Philosophers have argued there is a particular kind of jarring effect in certain types of narrative fiction that prevents readers from imaginative engagement and/or detracts from the author’s authority over what’s fictionally true. In this paper we argue that this so-called imaginative resistance effect does not usually prevent readers from engaging imaginatively, nor does it detract from the author’s authority over what’s fictionally true. We distinguish three possible interpretation strategies that readers can follow to overcome an initial resistance: Face Value, Character Perspective, and Narrator Accommodation. We flesh out the exact workings of the three strategies by integrating them into a general formal semantic framework for interpreting fiction.
{"title":"Coping With Imaginative Resistance","authors":"D. Altshuler, E. Maier","doi":"10.1093/jos/ffac007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jos/ffac007","url":null,"abstract":"Philosophers have argued there is a particular kind of jarring effect in certain types of narrative fiction that prevents readers from imaginative engagement and/or detracts from the author’s authority over what’s fictionally true. In this paper we argue that this so-called imaginative resistance effect does not usually prevent readers from engaging imaginatively, nor does it detract from the author’s authority over what’s fictionally true. We distinguish three possible interpretation strategies that readers can follow to overcome an initial resistance: Face Value, Character Perspective, and Narrator Accommodation. We flesh out the exact workings of the three strategies by integrating them into a general formal semantic framework for interpreting fiction.","PeriodicalId":46947,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Semantics","volume":"39 1","pages":"523-549"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"61594101","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Distinguishing Homogeneity From Vagueness","authors":"Diego Feinmann","doi":"10.1093/jos/ffab014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jos/ffab014","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46947,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Semantics","volume":"38 1","pages":"667-679"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"61593746","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Iffy Endorsements","authors":"Magdalena Kaufmann, Stefan Kaufmann","doi":"10.1093/jos/ffab017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jos/ffab017","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46947,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Semantics","volume":"38 1","pages":"639-665"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"61593817","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper is about the semantics of the German adverb eher, which has three, or perhaps four, readings: temporal, epistemic, metalinguistic and -depending on whether it is accepted as a genuine reading -preference. In its epistemic reading, eher gained prominence in semantics because it was used by Kratzer (1981) to argue that the notion of possibility is gradable. Eher has also received attention from a diachronic perspective, where it has been compared to the English adverb rather (Gergel 2009). Our analysis starts from the temporal reading which, first of all, expresses temporal precedence. We argue that temporal eher is indexical (unlike früher / 'earlier'), comparing closeness to a perspectival center, and that the non-temporal readings inherit their basic structure from the temporal one. The analysis of the non-temporal readings will be embedded in a Kratzer-style ordering semantics, deviating from the standard picture in assuming (i), that both the modal base and the ordering source are relativized to a perspective holder and (ii), that in the case of metalinguistic eher, interpretations (in the sense of Barker 2002 / Krifka 2012) are compared instead of worlds. Our analysis is different from that developed by Herburger & Rubinstein (2018), which ignores the temporal as well as the metalinguistic reading and takes recourse to "degrees of belief". At the end of the paper, we briefly look at expressions related to eher, including English more and its German counterpart mehr as well as English rather, and also at the modal reading of German schon (‘already’).
