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Negotiating the Legacies of Intragroup Violence in Timor Leste 东帝汶群体内暴力遗留问题的谈判
IF 1.6 1区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-06-20 DOI: 10.1093/ijtj/ijab007
Victor Igreja
The end of the Cold War raised the profiles of international tribunals and truth commissions as official mechanisms for dealing with the legacies of political violence around the world. However, these mechanisms have the tendency to generate somewhat stark accounts of the past and present, and of guilt and heroism, and are thus an inadequate forum for grasping the complexities of protracted, multiple and fracturing intragroup violence. This article is based on fieldwork in Timor Leste. It analyzes the unresolved legacies of Timorese intragroup political violence through a focus on the interventions of political leaders in the Timorese national parliament over time, coupled with an analysis of some of their autobiographies. It reveals how the crisscrossing histories of violence and fluctuating group affiliations have shaped ongoing political struggles, from silence and denial to unsettling voices and deliberations, which constitute sources of enduring political negotiations, mistrust and tension among Timorese leaders.
冷战的结束提高了国际法庭和真相委员会作为处理世界各地政治暴力遗留问题的官方机制的地位。然而,这些机制往往会对过去和现在,以及内疚和英雄主义产生一些鲜明的描述,因此,对于掌握长期、多重和分裂的群体内部暴力的复杂性来说,这些机制是不够的。这篇文章是根据在东帝汶的田野调查写成的。它通过关注政治领导人长期以来在东帝汶国民议会中的干预,以及对他们的一些自传的分析,分析了东帝汶群体内政治暴力未解决的遗留问题。它揭示了暴力的交错历史和不断变化的团体关系如何形成了持续的政治斗争,从沉默和否认到令人不安的声音和审议,这些都是东帝汶领导人之间持久政治谈判、不信任和紧张局势的根源。
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引用次数: 0
Erratum to: “We Came To Realize We Are Judges”: The Moral Careers of Elected Lay Jurists in Rwanda’s Gacaca Courts 勘误表:“我们意识到我们是法官”:卢旺达加卡卡法院民选非专业法学家的道德生涯
IF 1.6 1区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-06-20 DOI: 10.1093/ijtj/ijaa025
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引用次数: 0
Books Received 收到的书籍
IF 1.6 1区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-06-18 DOI: 10.1093/ijtj/ijab016
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引用次数: 0
The Law of ‘Never Again’: Transitional Justice and the Transformation of the Norm of Non-Recurrence “永不再来”的法则:过渡正义与“永不再来”规范的转变
IF 1.6 1区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-06-18 DOI: 10.1093/ijtj/ijab011
Maja Davidović
This article analyses the transformation of guarantees of non-recurrence (GNRs), the least developed pillar of transitional justice (TJ), and sets a legal and conceptual foundation of the norm for TJ theory and practice. It draws out key characteristics of GNRs including the norm’s various contents and contexts, stressing its exceptional future-oriented nature in international law. The article investigates conceptual origins of preventing non-recurrence in the early developments of TJ and the recent normative expansions undertaken by the UN Special Rapporteur. The main contributions of the article are establishing GNRs as normatively distinct in TJ and identifying transfers of local-level advocacy from Latin America to general norm creation. Finally, the article proposes a tension between decontextualizing the norm content to make it universally applicable and recent attempts to normatively expand the norm and improve its context-specificity, and discusses its potential consequences for TJ practice.
