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The Zelensky Effect, by Olga Onuch and Henry E. Hale, Hurst Publishers, 2022, 424pp., $24.95 (hardcover), ISBN 9781787388635. 《泽伦斯基效应》,奥尔加·奥努奇和亨利·e·黑尔著,赫斯特出版社,2022年,424页。, 24.95美元(精装),ISBN 9781787388635。
3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-31 DOI: 10.1017/nps.2023.72
Lowell Barrington
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引用次数: 0
Transcultural, Transnational Histories: A Response to Stefano Bianchini’s Liquid Nationalism and State Partitions in Europe – CORRIGENDUM 跨文化,跨国历史:对斯蒂法诺·比安基尼的流动民族主义和欧洲国家分裂的回应-勘误表
3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-23 DOI: 10.1017/nps.2023.79
Radhika Mohanram
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引用次数: 0
NPS volume 51 issue 6 Cover and Back matter NPS第51卷第6期封面和封底
3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-23 DOI: 10.1017/nps.2023.78
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引用次数: 0
NPS volume 51 issue 6 Cover and Front matter NPS第51卷第6期封面和封面问题
3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-23 DOI: 10.1017/nps.2023.77
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引用次数: 0
National Pride and the Insecure Social Bond between People and the State: The Socio-emotional Context of National Identity in Post-Soviet Neoliberal Latvia 民族自豪感与人民与国家之间不安全的社会联系:后苏联新自由主义拉脱维亚国家认同的社会情感背景
3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-18 DOI: 10.1017/nps.2023.71
Iveta Ķešāne
Abstract This article explores the socio-emotional dimension of national belonging in post-Soviet neoliberal Latvia from the perspective of national pride. I propose this perspective since national pride shapes the character of national belonging. Studies show that national pride in socioeconomic and political attainment is low in post-Soviet countries and Latvia particularly. Influenced by social bond and commitment theories, this study explores why this might be the case by establishing national pride as a relational emotion of national belonging. For understanding national pride it is not enough to explore how people relate to their states. It is also necessary to understand how the states relate to their people, whether they recognize their state constituents, their needs and feel pride in them, and whether they shape social bonds among people. This study explores this question: how does the character of state-society relationship accounts for the low national pride in post-Soviet neoliberal Latvia? To answer, I combine the analysis of the post-Soviet civil discourse and an in-depth exploration of the narratives of 59 emigrants that have left Latvia toward the West in the post-Soviet era. The bonds formed between the Latvian political elite and Western countries during the post-Soviet transformations brought into Latvia neoliberal ideas and policies that, I argue, formed an insecure state-society bond, eroding an opportunity for national pride to flourish and weakening national belonging.
摘要本文从民族自豪感的角度探讨后苏联新自由主义拉脱维亚的民族归属感的社会情感维度。我之所以提出这个观点,是因为民族自豪感塑造了民族归属感的特征。研究表明,后苏联国家在社会经济和政治成就方面的民族自豪感很低,拉脱维亚尤其如此。受社会纽带和承诺理论的影响,本研究通过将民族自豪感作为一种民族归属感的关系情感来探讨为什么会出现这种情况。要理解民族自豪感,仅仅探索人们与国家的关系是不够的。还必须了解国家是如何与人民联系在一起的,他们是否认识到他们的国家成员,他们的需求并为他们感到自豪,以及他们是否在人民之间形成社会纽带。本研究探讨了这样一个问题:国家-社会关系的特征如何解释后苏联新自由主义拉脱维亚的低民族自豪感?为了回答这个问题,我结合了对后苏联公民话语的分析,以及对后苏联时代离开拉脱维亚走向西方的59名移民的叙述的深入探索。我认为,后苏联转型期间拉脱维亚政治精英与西方国家之间形成的纽带给拉脱维亚带来了新自由主义思想和政策,形成了一种不安全的国家-社会纽带,侵蚀了民族自豪感蓬勃发展的机会,削弱了民族归属感。
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引用次数: 0
The “Kamerun Idea”: E pluribus unum Cameroon “喀麦隆理念”:喀麦隆合众一体
3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-18 DOI: 10.1017/nps.2023.73
Nguh Nwei Asanga Fon
Abstract Since independence, the “Anglophone” and “Francophone” identities (both legacies of British and French colonialism, respectively) have remained the dominant national identity of Cameroonians. This linguistic national identity was formalized by the adoption of bilingualism at the dawn of independence and the enactment of English and French as the two official languages of the country. Nationalism and national integration in the Cameroonian context therefore revolve around the cohabitation of the aforementioned distinct linguistic and cultural identities, which harbors significant incompatibilities. This article probes into the effectiveness of the cohabitation model of nation-building in Cameroon and attempts a new alternative. A survey was conducted to sample the opinion of Cameroonians on national identity and nationalism in Cameroon. The results indicate there are enormous challenges with the implementation of the cohabitation model, which an overwhelming majority of respondent believe has a negative impact on national integration. A new approach dubbed “Civic-multicultural model” is proposed. This model is based on the “Kamerun Idea,” which is a glaring reminder that before being “anglicized” by the British on the one side of the Mungo river, and “gallicized” by the French on the other side, the inhabitants offshore the “Rios dos Cameroes” were first “kamerunized” by the Germans.
