Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1177/00208817221139927
K. McLarren
Religion features in early English School work, disappears, and reappears in more recent literature. Arguably, it has not yet found a solid place in this theoretical framework, even though the English School is known to provide angles on the evolution of international society other approaches lack. Religion can unite and divide; leading to a strengthening or a weakening of identity and legitimacy. Faith endures and it can exist independently of states, it can constitute them and it can provide new forms of states and societies. Employing previous English School ideas from early and contemporary English School scholars as points of departure, religion is introduced as a ‘prime institution’. Based on the English School’s understanding of primary institutions constituting international society, this concept of a ‘prime institution’ provides an additional layer to international society. Such a prime institution helps grasp the multifacetedness of religion in the context of international society; identify patterns of religion’s (in-) significance for primary institutions; and examine the difference between religious and religion-averse states within the international society. This prime institution is illustrated with a so-called ‘quilt model’, which depicts the multiple layers of international society.
{"title":"Religion as ‘Prime Institution’ of International Society","authors":"K. McLarren","doi":"10.1177/00208817221139927","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00208817221139927","url":null,"abstract":"Religion features in early English School work, disappears, and reappears in more recent literature. Arguably, it has not yet found a solid place in this theoretical framework, even though the English School is known to provide angles on the evolution of international society other approaches lack. Religion can unite and divide; leading to a strengthening or a weakening of identity and legitimacy. Faith endures and it can exist independently of states, it can constitute them and it can provide new forms of states and societies. Employing previous English School ideas from early and contemporary English School scholars as points of departure, religion is introduced as a ‘prime institution’. Based on the English School’s understanding of primary institutions constituting international society, this concept of a ‘prime institution’ provides an additional layer to international society. Such a prime institution helps grasp the multifacetedness of religion in the context of international society; identify patterns of religion’s (in-) significance for primary institutions; and examine the difference between religious and religion-averse states within the international society. This prime institution is illustrated with a so-called ‘quilt model’, which depicts the multiple layers of international society.","PeriodicalId":47002,"journal":{"name":"International Studies Perspectives","volume":"15 1","pages":"7 - 28"},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78787600","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1177/00208817231154054
R. Lau
The concept of human security, whose origin could be traced back to the 1994 Human Development Report published by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) represents an ambitious attempt to broaden the meaning of security and, perhaps most importantly, challenge the state-centric notion of national security. A resolution (A/RES/66/290) adopted by the United Nations (UN) General Assembly in September 2012 has, for the first time in UN history, formally recognized human security as an approach to ‘assist Member States in identifying and addressing widespread and cross-cutting challenges to the survival, livelihood and dignity of their people’. While the discussion of the human security concept continued within the UN, the advocacy of key UN member states for human security had been shifted to the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). Considering the fact that the potential role of the R2P to promote and operationalize human security has not been adequately explored, this article seeks to understand the positive potential role that R2P can play in operationalizing human security by exploring the relationship between the two. Acknowledging the efforts of Lloyd Axworthy, the former Canadian foreign minister, in situating ‘human security in the R2P era’, this article argues that R2P plays an important role in clarifying the scope and sharpening the focus of human security. This, therefore, can help strengthen the implementation of the human security concept.
{"title":"Operationalizing Human Security: What Role for the Responsibility to Protect?","authors":"R. Lau","doi":"10.1177/00208817231154054","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00208817231154054","url":null,"abstract":"The concept of human security, whose origin could be traced back to the 1994 Human Development Report published by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) represents an ambitious attempt to broaden the meaning of security and, perhaps most importantly, challenge the state-centric notion of national security. A resolution (A/RES/66/290) adopted by the United Nations (UN) General Assembly in September 2012 has, for the first time in UN history, formally recognized human security as an approach to ‘assist Member States in identifying and addressing widespread and cross-cutting challenges to the survival, livelihood and dignity of their people’. While the discussion of the human security concept continued within the UN, the advocacy of key UN member states for human security had been shifted to the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). Considering the fact that the potential role of the R2P to promote and operationalize human security has not been adequately explored, this article seeks to understand the positive potential role that R2P can play in operationalizing human security by exploring the relationship between the two. Acknowledging the efforts of Lloyd Axworthy, the former Canadian foreign minister, in situating ‘human security in the R2P era’, this article argues that R2P plays an important role in clarifying the scope and sharpening the focus of human security. This, therefore, can help strengthen the implementation of the human security concept.","PeriodicalId":47002,"journal":{"name":"International Studies Perspectives","volume":"65 1","pages":"29 - 44"},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84029145","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1177/00208817231154385
Melissa Martinez
Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador have struggled to adopt measures of accountability and support for human rights norms since the end of the civil conflicts in the region. Many victims and activists have taken their cases to the Inter-American Court of Human Rights to gain reparations and accountability. How effective is the Inter-American Court of Human Rights at advancing human rights norms related to the cases it examines? I examine this question by developing the ‘domestic norm cycle’ theory, which extends Keck and Sikkink’s (1998) norm cycle theory. This theory captures how the ‘internalization’ of a norm takes place by examining political institutions. I argue that we can observe various stages of the ‘domestic norms cycle’ to examine how close or far the state is to fully adopting the norm. Although this article examines the levels of compliance with the Inter-American Court of Human Rights on El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala, this theory can be applied to examine how external factors influence the development of human rights norms. This study has significant implications for how we observe support for human rights practices.
