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Anxiety and the Onset of COVID-19: Examining Concerns of Historically Excluded Scholars 焦虑与COVID-19的发作:审视历史上被排斥的学者的担忧
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-10-29 DOI: 10.1093/isp/ekab017
Jennifer M. Ramos, Jamie Scalera Elliott, C. Fattore, Marijke Breuning
The onset of the COVID-19 pandemic increased uncertainty, leading to questions about how it spread, how long it would last, and its long-term effects. In academia, many scholars worried about their positions and career advancement. Our research focuses on how different groups within academia coped during the initial period of the pandemic, with particular attention paid to the role of anxiety. We argue that vulnerable groups, such as historically excluded individuals, graduate students, and women, felt even higher levels of anxiety. We use original survey data collected from international relations and political science scholars during May 2020. We content analyze open-ended responses to illustrate the impacts of the pandemic on our participants’ work life, including research productivity, the job market, promotion, and tenure. These analyses reveal not only what different groups of scholars are concerned about, but also the different ways in which they discuss the pandemic. Our research aims to highlight the social and mental health effects of the pandemic, with an eye toward addressing inequalities in academia.
COVID-19大流行的爆发增加了不确定性,引发了人们对其传播方式、持续时间以及长期影响的质疑。在学术界,许多学者担心自己的地位和职业发展。我们的研究重点是学术界不同群体在大流行初期如何应对,并特别关注焦虑的作用。我们认为,弱势群体,如历史上被排斥的个人、研究生和女性,感到的焦虑程度更高。我们使用了2020年5月从国际关系和政治学学者那里收集的原始调查数据。我们对开放式回答进行了内容分析,以说明疫情对参与者工作生活的影响,包括研究效率、就业市场、晋升和任期。这些分析不仅揭示了不同学者群体所关注的问题,还揭示了他们讨论大流行的不同方式。我们的研究旨在强调疫情对社会和心理健康的影响,着眼于解决学术界的不平等问题。
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引用次数: 5
Economic Multilateralism in Peril 经济多边主义岌岌可危
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/00208817211056741
M. Agarwal
The Doha Round of multilateral negotiations is at a stalemate. The aid situation is changing as many countries are graduating from the soft loan arm of the World Bank Group. Developing countries built up their foreign exchange reserves to avoid borrowing from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), leading the IMF to retrench. This article explores the evolution of multilateralism from, essentially, its political roots to the economic area after the First World War (FWW), though in a limited way, and more fully after the Second World War (SWW). We then discuss how the workings of these economic multilateral institutions resulted in the current situation, where they risk becoming irrelevant. Finally, the article discusses the possible role of theG20 in the revival of multilateralism and, in particular, the role that developing countries might play in the revival.
多哈回合多边谈判陷入僵局。随着许多国家从世界银行集团的软贷款机构毕业,援助形势正在发生变化。发展中国家为了避免向国际货币基金组织(IMF)借款而增加外汇储备,导致IMF紧缩。本文探讨了多边主义在第一次世界大战(FWW)之后从本质上的政治根源到经济领域的演变,尽管以有限的方式,并在第二次世界大战(SWW)之后更全面地探讨了多边主义的演变。然后,我们讨论这些经济多边机构的运作是如何导致目前的局势的,在这种情况下,它们可能变得无关紧要。最后,本文讨论了g20在多边主义复兴中可能发挥的作用,特别是发展中国家在复兴中可能发挥的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Besnik Pula, Globalization Under and After Socialism: The Evolution of Transnational Capital in Central And Eastern Europe 社会主义下与社会主义后的全球化:中欧和东欧跨国资本的演变
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/00208817211045529
Pooja
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引用次数: 0
Re-imagining the SCO’s Geopolitical Expansion: Would It Be a Next SAARC? 重新构想上合组织的地缘政治扩张:它会成为下一个南盟吗?