自独立以来,“说英语的”和“说法语的”身份(分别是英国和法国殖民主义的遗产)一直是喀麦隆人的主要民族身份。这种语言上的民族认同在独立之初通过双语的采用和英语和法语作为国家的两种官方语言的颁布而形式化。因此,喀麦隆境内的民族主义和民族一体化围绕着上述不同的语言和文化特性的共存,其中存在着重大的不兼容性。本文探讨了同居国家建设模式在喀麦隆的有效性,并尝试了一种新的选择。进行了一项调查,以抽样喀麦隆人对喀麦隆的民族认同和民族主义的看法。结果表明,同居模式的实施面临着巨大的挑战,绝大多数受访者认为同居模式对国家融合有负面影响。提出了一种被称为“公民多元文化模式”的新方法。这种模式是基于“喀麦隆理念”,这是一个明显的提醒,在蒙戈河的一边被英国人“英国化”,另一边被法国人“法国化”之前,“喀麦隆里奥斯”沿岸的居民首先被德国人“喀麦隆化”。
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引用次数: 0
Forms of National and European Identity: A Research Note Reviewing Literature of Cross-National Studies 民族与欧洲认同的形式:跨国研究文献综述
3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI: 10.1017/nps.2023.66
Philipp König
Abstract In the past decades, numerous publications have been addressing questions of national and European Identity on the micro level. Only few shed light on the contents that constitute these identities in the minds of Europeans. As different meanings of national and European identity are connected to different consequences such as hostile attitudes toward immigrants or Euroskepticism, reviewing attempts to measure these contents in existing cross-national surveys seems to be promising. This research note summarizes relevant literature on whether and which different forms of national and European identity have been found empirically, which specific contents constitute them, and which determinants and consequences of them are relevant. By comparing articles relying on cross-national survey data since 1995, it will be shown that the field of forms of national and European identity involves different operationalizations and numerous methodological concerns. This leads to considerations for further research in the field.
在过去的几十年里,许多出版物一直在微观层面上解决国家和欧洲认同的问题。在欧洲人的思想中,只有少数几本书阐明了构成这些身份的内容。由于民族和欧洲身份的不同含义与对移民或欧洲怀疑主义的敌对态度等不同后果有关,因此,在现有的跨国调查中审查衡量这些内容的尝试似乎是有希望的。本研究笔记总结了相关文献是否以及哪些不同形式的国家和欧洲认同已经被发现,哪些具体内容构成了它们,哪些决定因素和它们的后果是相关的。通过比较1995年以来依靠跨国调查数据的文章,将显示国家和欧洲认同形式领域涉及不同的操作方法和许多方法问题。这导致了对该领域进一步研究的考虑。
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引用次数: 0
Yellow Star, Red Star: Response to Critiques 黄星,红星:对批评的回应
3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-27 DOI: 10.1017/nps.2023.76
Jelena Subotić
There is no greater honor for an author than to respond to such generous and thoughtful engagement with one’s work such as the two commentaries by Mila Dragojević and Tamara Trošt. These commentaries are that much more appreciated as both Dragojević and Trošt have contributed tremendous scholarship on memory politics and historical narratives in the Western Balkans and in many ways Yellow Star, Red Star builds on their own work.