{"title":"Comparison via eher","authors":"C. Umbach, S. Solt","doi":"10.1093/jos/ffab021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jos/ffab021","url":null,"abstract":"This paper is about the semantics of the German adverb eher, which has three, or perhaps four, readings: temporal, epistemic, metalinguistic and -depending on whether it is accepted as a genuine reading -preference. In its epistemic reading, eher gained prominence in semantics because it was used by Kratzer (1981) to argue that the notion of possibility is gradable. Eher has also received attention from a diachronic perspective, where it has been compared to the English adverb rather (Gergel 2009). Our analysis starts from the temporal reading which, first of all, expresses temporal precedence. We argue that temporal eher is indexical (unlike früher / 'earlier'), comparing closeness to a perspectival center, and that the non-temporal readings inherit their basic structure from the temporal one. The analysis of the non-temporal readings will be embedded in a Kratzer-style ordering semantics, deviating from the standard picture in assuming (i), that both the modal base and the ordering source are relativized to a perspective holder and (ii), that in the case of metalinguistic eher, interpretations (in the sense of Barker 2002 / Krifka 2012) are compared instead of worlds. Our analysis is different from that developed by Herburger & Rubinstein (2018), which ignores the temporal as well as the metalinguistic reading and takes recourse to \"degrees of belief\". At the end of the paper, we briefly look at expressions related to eher, including English more and its German counterpart mehr as well as English rather, and also at the modal reading of German schon (‘already’).","PeriodicalId":46947,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Semantics","volume":"39 1","pages":"39-85"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"61593990","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Binominal each is known to exhibit selectional requirements on the noun phrase that immediately precedes it. The goal of this paper is to reduce these selectional requirements to a single requirement of monotonic growth of measurement in relation to the ‘size’ of distributivity. More concretely, it is argued that binominal each imposes a constraint on the functional dependencies arising from distributive quantification, requiring that the measurement of its host grows monotonically with the number of values being distributively quantified. To make constraints on dependencies formally explicit, I devise a version of dynamic plural logic with features from van den Berg (1996) and Brasoveanu (2008, 2013) to semantically represent dependencies arising from evaluating distributive quantification. The use of a dynamic logic, coupled with a delayed evaluation mechanism in terms of higher order meaning (Cresti 1995, de Swart 2000, Charlow, to appear), allows the constraint to act as an output context constraint on distributive quantification, which mirrors the use of output constraints pioneered by Farkas (1997, 2002b) and and further developed in Brasoveanu (2013), Henderson (2014) and Kuhn (2017).
众所周知，每个双名词都对紧接在它前面的名词短语有选择性要求。本文的目标是将这些选择要求简化为与分布性“大小”有关的测量单调增长的单一要求。更具体地说，我们认为二项分别对由分布量化引起的函数依赖施加了约束，要求其宿主的测量随分布量化的值的数量单调增长。为了使依赖关系的约束形式明确，我设计了一个动态复数逻辑的版本，其中包含van den Berg(1996)和Brasoveanu(2008,2013)的特征，以语义表示评估分布量化所产生的依赖关系。动态逻辑的使用，加上高阶意义方面的延迟评估机制(Cresti 1995, de Swart 2000, Charlow等)，允许约束作为分布式量化的输出上下文约束，这反映了Farkas (1997,2002b)率先使用的输出约束，并在Brasoveanu (2013)， Henderson(2014)和Kuhn(2017)中进一步发展。
{"title":"The Mereological Structure of Distributivity: A Case Study of Binominal Each","authors":"Jess H K Law","doi":"10.1093/jos/ffab022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jos/ffab022","url":null,"abstract":"Binominal each is known to exhibit selectional requirements on the noun phrase that immediately precedes it. The goal of this paper is to reduce these selectional requirements to a single requirement of monotonic growth of measurement in relation to the ‘size’ of distributivity. More concretely, it is argued that binominal each imposes a constraint on the functional dependencies arising from distributive quantification, requiring that the measurement of its host grows monotonically with the number of values being distributively quantified. To make constraints on dependencies formally explicit, I devise a version of dynamic plural logic with features from van den Berg (1996) and Brasoveanu (2008, 2013) to semantically represent dependencies arising from evaluating distributive quantification. The use of a dynamic logic, coupled with a delayed evaluation mechanism in terms of higher order meaning (Cresti 1995, de Swart 2000, Charlow, to appear), allows the constraint to act as an output context constraint on distributive quantification, which mirrors the use of output constraints pioneered by Farkas (1997, 2002b) and and further developed in Brasoveanu (2013), Henderson (2014) and Kuhn (2017).","PeriodicalId":46947,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Semantics","volume":"39 1","pages":"159-211"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"61594129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
: The first sentence in the title means roughly: All the people around are tired. The second means: Do not mess with any of them. Even though the second sentence looks just like a negative counterpart of the first, it doesn’t have the expected compositional meaning: it doesn’t mean “do not mess with all the people”. This phenomenon is extremely general. It takes place with Bare Plurals, as in the title. It figures prominently in the behavior of Plural Definites ( I spoke to the students in trouble @ " / I didn’t speak to the students in trouble @ ¬ $ ). It also takes place with to Donkey pronouns ( Every farmer who had a donkey sold it @ " / No man who had a donkey sold it @ ¬ $ ). These switches of quantificational force under polarity reversals calls to mind Free Choice phenomena. In particular, a determiner like any is interpreted as a narrow scope existential in a sentence like I didn’t talk to any student in trouble @ ¬ $ ; however, in positive environments, the existential meaning of any emerges as strengthened to universal I spoke to any student in trouble @ " . It is tempting to conjecture that the source of this uniform behavior is a uniform mechanism. While these constructions (Free Choice any , Bare Plurals, Plural Definites, and Donkey pronouns) have been studied extensively, and insightful approaches to Plural Definites in terms of Free Choice mechanisms have also been proposed (Bar Lev 2018, 2021), a unitary analysis has not been attempted to the best of my knowledge. In spite of the many challenges that a unified analysis faces, it is worth a try, for, if successful, it would considerably push forward our understanding of a wide range of very diverse constructions.
