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Transcultural, Transnational Histories: A Response to Stefano Bianchini’s Liquid Nationalisms and State Partitions in Europe 跨文化、跨国历史:对Stefano Bianchini的流动民族主义和欧洲国家分裂的回应
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-22 DOI: 10.1017/nps.2023.26
R. Mohanram
Stefano Bianchini’s comprehensive work Liquid Nationalisms focuses on the frequent redrawing of state borders, especially in Eastern Europe, the fluidity of the contours of nations, and the vagaries and idiosyncratic nature of political changes in the European continent from the 19th to the 21st centuries. The title of this work takes its inspiration from Zygmunt Bauman’s famous work, Liquid Modernity (2000). Bauman’s work, which was published in 2000 in the aftermath of the dissolution of the Soviet Union and also Yugoslavia that resulted in the Balkan wars of the 1990s, first posits the obvious – that fluids cannot hold their shape as solids do because the structural arrangements of solids, unlike liquids, bind their atoms together. Bauman characterizes solidity as having hardened contours and belonging to a pre-modernity with its unchanging or slowly changing social, political, and economic mores. Modernity, on the other hand, is likened to liquids in that, like time, there is a fluidity and a fast-moving quality associated with it brought about by the European Enlightenment and the development of democracy and capitalism. As he states, “When describing solids, one may ignore time altogether; in describing fluids, to leave time out of account would be a grievous mistake. Descriptions of fluids are all snapshots, and they need a date at the bottom of the picture” (2). The lightness of touch, the quickness of response to changing times that liquid modernity promised, he points out, has resulted in postmodernity or late capitalism as “deregulation, liberalization, ‘flexibilization’, increased fluidity, unbridling the financial, real estate and labor markets, easing the tax burden, etc.” (5).
Stefano Bianchini的综合作品《流动的民族主义》聚焦于国家边界的频繁重新划定,尤其是在东欧,国家轮廓的流动性,以及19世纪至21世纪欧洲大陆政治变化的变幻莫测和独特性。这部作品的名称灵感来源于齐格蒙特·鲍曼的著名作品《流动的现代性》(2000)。鲍曼的著作发表于2000年,当时苏联和南斯拉夫解体,导致了20世纪90年代的巴尔干战争。鲍曼的作品首先提出了一个显而易见的观点——流体不能像固体那样保持形状,因为固体的结构安排与液体不同,将原子结合在一起。鲍曼将坚固性描述为具有硬化的轮廓,属于前现代性,其社会、政治和经济习俗不变或缓慢变化。另一方面,现代性被比作液体,因为与时间一样,欧洲启蒙运动以及民主和资本主义的发展带来了流动性和快速流动性。正如他所说,“在描述固体时,人们可能会完全忽略时间;在描述流体时,忽略时间将是一个严重的错误。对流体的描述都是快照,它们需要在图片底部注明日期”(2)。他指出,流动的现代性所承诺的对时代变化的轻松和快速反应,导致了后现代性或晚期资本主义,如“放松管制、自由化、‘灵活性’、增加流动性、放开金融、房地产和劳动力市场、减轻税收负担等”(5)。
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引用次数: 0
Between Muslims: Religious Difference in Iraqi Kurdistan, by J. Andrew Bush, Stanford UP, 2020, 216 pp., $25.00, (hardback), ISBN: 9781503611436. 《穆斯林之间:伊拉克库尔德斯坦的宗教差异》,J.Andrew Bush著,斯坦福大学出版社,2020年,216页,25.00美元,(精装本),国际标准书号:9781503611436。
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-19 DOI: 10.1017/nps.2023.35
Emre Taşkıran
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引用次数: 0
Everyday Belonging in the Post-Soviet Borderlands: Russian Speakers in Estonia and Kazakhstan, by Alina Jašina-Schäfer, Lexington Books, 2021, 190 pp., $95.00 (hardcover), ISBN 9781793631381, $39.99 (paperback), ISBN 9781793631404. Alina Jašina Schäfer著,《后苏联边境的日常归属:爱沙尼亚和哈萨克斯坦的俄语使用者》,列克星敦出版社,2021年,190页,95.00美元(精装本),国际标准书号9781793631381,39.99美元(平装本),ISBN 9781793631404。
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-18 DOI: 10.1017/nps.2023.36
Anastassia Zabrodskaja
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引用次数: 0
New Wild Fields: How the Russian War Leads to the Demodernization of Ukraine’s Occupied Territories 新的荒野:俄罗斯战争如何导致乌克兰被占领土的去现代化
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-11 DOI: 10.1017/nps.2023.33
Tetyana Malyarenko, Borys Kormych
This article explores Russian occupation policy in Ukraine as an adaptive tactic of Russia’s grand strategy and a manifestation of its military culture. Based on a comparative analysis of the Russian occupation policy during the hybrid and conventional stages of the Russian-Ukrainian war, including the employment of a de facto state playbook, we find both continuity and shifts in Russia’s approach. Although the main shift lies in the change of Russia’s conflict management in neighboring countries from reactive to proactive, the main continuities are the subordination of occupation policy to Russia’s geostrategic interests and path dependence in its military culture, which together lead to the employment of brutal violence against civilians and the demodernization of occupied territories.
