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Federalism in Russia After 1991 1991年后俄罗斯的联邦制
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/00208817231167967
R. Srivastava
This article examines the federalization process and the spread of federalism in Russia after 1991. The Russian federal system has undergone several changes since the collapse of the Soviet Union. It arose as a result of several contracts signed between the federal government and the subjects. The federal structure of Russia is asymmetric and characterized by conflicts due to the system of division of power between the federal government and the subjects. The creation of an institutional mechanism was done to facilitate the application of the federal principles effectively. The President’s full control over political affairs, foreign policy and the economy can harm the successful development of the federal state in Russia.
本文考察了1991年以后俄罗斯的联邦化进程和联邦制的传播。自苏联解体以来,俄罗斯联邦制度经历了几次变化。它是联邦政府与臣民之间签订的几项合同的结果。俄罗斯联邦的结构是不对称的,并且由于联邦政府和主体之间的分权制度而具有冲突的特点。建立了一个体制机制,以促进有效地适用联邦原则。总统对政治事务、外交政策和经济的完全控制可能会损害俄罗斯联邦国家的成功发展。
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引用次数: 0
Look (Act) East Policy and Northeast India: Reimagining the Space Through Institutional, Physical and Social Connectivity 向东看(行动)政策与印度东北部:通过制度、物理和社会连通性重新构想空间
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/00208817231167994
Rubul Patgiri, Obja Borah Hazarika
The underdevelopment of Northeast India is quite often explained in terms of economic isolation primarily on account of its geographical peripherality. To address this challenge, a new imagination, through the Look (Act) East Policy has been proposed. This approach, makes India’s Northeast the centre of a unified economic, physical and social space through its integration with the trans-border neighbouring regions. In this article, an attempt has been made to examine the logic of developing an ‘extended Northeast’ and how it has been sought to be realized. The article argues that the actualization of this proposed integrated space is ridden with serious difficulties and the internal fragmentation of Northeast India and the exceptional rules and administrative arrangement that are in place in the region along with the geopolitical compulsion of India may act as significant barriers in this regard. And most importantly there are apprehensions that the proposed integrated space may lead to the appropriation of resources of the Northeast by the corporate houses without benefiting the people of the region.
印度东北部的不发达经常被解释为经济孤立,主要是由于其地理边缘。为了应对这一挑战,人们提出了一种新的想象,即“向东看(行动)”政策。这种做法通过与跨界邻近地区的整合,使印度东北部成为统一的经济、物质和社会空间的中心。本文试图探讨发展“外延东北”的逻辑以及如何实现这一逻辑。本文认为,这一整合空间的实现面临着严峻的困难,印度东北部的内部碎片化以及该地区的特殊规则和行政安排以及印度的地缘政治强迫可能成为这方面的重大障碍。最重要的是,人们担心拟议的综合空间可能会导致公司房屋占用东北地区的资源,而不会使该地区的人民受益。
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引用次数: 0
India-ASEAN Relations: The Utility and Limits of a Norm-Based Approach 印度-东盟关系:以规范为基础的方法的效用和局限性
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/00208817231162272
Chris Ogden
Central to India–ASEAN relations have been a consistent equivalence between their similar core principles and outlooks, which have served as a shared value-based footing upon which the two entities have built and enhanced their relations. These underlying sets of norms inform their diplomatic dealings with each other, and stem from principles and practices critical to their foundational identities and experiences. This article investigates and evaluates the historical roots of these norms and then utilizes them as an analytical vehicle with which to trace the growing strategic convergence typifying present-day India–ASEAN relations. Drawing upon constructivist accounts that emphasize the role played by history, culture, identity and learning, the article considers the key areas of agreement in relations, and how a value-based form of analysis provides an essential lens through which to better understand material factors structuring their relations. It also underlines the analytical value and empirical richness that a norm-based approach provides for analyzing specific sets of norms in a specific state-to-multilateral interaction.