标题中的第一句话大致意思是:周围的人都累了。第二个意思是:不要惹他们中的任何一个。尽管第二句话看起来就像第一句的否定版，但它并没有预期的构成意义:它的意思并不是“不要惹所有的人”。这种现象极为普遍。它以裸复数形式出现，如标题。它在复数定义的行为中表现得很突出(我和有麻烦的学生说话@”/我没有和有麻烦的学生说话@¬$)。它也发生在to Donkey代词(每个有驴的农民都卖了它@”/没有人有驴卖了它@¬$)。这些在极性反转下定量力的转换让人想起自由选择现象。特别地，像any这样的限定词在句子中被解释为狭窄范围的存在，比如我没有和任何有麻烦的学生交谈@¬$;然而，在积极的环境中，any的存在意义被强化为普遍存在，我和任何有困难的学生交谈过@”。人们很容易猜测，这种统一行为的来源是一种统一的机制。虽然这些结构(Free Choice any, Bare Plurals，复数定义项和Donkey pronouns)已经被广泛研究，并且也提出了关于自由选择机制的复数定义项的有见地的方法(Bar Lev 2018, 2021)，但据我所知，还没有尝试过一个统一的分析。尽管统一分析面临许多挑战，但值得一试，因为，如果成功，它将大大推动我们对各种各样的结构的理解。
{"title":"'People are fed up; don't mess with them.' Non-quantificational Arguments and Polarity Reversals","authors":"Gennaro Chierchia","doi":"10.1093/jos/ffac006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jos/ffac006","url":null,"abstract":": The first sentence in the title means roughly: All the people around are tired. The second means: Do not mess with any of them. Even though the second sentence looks just like a negative counterpart of the first, it doesn’t have the expected compositional meaning: it doesn’t mean “do not mess with all the people”. This phenomenon is extremely general. It takes place with Bare Plurals, as in the title. It figures prominently in the behavior of Plural Definites ( I spoke to the students in trouble @ \" / I didn’t speak to the students in trouble @ ¬ $ ). It also takes place with to Donkey pronouns ( Every farmer who had a donkey sold it @ \" / No man who had a donkey sold it @ ¬ $ ). These switches of quantificational force under polarity reversals calls to mind Free Choice phenomena. In particular, a determiner like any is interpreted as a narrow scope existential in a sentence like I didn’t talk to any student in trouble @ ¬ $ ; however, in positive environments, the existential meaning of any emerges as strengthened to universal I spoke to any student in trouble @ \" . It is tempting to conjecture that the source of this uniform behavior is a uniform mechanism. While these constructions (Free Choice any , Bare Plurals, Plural Definites, and Donkey pronouns) have been studied extensively, and insightful approaches to Plural Definites in terms of Free Choice mechanisms have also been proposed (Bar Lev 2018, 2021), a unitary analysis has not been attempted to the best of my knowledge. In spite of the many challenges that a unified analysis faces, it is worth a try, for, if successful, it would considerably push forward our understanding of a wide range of very diverse constructions.","PeriodicalId":46947,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Semantics","volume":"39 1","pages":"475-521"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"61594044","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Research on modality has recently broadened beyond the verbal domain, unearthing questions about the cross-categorial nature of modality (Arregui et al. 2017), for instance: To what extent do DP and VP modals mirror each other? Chuj, an understudied Mayan language, provides an ideal vantage point to answer this question with respect to random choice modality. Random choice indefinites convey, roughly, that an agent made an indiscriminate choice. In Chuj, random choice indefinite DPs involve a morpheme ( komon ) that can also appear as a verbal modifier (Royer & Alonso-Ovalle 2019), inviting a comparison between categories. We argue that both in DPs and VPs, komon conveys information about the likelihood of the event described, but that the modal component of komon is nevertheless tied to its syntactic position. VP- komon conveys that the most expected worlds where the described event happens are no more expected than the most expected worlds where it does not. DP- komon conveys a similar modal component, but hardwires a comparison between the likelihood of the event described, which involves an individual in the extension of the NP, and that of alternative events determined by considering alternative individuals in the extension of that NP. The characterization of the modal component of komon contributes to the characterization of random choice modality and brings into question whether this type of modality should be taken to be a unified category, since none of the previous proposals on the nature of random choice modality tie it to the expression of likelihood.