本文探讨了俄罗斯在乌克兰的占领政策是俄罗斯大战略的适应性策略,是俄罗斯军事文化的体现。通过对俄乌战争混合阶段和常规阶段俄罗斯占领政策的比较分析,包括使用事实上的国家剧本,我们发现俄罗斯的做法既有连续性,也有转变。虽然主要的转变是俄罗斯在邻国的冲突管理从被动到主动的转变,但主要的连续性是占领政策从属于俄罗斯的地缘战略利益和其军事文化的路径依赖,这两者共同导致了对平民的野蛮暴力和被占领土的去现代化。
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引用次数: 4
The Multidimensional Soft Power of Illiberal States: Russia in the Western Balkans 非自由国家的多维软实力:西巴尔干半岛的俄罗斯
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-02 DOI: 10.1017/nps.2023.25
Adriana Cuppuleri, Liridona Veliu Ashiku
This article aims to make a threefold contribution to the study of soft power. First, considering that the potential of soft power of illiberal states is both underestimated and distorted, this study presents a two-dimensional conceptualization of Russia’s soft power, distinguishing between Russia’s posture toward the liberal international order, and sources of Russia’s foreign policy. Second, it analyzes whether Russian soft power in the Western Balkan countries remains ideologically relevant beyond its hitherto conceptualizations as either the result of its historic cultural ties with the region, or a reflection of Russian foreign policy strategies. Through an analysis of elite discourses and news media as exemplified in speeches, press releases, and interviews, this article locates, challenges, and develops on Russia’s soft power indicators in the Western Balkans. Finally, it contributes to surmounting the residing liberal democratic bias in the study of soft power of illiberal states, showing that not only can they be ideologically attractive but that their scope of influence differs according to the multi-layered nature of soft power.
本文旨在对软实力的研究做出三方面的贡献。首先,考虑到非自由国家的软实力潜力被低估和扭曲,本研究提出了一个关于俄罗斯软实力的二维概念,区分了俄罗斯对自由主义国际秩序的姿态和俄罗斯外交政策的来源。其次,它分析了俄罗斯在西巴尔干国家的软实力是否仍然具有意识形态相关性,超越其迄今为止的概念化,要么是其与该地区历史文化联系的结果,要么是俄罗斯外交政策战略的反映。通过对精英话语和新闻媒体的分析,以演讲、新闻稿和采访为例,本文定位、挑战并发展了俄罗斯在西巴尔干地区的软实力指标。最后,它有助于克服对非自由国家软实力研究中存在的自由民主偏见,表明它们不仅在意识形态上具有吸引力,而且它们的影响范围根据软实力的多层次性质而有所不同。
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引用次数: 0
Providing Meaning to Violence: Multiple Mobilizations and Dynamics of Conflict Escalation from November 2013 until February 2014 in Ukraine 为暴力提供意义:2013年11月至2014年2月乌克兰冲突升级的多重动员和动态
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-02 DOI: 10.1017/nps.2023.5
Oksana Myshlovska
The article examines the aspects of contention and conflict escalation before and during the period from November 2013 till February 2014 in Ukraine that have not yet received due attention in research. It studies the contention between the government and the opposition and the concomitant Maidan protest mobilizations by groups advocating unity with Russia, and opposing the visions of political community of the radical groups making up part of the Maidan coalition. Conflict escalation is studied as a combination of structural conditions, choices and actions taken by conflict agents, and evolving discursive factors that enable political violence. The analysis indicates that while structural conditions played a role, conflict escalation is a nonlinear and agency-driven process, evolving through mutually influencing choices and actions of the competing parties, that either drive escalation or lead to deradicalization. The article suggests that the modes of contention and radicalization between the government and the opposition opened opportunities for groups supporting unity with Russia to escalate their demands, to radicalize their visions of political community, and to build leverage with Russia. In conclusion, several key narratives and discursive processes enabling the legitimization of the use of force and the implications for peacebuilding are discussed. The findings help to understand better the environment in which violent conflict further escalated in 2014.