印度-东盟关系的核心是在相似的核心原则和观点之间保持一致的对等,这是两个实体建立和加强关系的共同价值基础。这些基本准则指导着它们相互之间的外交往来,它们源于对它们的基本身份和经验至关重要的原则和实践。本文调查和评估了这些规范的历史根源,然后利用它们作为分析工具来追踪当今印度-东盟关系中日益增长的战略趋同。借鉴强调历史、文化、身份和学习所起作用的建构主义理论,本文考虑了关系中达成一致的关键领域,以及基于价值的分析形式如何提供了一个基本视角,通过这个视角,我们可以更好地理解构成关系的物质因素。它还强调了基于规范的方法为分析特定国家与多边互动中的特定规范集提供的分析价值和经验丰富性。
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引用次数: 0
Security Predicament of Syrian Refugees Through Gender Lens in Line with EU–Turkey Joint Action Plan 2015 基于2015年欧盟-土耳其联合行动计划的性别视角下的叙利亚难民安全困境
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/00208817231158405
Rippy Das, Kabindra Sharma
War has numerous repercussions for each gender. In the instances of war-induced displacement, both genders are usually subject to intensive risks in their journey as refugees, from reaching destined countries through dangerous routes to gender differences and inequalities they face in the host countries. The tales of agony and calamity shed light on the fact that the refugee crisis is very much a crisis for both genders not limited to one gender. Since the Second World War, the Middle East has been regarded as the world’s most conflict-prone region. Continuous Wars and civil wars have always raised questions about human threats and Syria is not exceptional. As a consequence of the Syrian civil war which was started in 2011, 13.5 million Syrians substituting for more than half of Syria’s population are deracinated, destitute or confined in difficult to access areas. Tens of thousands of Syrians have fled their nation in search of safety and access to essential amenities. Many Syrians choose to reach Europe other than Middle East countries as their destination to get asylum where they risk their lives by making the dangerous journey through the Mediterranean Sea route and both men and women face different refugee predicaments throughout their journey. At the same time, the European Union (EU) is playing a significant role in managing the Syrian Crisis, although it has been facing a remarkable advent of refugees and migrants. In 2015, the EU and Turkey officially followed a joint ‘Action Plan’, which mainly aimed to deter the gargantuan influx of outcasts and transients into the EU. However, the plan has faced a lot of criticism which argued that although the EU presented as a humanitarian actor in dealing refugee crisis, it is trying to push its responsibilities towards Turkey. Against this backdrop, this article has examined the crisis faced by the Syrian refugees after the adoption of the joint action plan. Further, it has analysed, if the said joint action plan has made their refugee journey more complicated in the EU by adding new challenges for both Syrian men and women differently.
战争对男女两性都有许多影响。在因战争而流离失所的情况下,男女难民在其难民旅程中通常都面临巨大的风险,从通过危险路线到达目的地国家到他们在东道国面临的性别差异和不平等。这些痛苦和灾难的故事揭示了这样一个事实,即难民危机是两性的危机,而不仅仅局限于一种性别。自第二次世界大战以来,中东一直被视为世界上最容易发生冲突的地区。持续不断的战争和内战总是引发有关人类威胁的问题,叙利亚也不例外。2011年开始的叙利亚内战导致1350万叙利亚人流离失所、贫困或被困在难以进入的地区,占叙利亚人口的一半以上。成千上万的叙利亚人逃离他们的国家,寻求安全和获得基本的便利设施。许多叙利亚人选择到达欧洲而不是中东国家作为他们寻求庇护的目的地,在那里他们冒着生命危险,通过地中海路线进行危险的旅程,在整个旅程中,男人和女人都面临着不同的难民困境。与此同时,欧盟(EU)在处理叙利亚危机方面发挥着重要作用,尽管它一直面临着难民和移民的显著到来。2015年,欧盟和土耳其正式遵循了一项联合“行动计划”,其主要目的是阻止大量被驱逐者和临时移民涌入欧盟。然而,该计划面临许多批评,有人认为,尽管欧盟在处理难民危机时表现得像一个人道主义行动者,但它正试图将自己的责任推给土耳其。在此背景下,本文考察了联合行动计划通过后叙利亚难民面临的危机。此外,它还分析了上述联合行动计划是否会给叙利亚男性和女性带来不同的新挑战,从而使他们在欧盟的难民之旅变得更加复杂。
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引用次数: 0
Forum: Making Peace with Un-Certainty: Reflections on the Role of Digital Technology in Peace Processes beyond the Data Hype 论坛:在不确定性中构建和平:超越数据炒作对数字技术在和平进程中的作用的思考
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-03-31 DOI: 10.1093/isp/ekad004
Andreas T. Hirblinger, Martin Wählisch, Kate Keator, Chris McNaboe, Allard Duursma, J. Karlsrud, V. Sticher, Aly Verjee, Tetiana Kyselova, Chris M. A. Kwaja, Suda Perera
Recent years have seen the acceleration of data- and evidence-based approaches in support of peace processes, creating a renewed confidence that conflicts can be predicted, known, and resolved, based on objective information about the world. However, new technologies employed by conflict parties, stakeholders, and those who aim to make or build peace have also made peace processes less ascertainable, intelligible, and predictable. Technology can thus create both more certainty and uncertainty in (and about) peace processes. This forum article presents a first collaborative attempt to explore how the use of technology by conflict parties and peacebuilding actors influences these dynamics. We examine various fields of engagement, ranging from conflict prevention to peace mediation, peacekeeping, and longer-term peacebuilding. Our discussion engages with a variety of related activities, including predictive analysis and foresight, conflict analysis, cease-fire monitoring, early warning and early action, and problem-solving and trust-building dialogues. We suggest approaching un-certainty as a spectrum between uncertainty and certainty that can be studied across epistemic, ontological, and normative dimensions, thus inviting further academic research and policy reflection. The article is coauthored by scholars and current or former practitioners and underlines the necessity, benefits, and feasibility of research–practice exchanges on this topic.