对情态的研究最近已经扩展到言语领域之外，发现了关于情态的跨范畴性质的问题(Arregui et al. 2017)，例如:DP和VP情态在多大程度上相互反映?Chuj，一种未被充分研究的玛雅语言，提供了一个理想的有利位置来回答这个关于随机选择形态的问题。随机选择的不确定性，粗略地说，就是一个行为人做了一个不加区分的选择。在Chuj中，随机选择的不定dp涉及一个语素(komon)，该语素也可以作为动词修饰语出现(Royer & Alonso-Ovalle 2019)，这引起了类别之间的比较。我们认为，在dp和vp中，komon传达了所描述事件可能性的信息，但komon的模态成分仍然与其句法位置联系在一起。VP- komon传达的信息是，在最期望的世界中，所描述的事件发生的情况并不比在最期望的世界中，事件没有发生的情况更令人期待。DP- komon传递了类似的模态成分，但它将所描述的事件的可能性(涉及到NP扩展中的个体)与通过考虑NP扩展中的其他个体而确定的替代事件的可能性进行了比较。对komon的模态成分的描述有助于对随机选择模态的描述，并对这种类型的模态是否应该被视为一个统一的类别提出了疑问，因为之前关于随机选择模态性质的建议都没有将其与可能性的表达联系起来。
{"title":"Random Choice from Likelihood: The Case of Chuj (Mayan)","authors":"Luis Alonso-Ovalle, Justin Royer","doi":"10.1093/jos/ffab009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jos/ffab009","url":null,"abstract":"Research on modality has recently broadened beyond the verbal domain, unearthing questions about the cross-categorial nature of modality (Arregui et al. 2017), for instance: To what extent do DP and VP modals mirror each other? Chuj, an understudied Mayan language, provides an ideal vantage point to answer this question with respect to random choice modality. Random choice indefinites convey, roughly, that an agent made an indiscriminate choice. In Chuj, random choice indefinite DPs involve a morpheme ( komon ) that can also appear as a verbal modifier (Royer & Alonso-Ovalle 2019), inviting a comparison between categories. We argue that both in DPs and VPs, komon conveys information about the likelihood of the event described, but that the modal component of komon is nevertheless tied to its syntactic position. VP- komon conveys that the most expected worlds where the described event happens are no more expected than the most expected worlds where it does not. DP- komon conveys a similar modal component, but hardwires a comparison between the likelihood of the event described, which involves an individual in the extension of the NP, and that of alternative events determined by considering alternative individuals in the extension of that NP. The characterization of the modal component of komon contributes to the characterization of random choice modality and brings into question whether this type of modality should be taken to be a unified category, since none of the previous proposals on the nature of random choice modality tie it to the expression of likelihood.","PeriodicalId":46947,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Semantics","volume":"38 1","pages":"483-529"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"61593558","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Articulated Homogeneity in Cumulative Sentences","authors":"Keny Chatain","doi":"10.1093/jos/ffab019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jos/ffab019","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46947,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Semantics","volume":"39 1","pages":"1-37"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"61593890","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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