for nuclear news framing strategies. Sentiment analysis shows polarized affective attitudes towards Go Green with Nuclear (GGWN) referendum, regardless of media types. News coverage and social media contents reveal significant sentiment differences in narrating the referendum, nuclear energy, and political party-related issues. Polarized political party-related nuclear claims tend to show negative sentiments. As for agenda setting, the big data analysis shows that politics dominate nuclear narratives on news, Facebook and forums. In addition, content analysis reveals that the majority of news articles involve politics, but rarely report on energy and environmental subjects. In terms of generic news framing strategies, dramatic framing is used more than substantive framing in nuclear narratives. Conflict is the leading framing, followed by action. As for environmental news framing, most GGWN-related news is not eco-centric. Eco-efficient framing is most used to emphasize economic growth, national development and people’s livelihood. Moreover, mainstream and alternative media show no significant differences in using generic and environmental news framing to report nuclear referendum issues. Implications are discussed.
摘要本研究采用大数据方法,考察台湾首次核能公投的跨平台民意,并进一步对核能新闻框架策略进行内容分析。情绪分析显示,无论媒体类型如何,对绿色核能(GGWN)公投的情感态度都是两极分化的。新闻报道和社交媒体内容在叙述公投、核能、政党相关问题方面表现出明显的情绪差异。两极分化的政党核主张倾向于表现出负面情绪。至于议程设置,大数据分析显示,政治主导了新闻、Facebook和论坛上的核叙事。此外,内容分析显示,大多数新闻文章涉及政治,但很少报道能源和环境主题。就一般新闻框架策略而言,戏剧性框架比实质性框架在核叙事中使用得更多。冲突是主要框架,其次是行动。至于环境新闻框架,大多数与ggwn相关的新闻都不是以生态为中心的。生态高效框架最常用于强调经济增长、国家发展和民生。此外,主流媒体和另类媒体在使用一般和环境新闻框架报道核公投问题方面没有显着差异。讨论了影响。
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引用次数: 2
The effect of cross-cutting exposure on attitude change: examining the mediating role of response behaviors and the moderating role of openness to diversity and social network homogeneity 交叉暴露对态度变化的影响:考察反应行为的中介作用以及对多样性和社交网络同质性的开放性的调节作用
IF 2.6 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/01292986.2021.2022173
Hsuan-Ting Chen, Minwei Ai, Jing Guo
ABSTRACT Using nationally representative data in Taiwan, this study investigated the effect of cross-cutting exposure on social media on attitudinal change. Findings showed that the way people responded to political disagreement on social media matters. People’s attitudes were likely to change when they checked cross-cutting information and expressed opinion after being exposed to it, but not when they ignored the disagreeing information after the exposure. Accordingly, checking disagreeing information and expressing opinion played a significant role in mediating the relationship between exposure to cross-cutting information and attitude change. More importantly, the indirect effect of cross-cutting exposure on attitude through information checking was contingent on the levels of individuals’ openness to diversity and social network homogeneity. The indirect effect was strengthened when the level of openness to diversity was higher but weakened when the level of social network homogeneity was higher. Implications of the findings are discussed.
摘要利用台湾具有全国代表性的数据,本研究调查了社交媒体上的交叉曝光对态度变化的影响。调查结果显示,人们在社交媒体问题上对政治分歧的反应方式。当人们检查交叉信息并在接触后表达意见时,他们的态度可能会改变,但当他们在接触后忽视不一致的信息时,态度不会改变。因此,检查不同意的信息和表达意见在中介暴露于交叉信息和态度变化之间的关系方面发挥了重要作用。更重要的是,通过信息检查,交叉暴露对态度的间接影响取决于个人对多样性和社会网络同质性的开放程度。当对多样性的开放程度较高时,间接效应增强,但当社会网络同质性水平较高时,这种间接效应减弱。讨论了研究结果的含义。
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引用次数: 3
Cross-Cutting exposure, perceived realism, and online political engagement in the age of algorithms 算法时代的交叉曝光、感知现实主义和在线政治参与
IF 2.6 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/01292986.2021.2022175
J. Lin
ABSTRACT Considering the implications of cross-cutting exposure for democratic deliberation in the age of algorithms, this study proposes a conceptual model that delineates the roles of perceived realism and approval of algorithmic curation in the relationship between cross-cutting exposure and online political engagement. Secondary data obtained from the 2018 national survey conducted by the Taiwan Institute for Governance and Communication Research were utilized to test the relationships. The results indicated a negative association between cross-cutting exposure and online political engagement. The significant mediation model further showed that exposure to cross-cutting perspectives on social media was negatively associated with online political engagement by way of decreased perceived realism. That association was conditioned by the level of approval of algorithmic curation, which weakened the negative mediating role of perceived realism as it increased. Implications of those results and directions for future research are discussed.