本文考察了2013年11月至2014年2月期间乌克兰的争论和冲突升级的各个方面,这些方面在研究中尚未得到应有的关注。它研究了政府和反对派之间的争论,以及主张与俄罗斯团结的团体随之而来的迈丹抗议活动,并反对组成迈丹联盟的激进团体的政治共同体愿景。冲突升级被研究为结构条件、冲突主体的选择和行动,以及促成政治暴力的不断演变的话语因素的结合。分析表明,虽然结构性条件发挥了作用,但冲突升级是一个非线性和机构驱动的过程,通过相互影响的竞争各方的选择和行动而演变,要么推动冲突升级,要么导致去极端化。文章认为,政府和反对派之间的争论和激进化模式为支持与俄罗斯团结的团体提供了机会,使他们的要求升级,使他们对政治共同体的愿景激进化,并与俄罗斯建立影响力。最后,讨论了使使用武力合法化的几个关键叙述和讨论过程及其对建设和平的影响。这些发现有助于更好地了解2014年暴力冲突进一步升级的环境。
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引用次数: 0
NPS volume 51 issue 3 Cover and Back matter NPS第51卷第3期封面和封底
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/nps.2023.29
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引用次数: 0
NPS volume 51 issue 3 Cover and Front matter NPS第51卷第3期封面和封面问题
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/nps.2023.28
Ned Whalley, Jennie L. Schulze
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引用次数: 0
Beyond the National Museum Paradigm: Troubled Past Vernacular Representations in Central and Southeastern Europe 超越国家博物馆范式:中欧和东南欧混乱的过去白话表现
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/nps.2023.17
Maria-Alina Asavei, Kateřina Králová
Abstract As nationalist and populist rhetorics have gained momentum in Central and Southeastern Europe, there is an urgency to disentangle the historical narratives and political agendas displayed by national museum paradigms. And yet, equally significant is the urgency to illuminate the strategies and mnemonic devices through which the past is rendered worthy of commemoration, both in those memory cultures that come to life in opposition, or those which are complementary to the national museum’s paradigms. In line with these considerations, this special issue addresses the vernacular dimension of public memory, with a special focus on those memory cultures instantiated by mnemonic actors who do not necessarily possess the public epistemic authority to materialize their narratives about violent pasts as official memories.
随着民族主义和民粹主义言论在中欧和东南欧愈演愈烈,迫切需要理清国家博物馆范例所展示的历史叙事和政治议程。然而,同样重要的是,迫切需要阐明那些使过去值得纪念的策略和记忆手段,无论是在那些与之相对立的记忆文化中,还是在那些与国家博物馆范例互补的记忆文化中。与这些考虑相一致,这期特刊探讨了公共记忆的方言维度,特别关注那些记忆文化的实例,这些记忆文化由记忆演员组成,他们不一定拥有公共认知权威,无法将他们关于暴力过去的叙述具体化为官方记忆。
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引用次数: 0
Slivovitz and Everyday Nationalism: The Analysis of Slovene Newspapers in Interwar Yugoslavia 斯利沃维茨与日常民族主义——对南斯拉夫战争时期斯洛文尼亚报纸的分析
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-27 DOI: 10.1017/nps.2023.20
Jernej Mlekuž
By analyzing selected Slovene newspapers, the article discusses the role of slivovitz in the reproduction of everyday nationalism in interwar Yugoslavia. The article is based on an analysis of texts containing the word slivovka (the Slovene word for slivovitz or plum spirit) that appeared in three major Slovene newspapers and three minor Slovene pro-Yugoslav newspapers in the period 1919–1945. In the period in question, slivovitz did not (yet) have the role of a signifier of the Yugoslav state, the Yugoslav nation and other elements associated with Yugoslav identity, but it was becoming part of the “structure of national feeling” – the specific experience of life in a given time and place that was common to the Yugoslav nation. Slivovitz, frequently included in repetitive and everyday habits, practices and assumptions, began to define the Yugoslav nation through a specific culture of drinking and drinks and became a component of this everyday, largely unnoticed reproduction of the Yugoslav nation.
本文通过对斯洛文尼亚报纸的分析,探讨了斯利沃维茨在两次世界大战期间南斯拉夫日常民族主义再现中的作用。这篇文章是基于对1919年至1945年期间出现在三家主要的斯洛文尼亚报纸和三家次要的亲南斯拉夫的斯洛文尼亚报纸上的含有slivovka(斯洛文尼亚语中slivovitz或plum spirit的意思)一词的文本的分析。在这一时期,斯利沃维茨(尚未)扮演南斯拉夫国家、南斯拉夫民族和其他与南斯拉夫身份相关的元素的象征角色,但它正在成为“民族情感结构”的一部分,即南斯拉夫民族在特定时间和地点的具体生活体验。斯利沃维茨经常被纳入重复的日常习惯、做法和假设中,他开始通过一种特定的饮酒文化来定义南斯拉夫民族,并成为南斯拉夫民族日常生活中的一个组成部分,基本上没有被注意到。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Nationalities Papers-The Journal of Nationalism and Ethnicity
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