本文分析了转型司法中最不发达的支柱——不重复担保的转变,为转型司法理论和实践奠定了规范的法律和概念基础。它指出了gnr的主要特征,包括规范的各种内容和背景,强调了其在国际法中特殊的面向未来的性质。本文调查了在TJ早期发展中防止不再发生的概念起源和联合国特别报告员最近进行的规范扩展。本文的主要贡献在于确立了GNRs在TJ中的规范性区别,并确定了从拉丁美洲到一般规范制定的地方一级倡导的转移。最后,文章提出了规范内容的脱语境化以使其普遍适用与最近规范扩展和提高其情境特异性的尝试之间的紧张关系,并讨论了其对TJ实践的潜在影响。
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引用次数: 1
Defying the victim-perpetrator binary: female ex-combatants in Colombia and Guatemala as complex political perpetrators 反抗受害者-加害者二元对立:哥伦比亚和危地马拉的女性前战斗人员是复杂的政治加害者
IF 1.6 1区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-06-15 DOI: 10.1093/IJTJ/IJAB006
Sanne Weber
I N T R O D U C T I O N Over the last few decades, there has been much attention to the different impacts of conflict on women and their role in conflict and peace, leading to increased attention to gender in the fields of transitional justice (TJ) and peacebuilding. Victims, especially victims of sexual violence, have thus come to be at the centre of TJ and peacebuilding. This however risks obscuring conflict-era experiences that are characterized not only by victimization but also by resilience and agency. It moreover neglects the fact that women are not only victims, but also perpetrators of violence. Notions of victims and perpetrators are often simplified and essentialized, victims being represented as innocent and pure whereas perpetrators are represented as evil and guilty. The reality is more ambiguous. The recognition of the complexity of reality, in which victims may not be entirely innocent, and where perpetrators might also have experienced victimization, is crucial for understanding the underlying structural inequalities that lead certain individuals to become perpetrators of violence. More nuanced stories about conflict experiences can help to diversify ideas about gender roles and norms during and after conflict, challenging stereotypes of women as vulnerable victims that eventually uphold gendered inequality. This article engages with debates on the victim–perpetrator binary within TJ literature and practice. Recent years have seen discussions about Bouris’ notion of ‘complex political victims.’ Although an important addition to critical debates about victimhood in TJ, this category is not sufficient to encompass a wider group of actors involved in conflict, who have a crucial role to play in reconciliation: ex-combatants.
在过去的几十年里,人们非常关注冲突对妇女的不同影响及其在冲突与和平中的作用,从而在过渡时期司法和建设和平领域更加关注性别问题。受害者,特别是性暴力的受害者,因此成为TJ和建设和平的中心。然而,这有可能掩盖冲突时期的经历,这些经历的特点不仅是受害,而且是韧性和能动性。此外,它还忽略了一个事实,即妇女不仅是暴力的受害者,也是暴力的肇事者。受害者和犯罪者的概念往往被简化和本质化,受害者被认为是无辜和纯洁的,而犯罪者则被认为是邪恶和有罪的。现实情况更为模糊。认识到现实的复杂性,受害者可能并非完全无辜,施暴者也可能遭受过伤害,对于理解导致某些人成为暴力施暴者的根本结构性不平等至关重要。关于冲突经历的更细致入微的故事有助于在冲突期间和冲突后使人们对性别角色和规范的看法多样化,挑战女性作为弱势受害者的刻板印象,最终维护性别不平等。本文在TJ的文献和实践中对被害人-加害人二元关系进行了讨论。近年来,人们一直在讨论布里斯的“复杂政治受害者”概念尽管这一类别是关于TJ受害者身份的批判性辩论的重要补充,但不足以涵盖更广泛的冲突参与者群体,他们在和解中发挥着至关重要的作用:前战斗人员。
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引用次数: 2
Territory as a Victim of Armed Conflict 作为武装冲突受害者的领土
IF 1.6 1区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-06-11 DOI: 10.1093/IJTJ/IJAB002
A. Huneeus, Pablo Rueda Sáiz
Colombia’s peace jurisdiction has formally accredited the territories of indigenous and Black communities as victims of the armed conflict. But what does it mean for a territory to be treated not as the stage on which a conflict unfolds, but as its victim? The concept of territory-as-victim seeks to give a legal expression to the notion that it is not just human lives that are upended by armed conflict, but also relations with non-humans, including ‘earth beings’ such as rivers and mountains, and the spiritual world. Further, it is a tool through which indigenous peoples and Black Colombians gain greater control over their land. Transitional justice scholars and practitioners are just beginning to consider what the push to recognize non-humans in law could mean for a field that has its origins in the human rights movement. This article contributes to the debate, showing how Colombia’s peace process is transforming territory from an object to a legal subject that suffers harm and is in need of repair.