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/00208817211056750
Sandeep Singh, Bawa Singh
The SCO is one of the biggest geopolitical groupings in the world. It has provided a forum for its members, particularly, Russia and China, to cooperate on the set goals of the Eurasian re-integration. In contrast, SAARC cannot be termed as a successful organization, given the arch–rivalries between India and Pakistan. However, optimists believe that the geopolitical expansion, having India and Pakistan on board, the SCO would have the potential for economic and strategic cooperation. On the other hand, the evolving Sino-Pak axis vis-à-vis India has generated a view that China has offered an SCO platform to make its South Asia Policy a reality. Hence, an attempt has been made to assess the evolving speculations; will the geopolitical expansion of SCO unfold new opportunities or merely make SCO as another SAARC?
上海合作组织是世界上最大的地缘政治组织之一。它为其成员国,特别是俄罗斯和中国,提供了一个就欧亚重新一体化的既定目标进行合作的论坛。相比之下,考虑到印度和巴基斯坦之间的激烈竞争,南盟不能被称为一个成功的组织。然而,乐观主义者认为,地缘政治的扩张,有印度和巴基斯坦加入,上海合作组织将有经济和战略合作的潜力。另一方面,不断发展的中巴轴心对-à-vis印度产生了一种观点,即中国为实现其南亚政策提供了一个上合组织平台。因此,我们试图评价不断发展的各种猜测;上合组织的地缘政治扩张是否会带来新的机遇,还是仅仅使上合组织成为另一个南盟?
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引用次数: 3
Middle Power Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific: India and Australia at the Forefront 印太地区的中等大国合作:印度和澳大利亚走在前列
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/00208817211056742
Shubhamitra Das
Indo-Pacific has emerged as a region of great movement, conflict and cooperation, contestations and coalition-building. The emergence of minilateral and multilateral cooperation by the middle powers is increasing in the region, with the regional countries enthusiastically mapping the region focussing on their centrality. History proves that the role of middle-power countries became more prominent during the moments of international transition. The two contrasting powers like India and Australia; one with a post-colonial identity in foreign policy-making, subtle emphasis on non-aligned movement (NAM) and emerging as an influential power, and, on the other, a traditional middle power with an alliance structure and regionalism akin to the Western model, have equal stakes in the region and it is inevitable for them to take a leadership position in building what is called a middle power communion in the Indo-Pacific. This article will explore the understanding of middle powers and how India and Australia, as middle powers; are strategically placed and, being great powers within their respective regions; take the responsibility of region-building and maintaining peace with great powers, and how the Indo-Pacific and Quad are emerging as discourses within their foreign policy-making.
印太地区已成为一个充满巨变、冲突与合作、争论与结盟的地区。中等大国在该地区的多边和多边合作正在增加,该地区国家热情地绘制该地区的地图,重点是它们的中心地位。历史证明,中等实力国家的作用在国际转型期变得更加突出。两个截然不同的大国,如印度和澳大利亚;一个在外交决策中具有后殖民身份,微妙地强调不结盟运动(NAM)并作为一个有影响力的大国崛起,另一个是传统的中等大国,拥有类似于西方模式的联盟结构和地区主义,它们在该地区有着平等的利益,它们不可避免地要在建立所谓的印度-太平洋中等大国共同体中占据领导地位。本文将探讨对中等大国的理解,以及印度和澳大利亚作为中等大国如何;都处于战略位置,都是各自地区的大国;担负起与大国建立和维护地区和平的责任,以及印太和四方战略如何成为其外交决策中的话语。
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引用次数: 1
Dilip Gogoi, Making of India’s Northeast: Geopolitics of Borderland and Transnational Interactions 印度东北地区的形成:边境地区的地缘政治与跨国互动
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/00208817211045239
Rajan Kumar
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引用次数: 0
Barriers to UN–Civil Society Collaborations: An Exploratory Study of CSOs Within the UN–ECOSOC Consultative Status Programme 联合国与民间社会合作的障碍:联合国经社理事会咨商地位方案下民间社会组织的探索性研究
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/00208817211056751
B. Mowell
In recent decades, civil society organizations (CSOs) have ostensibly attained increased access to the United Nations (UN) and other intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) and, in turn, increased opportunities for collaboration with IGOs. However, in most cases, CSO access to IGOs remains limited and highly regimented. Little scholarship has been undertaken to examine barriers to effective CSO–IGO collaborations. Virtually, no empirical research has examined the degree or nature of the interaction between the UN and international civil society via the dynamic of the flagship programme designed to facilitate such collaborations—the consultative status framework. This exploratory study partially addresses the latter gap in the scholarship by undertaking a qualitative macro-scale examination of CSOs within the UN Economic and Social Council’s (ECOSOC) consultative status programme, the primary vehicle in the UN–civil society dynamic. Specifically, the study sought to identify barriers to UN–civil society collaboration within the consultative status programme as perceived by participating CSOs. Findings of a survey sent to a random sample of 10% of CSOs holding UN–ECOSOC consultative status revealed that barriers to participation in the programme varied with some obstacles far more common than others. The degree of barriers reported by CSOs also strongly reflected the level of accreditation they held within the programme. Additionally, survey respondents offered insight as to how impediments in the collaboration could potentially be addressed.