对于一个作家来说,没有什么比回应米拉·德拉戈耶维奇和塔玛拉的两篇评论Trošt这样慷慨和深思熟虑的作品更大的荣誉了。这些评论更值得赞赏,因为德拉戈耶维奇和Trošt在西巴尔干半岛的记忆政治和历史叙事方面贡献了大量的学术研究,在很多方面,黄星和红星都是建立在他们自己的工作基础上的。
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引用次数: 0
Photography and Political Repressions in Stalin’s Russia: Defacing the Enemy, by Denis Skopin, Routledge, 2022, 168 pp., $170 (hardback), ISBN 9781032027050, $47.65 (ebook), ISBN 9781003184744. 《斯大林时期俄罗斯的摄影与政治镇压:丑化敌人》,丹尼斯·斯科平著,劳特利奇出版社,2022年版,168页,170美元(精装本),ISBN 9781032027050, 47.65美元(电子书),ISBN 9781003184744。
3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-25 DOI: 10.1017/nps.2023.75
Serguei Alex. Oushakine
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引用次数: 0
Appropriating Memory in the Name of the State 以国家名义占用内存
3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-25 DOI: 10.1017/nps.2023.68
Tamara P. Trošt
Jelena Subotić’s Yellow Star, Red Star: Holocaust Remembrance after Communism has already received such broad recognition and numerous awards that its invaluable contribution to memory studies likely does not need repeating. It is not only a study of Holocaust remembrance in particular, but contributes broadly to our understanding of memory appropriation by the state, through a careful and vivid analysis of its transformation over time in several Eastern and Central European countries. Subotić provides a study of how memory can serve as a strategic tool for reinforcing state interests. The central argument of the book is that the states in question – Croatia, Lithuania, and Serbia – engage in memory appropriation in order to qualify their ontological insecurities (14). The strategies include “memory inversion,” appropriating the Holocaust to emphasize crimes against them (primarily in Serbia), “memory divergence,” placing blame for the genocide on German Nazis (Croatia), or “memory conflation,” wherein Holocaust memory is combined and equated with Communist crimes (Lithuania, 15). These appropriation strategies, which overlap and are combined in the various states, allow states to paint themselves as the ultimate victims, absolving them of responsibility for their role in Holocaust crimes. The danger, of course, is that this not only set ups the false equivalence between victims of Communism and of the Holocaust, allowing for the relativization of Nazi collaboration as anti-Communist resistance, but also because it banalizes and trivializes the specific suffering of the Jewish population.
耶莱娜·苏博蒂奇的《黄星,红星:共产主义后的大屠杀纪念》已经获得了广泛的认可和无数的奖项,它对记忆研究的宝贵贡献可能不需要重复。它不仅是对大屠杀纪念的特别研究,而且通过对几个东欧和中欧国家的历史变迁进行仔细而生动的分析,对我们理解国家对记忆的挪用做出了广泛贡献。苏博蒂奇提供了一项关于记忆如何作为加强国家利益的战略工具的研究。本书的中心论点是,这些国家——克罗地亚、立陶宛和塞尔维亚——参与记忆挪用,以限定其本体论的不安全感(14)。这些策略包括“记忆反转”,挪用大屠杀来强调针对他们的罪行(主要是在塞尔维亚),“记忆分歧”,将种族灭绝归咎于德国纳粹(克罗地亚),或者“记忆合并”,其中大屠杀记忆被合并并等同于共产主义罪行(立陶宛,15)。这些拨款策略在各国相互重叠并结合在一起,使各国能够将自己描绘成最终受害者,从而免除其在大屠杀罪行中所起作用的责任。当然,危险在于,这不仅在共产主义的受害者和大屠杀的受害者之间建立了错误的等同,允许纳粹合作作为反共抵抗的相对化,而且还因为它使犹太人的具体苦难变得平庸和琐碎。
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Nationalities Papers-The Journal of Nationalism and Ethnicity
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