{"title":"Does the Inter-American Court of Human Rights affect the development of human rights norms in El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala?","authors":"Melissa Martinez","doi":"10.1177/00208817231154385","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00208817231154385","url":null,"abstract":"Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador have struggled to adopt measures of accountability and support for human rights norms since the end of the civil conflicts in the region. Many victims and activists have taken their cases to the Inter-American Court of Human Rights to gain reparations and accountability. How effective is the Inter-American Court of Human Rights at advancing human rights norms related to the cases it examines? I examine this question by developing the ‘domestic norm cycle’ theory, which extends Keck and Sikkink’s (1998) norm cycle theory. This theory captures how the ‘internalization’ of a norm takes place by examining political institutions. I argue that we can observe various stages of the ‘domestic norms cycle’ to examine how close or far the state is to fully adopting the norm. Although this article examines the levels of compliance with the Inter-American Court of Human Rights on El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala, this theory can be applied to examine how external factors influence the development of human rights norms. This study has significant implications for how we observe support for human rights practices.","PeriodicalId":47002,"journal":{"name":"International Studies Perspectives","volume":"24 1","pages":"91 - 112"},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76467148","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper discusses the development of a podcast assignment as an alternative to a literature review paper in the international studies classroom. A podcast assignment still enables students to read, evaluate, and synthesize research in a given field, but also allows them to meet other important educational objectives such as application of research to a real-world problem or setting, teamwork, problem-solving, feeling a part of an intellectual community, communication and digital media skills, engagement with the field and the material, and ability to communicate academic research to an interested nonexpert audience. The paper situates podcasts within the scholarship of active teaching and learning, and describes the rationale for the development of the assignment in a course on international political economy, in part to deal with issues arising from the COVID-19 disruption. It describes how the assignment was run and was evaluated, and provides the assignment task description and scoring rubric, as well as supporting materials and resources. Finally, the paper uses student postexperience surveys to gather indirect assessment data on the podcast assignment's effectiveness in achieving a range of educational objectives.
{"title":"Pod Save IR: Podcasts as Effective Assignments in the International Relations Classroom","authors":"Matthew Krain","doi":"10.1093/isp/ekac018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekac018","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper discusses the development of a podcast assignment as an alternative to a literature review paper in the international studies classroom. A podcast assignment still enables students to read, evaluate, and synthesize research in a given field, but also allows them to meet other important educational objectives such as application of research to a real-world problem or setting, teamwork, problem-solving, feeling a part of an intellectual community, communication and digital media skills, engagement with the field and the material, and ability to communicate academic research to an interested nonexpert audience. The paper situates podcasts within the scholarship of active teaching and learning, and describes the rationale for the development of the assignment in a course on international political economy, in part to deal with issues arising from the COVID-19 disruption. It describes how the assignment was run and was evaluated, and provides the assignment task description and scoring rubric, as well as supporting materials and resources. Finally, the paper uses student postexperience surveys to gather indirect assessment data on the podcast assignment's effectiveness in achieving a range of educational objectives.","PeriodicalId":47002,"journal":{"name":"International Studies Perspectives","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45658872","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper aims at reflecting on ways of teaching/learning international relations (IR) critical theories. It does so by analyzing the results of a teaching/learning exercise based on Netflix's series “Black Earth Rising” and put into practice with undergraduate students of a course on IR theory taught at the Argentinian Universidad Nacional de San Martín. Assuming that series of mass consumption work as cultural devices that inform power relations through the production of truths and subjectivities, the exercise had two main objectives: on the one hand, to develop and illustrate otherwise difficult-to-grasp concepts of IR theory and, on the other hand, to make the students aware of how widespread TV series participate in the constitution of both international politics and their own subjectivities.