近几十年来,民间社会组织(cso)表面上增加了与联合国(UN)和其他政府间组织(igo)的接触,从而增加了与政府间组织合作的机会。然而,在大多数情况下,民间社会组织接触政府间组织的机会仍然有限,而且受到严格管制。很少有学者研究阻碍民间组织与非政府组织有效合作的障碍。实际上,没有任何实证研究通过旨在促进这种合作的旗舰方案——咨商地位框架——的动态来考察联合国与国际民间社会之间互动的程度或性质。本探索性研究通过对联合国经济及社会理事会(ECOSOC)咨商地位方案(联合国民间社会动态的主要工具)内的民间社会组织进行定性宏观检查,部分解决了后一项奖学金差距。具体地说,这项研究试图找出参与的民间社会组织认为的联合国民间社会在咨商地位方案内进行合作的障碍。对具有联合国经社理事会咨商地位的10%的民间社会组织随机抽样进行的一项调查结果显示,参与该方案的障碍各不相同,有些障碍比其他障碍更为常见。民间社会组织报告的障碍程度也强烈反映了它们在方案内持有的认证水平。此外,调查受访者提供了关于如何潜在地解决合作中的障碍的见解。
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引用次数: 0
India’s Labour Agreements with the Gulf Cooperation Council Countries: An Assessment 印度与海湾合作委员会国家的劳工协定:评估
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/00208817211055344
S. Hameed
Despite the Indian government's proactive initiatives and reforms in the labour laws in the host countries, the welfare of Indian workers in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries remains compromised. The Indian workers continue to face exploitation, often left stranded or forced to return home penniless. In line with best global practices, India’s Bilateral Labour Agreements (BLAs) and Memorandum of Understanding (MoUs) with all the GCC countries need to make specific reference to the host countries' labour laws and facilitate bilateral coordination in the governance of the full migration cycle. Special focus is needed in the construction sector, where a vast majority of low-skilled Indian workers are employed. The article examines the effectiveness of India’s BLAs and MoUs with the GCC countries in protecting the low-skilled Indian workers in the region.
尽管印度政府积极主动,并对东道国的劳动法进行了改革,但在海湾合作委员会(GCC)国家的印度工人的福利仍然受到损害。印度工人继续面临剥削,经常陷入困境或被迫身无分文地返回家园。根据全球最佳实践,印度与所有海湾合作委员会国家的双边劳工协议(BLAs)和谅解备忘录(mou)需要具体参考东道国的劳动法,并促进在整个移民周期治理方面的双边协调。需要特别关注建筑业,因为建筑业雇佣了绝大多数低技能的印度工人。本文考察了印度与海湾合作委员会国家签订的劳工关系协定和谅解备忘录在保护该地区低技能印度工人方面的有效性。
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引用次数: 0
Chan Young Bang, Transition Beyond Denuclearization: A Bold Challenge for Kim Jong Un 陈永邦:《超越无核化的过渡:对金正恩的大胆挑战
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/00208817211045534
P. Ganeshpandian
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引用次数: 1
Ashok Sharma, India’s Pursuit of Energy Security: Domestic Measures, Foreign Policy and Geopolitics 《印度追求能源安全:国内措施、外交政策和地缘政治》
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/00208817211045237
Pramod Kumar
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引用次数: 0
期刊
International Studies Perspectives
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