哥伦比亚的和平管辖区已正式认定土著和黑人社区的领土为武装冲突的受害者。但是,一个领土不被视为冲突展开的舞台,而是被视为其受害者,这意味着什么?领土作为受害者的概念试图在法律上表达这样一种观点,即武装冲突不仅颠覆了人类的生活,还颠覆了与非人类的关系,包括河流和山脉等“地球人”以及精神世界的关系。此外,它是土著人民和哥伦比亚黑人对其土地获得更大控制权的工具。过渡时期司法学者和从业者才刚刚开始考虑,在法律上承认非人类对一个起源于人权运动的领域意味着什么。这篇文章为这场辩论做出了贡献,展示了哥伦比亚的和平进程如何将领土从一个物体转变为一个受到伤害并需要修复的法律主体。
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引用次数: 7
Unearthing Ambiguities: Post-Genocide Justice in Raoul Peck’s Sometimes in April and the ICTR case Nahimana et al. 揭露歧义:在拉乌尔·佩克的《四月有时》和卢旺达问题国际法庭案件中种族灭绝后的司法。
IF 1.6 1区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-06-04 DOI: 10.1093/IJTJ/IJAB008
Anna Katila
This article examines Raoul Peck’s portrayal of post-genocide justice in Rwanda in his film Sometimes in April (2005). The film, which depicts the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi and its aftermath a decade later, resonates with the ICTR case Prosecutor v. Nahimana et al. with its focus on hate speech as genocide. The shared questions connect the two distinct narrative forms that are part of the global social discourse on Rwanda, allowing them to be analysed side by side. Building upon close readings, this article asks: Who is guilty and what counts as a crime? What kind of impact do justice mechanisms have? Whose interests does the ICTR serve? Extending interdisciplinary research on Rwanda across law and cultural studies, I argue that analysing Sometimes in April helps unearth ambiguities within and surrounding the ICTR. Peck’s film and the legal case together communicate a rounded understanding of post-genocide justice to outside audiences, as it is experienced or perceived from local and international perspectives.
这篇文章考察了拉乌尔·派克在他的电影《四月有时》(2005)中对卢旺达种族灭绝后司法的描绘。这部电影描绘了1994年针对图西族的种族灭绝及其十年后的后果,与卢旺达问题国际法庭检察官诉纳希马纳等人一案产生共鸣,重点关注仇恨言论是种族灭绝。共同的问题将两种不同的叙事形式联系起来,这两种叙事形式是卢旺达全球社会话语的一部分,使它们能够并排分析。在仔细阅读的基础上,这篇文章提出了一个问题:谁有罪,什么才算犯罪?司法机制有什么样的影响?卢旺达问题国际法庭为谁的利益服务?将对卢旺达的跨学科研究扩展到法律和文化研究,我认为分析《四月有时》有助于揭示卢旺达问题国际法庭内部和周围的模糊之处。佩克的电影和这起法律案件共同向外部观众传达了对种族灭绝后正义的全面理解,因为它是从当地和国际视角经历或感知的。
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引用次数: 0
Revisiting the Politics of Land Recovery Among White Commercial Farmers in Zimbabwe: Implications for Transitional Justice 重新审视津巴布韦白人商业农民的土地回收政治:对过渡时期司法的影响
IF 1.6 1区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-06-02 DOI: 10.1093/IJTJ/IJAB010
K. Batisai, G. Mudimu
The land question in postcolonial Africa, particularly in former settler colonies, has an enduring legacy. To illuminate the enduring dimensions of the land question, this article explores various land recovery options adopted by (former) white commercial farmers in Zimbabwe as they renegotiate access, ownership and control of land expropriated via the Fast Track Land Reform Programme. Zimbabwe has been fluid in handling these recovery options as it strives to reposition the economy and score political goals locally and globally. A transitional justice approach ensures that the contemporary land question, rooted in a historical racialized struggle, is resolved on an equality basis that transcends the current politicized productivist land recovery discourse. As the transitional justice approach takes cognisance of longstanding marginalization and embraces robust institutions that withstand political whims and the test of time, it ensures meaningful policy and practical interventions that confront the contentious land question in Zimbabwe and beyond.