摘要考虑到交叉曝光对算法时代民主审议的影响,本研究提出了一个概念模型,描述了感知现实主义和对算法策展的认可在交叉曝光和网络政治参与之间的关系中的作用。从台湾施政与传播研究所2018年全国调查中获得的二次数据被用来测试两者之间的关系。研究结果表明,跨领域接触与网络政治参与之间存在负相关。重要的调解模型进一步表明,在社交媒体上接触跨领域视角与网络政治参与呈负相关,表现为现实感下降。这种关联受到算法策展的认可程度的制约,这削弱了感知现实主义的负面中介作用。讨论了这些结果对未来研究的启示和方向。
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引用次数: 1
Explaining change in independence–unification views in Taiwan: a within-between model 台湾独统观变化的解释:一种介于两者之间的模式
IF 2.6 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/01292986.2022.2034903
Chia-hung Tsai, Tsung-han Tsai
ABSTRACT Independence–unification (IU) views have been profoundly influential in Taiwan politics. This study uses the rally ‘round the flag effect to explain the increase in support for Taiwan independence after President Tsai Ing-wen rejected China's ‘one country, two systems' proposal. Taking advantage of within-individual differences in panel data, we can estimate the probability of IU views given a set of certain characteristics compared with other values of those characteristics and ascertain the influence of change in variables such as approval of the president's handling cross-Strait relations at different time points. Our preliminary results show that Taiwanese people indeed change their IU views due to the external and domestic environment. People who perceive that the economy has improved and whose views on President Tsai have become more favorable tend to flock towards the independence side. People whose views of President Tsai’s handling of cross-Strait relations have become more favorable also move towards independence. If we only consider differences between individuals, feelings about the KMT and DPP stand out as significant predictors of IU views.
摘要独立统一观对台湾政治产生了深远的影响。 利用面板数据中的个体内部差异,我们可以估计给定一组特定特征的IU观点与这些特征的其他值相比的概率,并确定变量变化的影响,例如总统在不同时间点处理两岸关系的批准。我们的初步结果表明,台湾人确实因外部和国内环境而改变了他们对IU的看法。那些认为经济已经改善,对蔡总统的看法变得更加有利的人往往会涌向独立派。对蔡总统处理两岸关系的看法越来越有利的人也走向独立。如果我们只考虑个人之间的差异,对国民党和民进党的感受是IU观点的重要预测因素。
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引用次数: 2
Taking stock of social-political polarization in Asia: political communication, social media and digital governance 盘点亚洲社会政治两极分化:政治传播、社交媒体和数字治理
IF 2.6 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/01292986.2022.2043399
T. Lin, Chia-hung Tsai
During the 2016 American presidential election, the possible impact of social media algorithm and echo chamber effects on socio-political polarization and perhaps even voting results, attracted much scholarly attention. Such socio-political polarization was present, at least to a degree, also in Asian countries with diverse political and cultural systems. Exposure to heterogeneous perspectives has been found to enhance individuals’ political participation when they get used to diverse online discourse environments (Kim, Hsu, & de Zúñiga, 2013). In contrast, those in information cocoons surrounded by similar viewpoints or like-minded values, tended to filter out dissenting views, firm in their specific world views, and tended to go to extremes easily (Sunstein, 2009). Two opposing arguments about the Internet and social media depict different attributes of polarization. On one hand, the openness of the Internet allows individuals to receive different ideas, which likely decreases the effects of polarization (Garrett, Carnahan, & Lynch, 2013; Hong & Kim, 2016). On the other hand, as increasing empirical evidence shows, polarization can be exacerbated under selective exposure to divisive ideologies and information on social network sites. Social media is considered a contributor to ideology polarization as its algorithm leads to filter bubbles that screen out differing views while enhancing similar political beliefs and perspectives (Hong & Kim, 2016). Through algorithmic personalization, liked-minded contents are promoted or filtered, which magnifies the effects of the echo chamber (Dubois & Blank, 2018). Evidence of echo chambers on social media is supported by studies using digital trace data (Terren & Borge, 2021). Social media heavy users are likely to have scanty network heterogeneity as a result of limited exposure to different perspectives, which reinforces polarization as a result of less exposure to diverse viewpoints (Lee, Choi, Kim, & Kim, 2014). Internet and social media algorithms have been