{"title":"Teaching/Learning through “Black Earth Rising”: Poststructural, Decolonial, and Feminist Readings","authors":"M. Cuadro","doi":"10.1093/isp/ekac019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekac019","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The paper aims at reflecting on ways of teaching/learning international relations (IR) critical theories. It does so by analyzing the results of a teaching/learning exercise based on Netflix's series “Black Earth Rising” and put into practice with undergraduate students of a course on IR theory taught at the Argentinian Universidad Nacional de San Martín. Assuming that series of mass consumption work as cultural devices that inform power relations through the production of truths and subjectivities, the exercise had two main objectives: on the one hand, to develop and illustrate otherwise difficult-to-grasp concepts of IR theory and, on the other hand, to make the students aware of how widespread TV series participate in the constitution of both international politics and their own subjectivities.","PeriodicalId":47002,"journal":{"name":"International Studies Perspectives","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-12-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45801505","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
International studies students are often interested in understanding contexts of conflict and war and working with affected populations. Although various research has assessed different pedagogical tools for increasing students’ understanding of war experiences and reducing the perceived distance between such populations, virtual encounters are an understudied means for achieving these aims. This article examines how a US international studies course integrated virtual dialogue sessions with Afghan students to reduce the distance between Americans and Afghans. Accordingly, we conducted pre- and post-surveys and interviews, engaged in participant observation, and analyzed reflection papers to understand how US students’ views transformed from the program. We find that American students learned about the precarity and resilience of Afghans and recognized their humanity. Moreover, participants developed outgroup trust, reduced intergroup anxiety, and in some cases developed empathy for the other group. Students experienced these shifts despite technological and logistical challenges, a language barrier, and the power imbalance, which led to ethical concerns for program instructors. Thus, we argue that virtual encounters can be an effective pedagogical tool for reducing distance between international studies students and war-affected populations and helping them to connect across group differences despite the inherent challenges in such programs.
{"title":"Promoting Learning about Precarity and Resilience in War: Virtual Encounters between Afghan and American Students in International Studies Courses","authors":"Alexander Cromwell, Saaya Miyashiro","doi":"10.1093/isp/ekac020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekac020","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 International studies students are often interested in understanding contexts of conflict and war and working with affected populations. Although various research has assessed different pedagogical tools for increasing students’ understanding of war experiences and reducing the perceived distance between such populations, virtual encounters are an understudied means for achieving these aims. This article examines how a US international studies course integrated virtual dialogue sessions with Afghan students to reduce the distance between Americans and Afghans. Accordingly, we conducted pre- and post-surveys and interviews, engaged in participant observation, and analyzed reflection papers to understand how US students’ views transformed from the program. We find that American students learned about the precarity and resilience of Afghans and recognized their humanity. Moreover, participants developed outgroup trust, reduced intergroup anxiety, and in some cases developed empathy for the other group. Students experienced these shifts despite technological and logistical challenges, a language barrier, and the power imbalance, which led to ethical concerns for program instructors. Thus, we argue that virtual encounters can be an effective pedagogical tool for reducing distance between international studies students and war-affected populations and helping them to connect across group differences despite the inherent challenges in such programs.","PeriodicalId":47002,"journal":{"name":"International Studies Perspectives","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47763490","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The current methodological paradigm for addressing water, sanitation, and hygiene (WaSH) inaccessibility in rural sub-Saharan Africa is achieving insufficient progress. This essay evaluates WaSH-related policy, programming, and discourse from 1918 to 2021 to identify how this paradigm evolved and how it may reform. I argue that political–economic environments have strongly influenced existing sectoral praxis, shaping both programmatic methods and means. Colonial occupations generated rural–urban material inequalities, which were maintained and exacerbated during postwar reconstruction (1950–1970) and the proliferation of neoliberalism (1970–1990s). Meanwhile, modernization theory, a fundamental feature of colonial thought, has persisted discursively and practically. That is, rural resource limitations led WaSH practitioners to promote lower-cost appropriate technologies in the 1980s. Then, with challenges regarding technological disuse and misuse, behavior change–oriented methodologies responsively emerged in the 2000s and continue today. Yet, much like colonial predecessors, this latter turn presupposes that its programmatic benefactors must adapt to access WaSH services. Behavior change programs thus fail to critically consider the role of technological inadequacies and associated risk exposures in perpetuating existing inequities. Investigation of utility-style service models, where WaSH services adapt to the lives of its benefactors and behavioral persuasion is substituted for nonuser technological management, is recommended.