后殖民时代非洲的土地问题,特别是前定居者殖民地的土地问题有着持久的遗产。为了阐明土地问题的持久性,本文探讨了津巴布韦(前)白人商业农民在重新谈判通过“快速土地改革计划”征用的土地的使用、所有权和控制权时所采取的各种土地回收选择。津巴布韦在处理这些复苏方案时一直很灵活,努力重新定位经济,并在当地和全球范围内实现政治目标。过渡时期的司法方法确保了植根于历史上种族化斗争的当代土地问题在平等的基础上得到解决,超越了当前政治化的生产力土地恢复话语。由于过渡时期司法方法认识到了长期的边缘化,并包含了经得起政治突发事件和时间考验的强大机构,它确保了有意义的政策和实际干预措施,以应对津巴布韦及其他地区有争议的土地问题。
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引用次数: 2
Appraising the Socio-Economic Turn in Reparations: Transitional Justice for Cholera Victims in Haiti 评估赔偿的社会经济转变:海地霍乱受害者的过渡时期正义
IF 1.6 1区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-05-29 DOI: 10.1093/ijtj/ijab020
N. Lemay-Hébert, Rosa Freedman
After belatedly apologizing for the cholera epidemic in Haiti, the ‘New Approach to Cholera in Haiti’ by the UN and the promise of material assistance to victims through a ‘victim-centred approach’ highlight how the victims turn and the socio-economic turn are increasingly pivotal in the field of transitional justice. In light of these growing calls, we suggest a matrix to clarify the debate made of two separate dimensions: the focus of reparations – collective versus individual – and the means of reparations – symbolic versus material. Based on fieldwork conducted in March 2017 in the communities most affected by the cholera outbreak, this article demonstrates how the tensions between reparations offered by the UN (with a preference for collective symbolic reparations) and the reparations demanded by the victims (individual material reparations) can help understand the current stalemate in Haiti, and hopefully inform the next steps in the process of remedy for the victims.
在为海地霍乱疫情道歉姗姗来迟之后,联合国的“海地霍乱新方法”以及通过“以受害者为中心的方法”向受害者提供物质援助的承诺,突显了受害者的转变和社会经济的转变在过渡司法领域越来越重要。鉴于这些日益增长的呼声,我们提出了一个矩阵来澄清由两个独立维度组成的辩论:赔偿的重点——集体与个人——以及赔偿的手段——象征性与物质性。基于2017年3月在受霍乱疫情影响最严重的社区进行的实地调查,本文展示了联合国提供的赔偿(倾向于集体象征性赔偿)和受害者要求的赔偿(个人物质赔偿)之间的紧张关系如何有助于理解海地目前的僵局,并希望为受害者补救过程中的下一步行动提供信息。
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引用次数: 2
Institutional Reform in Myanmar: Preventing Corporate Land Rights Abuses 缅甸的制度改革:防止企业滥用土地权利
IF 1.6 1区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-05-26 DOI: 10.1093/IJTJ/IJAB003
Daniel Aguirre, Irene Pietropaoli
In 2011, after five decades of authoritarian rule, Myanmar accelerated its military-guided transition, culminating in partially democratic elections in 2015. While land reform was a central part of protest that led to governmental changes, unlawful land confiscation and forced evictions remain central obstacles to transition in Myanmar. The current government has failed to reform the legal framework, institutions, policy and practice violating Housing, Land and Property (HLP) rights. While civil society has called for participatory and accountable institutions, a perceived need to appease the military, to harness the economic power of ‘crony’ businesspeople and to attract foreign investment has left violations of HLP rights inadequately addressed. This article argues that transitional justice’s guarantees of non-reoccurrence are essential to the protection of HLP rights in Myanmar, and that the best method of preventing reoccurrence is through upholding the state duty to protect human rights by reforming laws and institutions.
2011年,在经历了50年的独裁统治后,缅甸加快了军事主导的过渡,最终在2015年举行了部分民主选举。虽然土地改革是导致政府更迭的抗议活动的核心部分,但非法没收土地和强迫驱逐仍然是缅甸过渡的主要障碍。现任政府未能改革侵犯住房、土地和财产权的法律框架、机构、政策和做法。尽管民间社会呼吁建立参与性和负责任的机构,但人们认为需要安抚军队、利用“亲信”商人的经济力量和吸引外国投资,这使得侵犯HLP权利的行为没有得到充分解决。本文认为,过渡时期司法对不再次发生的保障对于保护缅甸人权高专办的权利至关重要,防止再次发生的最佳方法是通过改革法律和机构来维护国家保护人权的义务。
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引用次数: 1
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International Journal of Transitional Justice
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