criticized for worsening social-political polarization when these black-box machinery mechanisms predetermine users’ exposure to information. Those exposed to homogeneous political views believe their views are held by the majority, which deepens the gulf between political parties or social groups different from them and thus cause political turmoil and societal chaos. Yarchi, Baden, and Kligler-Vilenchik’s (2020) computational communication research confirms social media effects on political polarization. According to Yarchi et al. (2020), political polarization are categorized into interactional polarization, positional polarization and affective polarization. Political polarization is shaped by individual political attitudes or partisan dispositions (Coffey & Joseph, 2012). Media framing, as the second-level of agenda setting, selects and emphasizes facts and interpretations to shape public perceptions and tell stories to conform to their media n
在2016年美国总统大选期间,社交媒体算法和回音室效应对社会政治两极分化甚至投票结果可能产生的影响引起了学术界的广泛关注。这种社会政治两极化至少在一定程度上也存在于具有不同政治和文化制度的亚洲国家。研究发现,当人们习惯了多样化的网络话语环境时,接触异质视角可以增强个人的政治参与(Kim, Hsu, & de Zúñiga, 2013)。相比之下,那些处于信息茧中的人被相似的观点或志同道合的价值观所包围,他们倾向于过滤掉不同的观点,坚定自己特定的世界观,并且容易走向极端(Sunstein, 2009)。关于互联网和社交媒体的两种对立观点描述了两极分化的不同属性。一方面,互联网的开放性使个人能够接受不同的想法,这可能会减少两极分化的影响(Garrett, Carnahan, & Lynch, 2013;Hong & Kim, 2016)。另一方面,越来越多的经验证据表明,在选择性地接触分裂的意识形态和社交网站上的信息时,两极分化可能会加剧。社交媒体被认为是意识形态两极分化的一个因素,因为它的算法会导致过滤泡沫,过滤掉不同的观点,同时增强相似的政治信仰和观点(Hong & Kim, 2016)。通过算法个性化,志同道合的内容被提升或过滤,这放大了回声室的影响(Dubois & Blank, 2018)。使用数字跟踪数据的研究支持了社交媒体上回声室的证据(Terren & Borge, 2021)。由于接触不同观点的机会有限,社交媒体重度用户可能缺乏网络异质性,这加剧了极化,因为接触不同观点的机会较少(Lee, Choi, Kim, & Kim, 2014)。互联网和社交媒体算法因加剧社会政治两极分化而受到批评,因为这些黑箱机器机制预先决定了用户对信息的接触。那些接触到同质化政治观点的人认为他们的观点是大多数人所持有的,这加深了与他们不同的政党或社会群体之间的鸿沟,从而导致政治动荡和社会混乱。Yarchi, Baden和Kligler-Vilenchik(2020)的计算传播研究证实了社交媒体对政治两极分化的影响。Yarchi et al.(2020)将政治极化分为互动极化、位置极化和情感极化。政治两极分化是由个人政治态度或党派倾向形成的(Coffey & Joseph, 2012)。媒体框架作为议程设置的第二层,选择和强调事实和解释,以塑造公众的感知,并讲述符合其媒体叙事的故事(Morstatter, Wu, Yavanoglu, Corman, & Liu, 2018)。对冲突的党派框架性在大众媒体中表现出来。对政治新闻的关注会影响观众的行为,加剧两极分化,而两极分化受个人党派倾向和意识形态倾向的强烈影响(Coffey & Joseph, 2012)。通过算法定制,涉及多利益相关者议程设置和框架力量复杂性的社交媒体使用被视为有效的工具
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引用次数: 5
Actual and perceived polarization on independence-unification views in Taiwan 台湾“独立统一”观点的实际两极分化与认知两极分化
IF 2.6 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/01292986.2021.2022174
Chi-chen Huang, Tzu-ching Kuo
ABSTRACT The rise of political polarization and its consequences for democracies have attracted much attention. But why the growing polarization? We argue that the main reason lies in the fact people act on the basis of not only their self-identities but also their perception of others, especially those viewed as the opposing group. In Taiwan, independence or unification with China is no doubt the most fundamental political cleavage. We therefore focus on the nature, sources, and consequences of such polarization in the mass public. This study (1) defines and operationalizes both perceived and actual polarization on independence-unification issue at individual level, (2) explores which individual characteristics such as Taiwanese-Chinese identity, partisanship, and media exposure are differentially related to the two types of polarization, and (3) compares consequences of perceived and actual polarization for citizens' affective polarization. We find that both an individual's Chinese–Taiwanese identity and partisanship contribute most to higher levels of perceived polarization, which in turn penetrates into social life and is significantly associated with negative emotions toward child's potential interparty marriage. The key implication of our study is that to prevent the self-perpetuating upward trend of political polarization, we should understand the determinants of the associated misperception.
摘要政治两极分化的兴起及其对民主国家的影响引起了人们的广泛关注。但为什么两极分化加剧?我们认为,主要原因在于人们的行为不仅基于他们的自我身份,还基于他们对他人的看法,尤其是那些被视为对立群体的人。 因此,我们关注大众中这种两极分化的性质、来源和后果。本研究(1)在个体层面上定义并操作了独立统一问题上的感知极化和实际极化,(3)比较了感知极化和实际极化对公民情感极化的影响。我们发现,个人的中国-台湾身份和党派偏见都是导致更高程度的两极分化的主要原因,而两极分化反过来渗透到社会生活中,并与对孩子潜在的党派间婚姻的负面情绪显著相关。我们研究的关键含义是,为了防止政治两极分化的自我持续上升趋势,我们应该了解相关误解的决定因素。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Asian Journal of Communication
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