{"title":"Behavior Change in Water, Sanitation, and Hygiene: A 100-Year Perspective","authors":"R. Venis","doi":"10.1093/isp/ekac016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekac016","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The current methodological paradigm for addressing water, sanitation, and hygiene (WaSH) inaccessibility in rural sub-Saharan Africa is achieving insufficient progress. This essay evaluates WaSH-related policy, programming, and discourse from 1918 to 2021 to identify how this paradigm evolved and how it may reform. I argue that political–economic environments have strongly influenced existing sectoral praxis, shaping both programmatic methods and means. Colonial occupations generated rural–urban material inequalities, which were maintained and exacerbated during postwar reconstruction (1950–1970) and the proliferation of neoliberalism (1970–1990s). Meanwhile, modernization theory, a fundamental feature of colonial thought, has persisted discursively and practically. That is, rural resource limitations led WaSH practitioners to promote lower-cost appropriate technologies in the 1980s. Then, with challenges regarding technological disuse and misuse, behavior change–oriented methodologies responsively emerged in the 2000s and continue today. Yet, much like colonial predecessors, this latter turn presupposes that its programmatic benefactors must adapt to access WaSH services. Behavior change programs thus fail to critically consider the role of technological inadequacies and associated risk exposures in perpetuating existing inequities. Investigation of utility-style service models, where WaSH services adapt to the lives of its benefactors and behavioral persuasion is substituted for nonuser technological management, is recommended.","PeriodicalId":47002,"journal":{"name":"International Studies Perspectives","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48671685","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study presents a teaching experiment in which students composed a letter to the editor that drew on political economy analysis with an impressive 40 percent publication rate in a major Asian newspaper. In contrast to a purely mock exercise, or the submission of op-ed pieces with a much lower chance of being published, this activity offered students the opportunity to communicate their positions to the community. Instructors must be attuned to privacy concerns and the article appraises the advantages and disadvantages of four approaches to public writing. Results from a questionnaire and focus groups indicated that this short-form writing helped students to construct a single argument, broaden their global outlook, critically assess media information, and develop a more concise writing style. However, some students struggled to connect their letter to the course content. The article thus ends by proposing ways that the assignment may be modified, such as linking letters to another assignment, supporting students by sharing suggestions from newspaper editors and scholars whose letters are regularly published, and outlining a collaborative writing exercise building on letters to the editor as a foundation. By improving their public writing skills, this assignment may prove useful in the online lives of students.
{"title":"Dear Editor: Critically Engaging with Global Issues and Developing Arguments in a Letter to the Editor Assignment","authors":"J. Robertson","doi":"10.1093/isp/ekac017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekac017","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This study presents a teaching experiment in which students composed a letter to the editor that drew on political economy analysis with an impressive 40 percent publication rate in a major Asian newspaper. In contrast to a purely mock exercise, or the submission of op-ed pieces with a much lower chance of being published, this activity offered students the opportunity to communicate their positions to the community. Instructors must be attuned to privacy concerns and the article appraises the advantages and disadvantages of four approaches to public writing. Results from a questionnaire and focus groups indicated that this short-form writing helped students to construct a single argument, broaden their global outlook, critically assess media information, and develop a more concise writing style. However, some students struggled to connect their letter to the course content. The article thus ends by proposing ways that the assignment may be modified, such as linking letters to another assignment, supporting students by sharing suggestions from newspaper editors and scholars whose letters are regularly published, and outlining a collaborative writing exercise building on letters to the editor as a foundation. By improving their public writing skills, this assignment may prove useful in the online lives of students.","PeriodicalId":47002,"journal":{"name":"International Studies Perspectives","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45103138","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In contemporary Israel, the apparently negative consequences of the 2005 “unilateral disengagement” from the Gaza Strip have fueled a perception that leaving territory harms national security. Three claims underlie this framing: (1) domestic Israeli political considerations—not national security concerns—caused the disengagement; (2) Israel abandoned territory without receiving any compensation; and (3) leaving Gaza only precipitated further terrorist attacks. This article challenges these claims. It argues that domestic dynamics alone do not explain the withdrawal. Instead, Israel withdrew to mitigate its casualties, yield foreign policy gains, deter and deny terrorist groups, and avert a perceived demographic threat. The disengagement did not seek to resolve the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. Instead, through a limited territorial exit, it sought to stabilize the conflict and stymie negotiations with the Palestinians. In contrast to dominant perceptions, Israel achieved all of these objectives. Furthermore, it was Israel's post-disengagement policies that precipitated most of the recent security threats, not the withdrawal itself. These findings reassess the disengagement's goals and efficacy. They demonstrate that in contrast to popular perceptions in Israel today, the Gaza disengagement neither was a strategic blunder nor does it exemplify that territorial withdrawal constitutes a flawed policy choice.
{"title":"Security, Terrorism, and Territorial Withdrawal: Critically Reassessing the Lessons of Israel's “Unilateral Disengagement” from the Gaza Strip","authors":"Rob Geist Pinfold","doi":"10.1093/isp/ekac013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekac013","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In contemporary Israel, the apparently negative consequences of the 2005 “unilateral disengagement” from the Gaza Strip have fueled a perception that leaving territory harms national security. Three claims underlie this framing: (1) domestic Israeli political considerations—not national security concerns—caused the disengagement; (2) Israel abandoned territory without receiving any compensation; and (3) leaving Gaza only precipitated further terrorist attacks. This article challenges these claims. It argues that domestic dynamics alone do not explain the withdrawal. Instead, Israel withdrew to mitigate its casualties, yield foreign policy gains, deter and deny terrorist groups, and avert a perceived demographic threat. The disengagement did not seek to resolve the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. Instead, through a limited territorial exit, it sought to stabilize the conflict and stymie negotiations with the Palestinians. In contrast to dominant perceptions, Israel achieved all of these objectives. Furthermore, it was Israel's post-disengagement policies that precipitated most of the recent security threats, not the withdrawal itself. These findings reassess the disengagement's goals and efficacy. They demonstrate that in contrast to popular perceptions in Israel today, the Gaza disengagement neither was a strategic blunder nor does it exemplify that territorial withdrawal constitutes a flawed policy choice.","PeriodicalId":47002,"journal":{"name":"International Studies Perspectives","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45339579","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Could gender expectations play a role in executive leadership policy choices on human trafficking? To help explain why executive leaders of different genders may prioritize starkly different policies on the same issue, we situate our argument within the political double bind. We posit that human trafficking, a crime that exists at the nexus between foreign and domestic and masculine and feminine policy choices, is an arena where women will be more likely to demonstrate that they are compassionate domestically, thus choosing to fulfill the “feminine” side of the double bind over the “masculine” side. Using a cross-sectional time series regression analysis of forty-eight women leaders, we test this expected pattern for the years 2000–2016 and find that as the double bind suggests, women leaders prioritize protection measures over prosecution or prevention measures when addressing human trafficking, thereby fulfilling the domestic expectations of “feminine” leadership performance over the international expectations of “masculine” leadership performance to combat this crime. We also find that women have higher scores for anti-trafficking policy on the aggregate, indicating flexibility, and pointing to the careful balancing act women leaders must play when making policy choices.
{"title":"Remembering the “Human” in Human Trafficking: An Analysis of Female Leadership and Anti-Trafficking Policy Choices","authors":"Kate Perry, C. Burns","doi":"10.1093/isp/ekac014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekac014","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Could gender expectations play a role in executive leadership policy choices on human trafficking? To help explain why executive leaders of different genders may prioritize starkly different policies on the same issue, we situate our argument within the political double bind. We posit that human trafficking, a crime that exists at the nexus between foreign and domestic and masculine and feminine policy choices, is an arena where women will be more likely to demonstrate that they are compassionate domestically, thus choosing to fulfill the “feminine” side of the double bind over the “masculine” side. Using a cross-sectional time series regression analysis of forty-eight women leaders, we test this expected pattern for the years 2000–2016 and find that as the double bind suggests, women leaders prioritize protection measures over prosecution or prevention measures when addressing human trafficking, thereby fulfilling the domestic expectations of “feminine” leadership performance over the international expectations of “masculine” leadership performance to combat this crime. We also find that women have higher scores for anti-trafficking policy on the aggregate, indicating flexibility, and pointing to the careful balancing act women leaders must play when making policy choices.","PeriodicalId":47002,"journal":{"name":"International Studies Perspectives","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43950537","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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