近年来,支持和平进程的数据和循证方法加速发展,使人们重新相信,根据有关世界的客观信息,可以预测、了解和解决冲突。然而,冲突各方、利益相关者和那些旨在缔造或建设和平的人所采用的新技术也使和平进程变得不那么可确定、可理解和可预测。因此,技术可以在和平进程中(以及在和平进程中)创造更多的确定性和不确定性。这篇论坛文章提出了首次合作尝试,探讨冲突各方和建设和平行动者对技术的使用如何影响这些动态。我们考察了参与的各个领域,从预防冲突到和平调解、维持和平和长期建设和平。我们的讨论涉及各种相关活动,包括预测分析和预见、冲突分析、停火监测、早期预警和早期行动,以及解决问题和建立信任的对话。我们建议将不确定性视为介于不确定性和确定性之间的一个光谱,可以在认识论、本体论和规范维度上进行研究,从而吸引进一步的学术研究和政策反思。这篇文章是由学者和现任或前任从业者共同撰写的,强调了这一主题的研究与实践交流的必要性、益处和可行性。
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引用次数: 2
Bridging the Gap in a Changing World: New Opportunities and Challenges for Engaging Practitioners and the Public 在不断变化的世界中弥合差距:从业人员和公众参与的新机遇和挑战
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-03-27 DOI: 10.1093/isp/ekad003
Jordan Tama, Naazneen H Barma, Brent Durbin, J. Goldgeier, Bruce W Jentleson
In recent years, an array of initiatives has sought to bridge widely recognized gaps separating international studies scholars from policymakers and the public. While such gaps persist, changes in society, the media, and academia have altered the context for scholars seeking to make their research known to public and policy communities. On the one hand, the emergence on the public agenda of new policy concerns, proliferation of public-facing outlets seeking to feature scholarly expertise, and growing attention to diversity and inclusion have reduced some of the barriers to gap-bridging work. On the other hand, tenure and promotion standards continue to place limited weight on public engagement, political attacks on experts have raised new barriers to bridging, and social media often serve as sites of discrimination and harassment. We take stock of these shifts and use a scenario exercise to consider how the landscape for bridging the gap might evolve further in the years ahead. Focusing on potential changes in research funding models and the relationship between international studies scholarship and geopolitics, we highlight new bridging opportunities and challenges that may emerge over the next decade.
近年来,一系列倡议试图弥合国际研究学者与政策制定者和公众之间广泛认可的差距。虽然这种差距仍然存在,但社会、媒体和学术界的变化已经改变了学者寻求让公众和政策团体了解他们的研究的背景。一方面,新政策问题在公共议程上的出现,寻求学术专长的面向公众的媒体的激增,以及对多样性和包容性的日益关注,减少了弥合差距工作的一些障碍。另一方面,任期和晋升标准对公众参与的影响仍然有限,对专家的政治攻击为弥合桥梁带来了新的障碍,社交媒体往往成为歧视和骚扰的场所。我们对这些变化进行了评估,并使用情景练习来考虑未来几年弥合差距的前景如何进一步发展。关注研究资助模式的潜在变化以及国际研究奖学金与地缘政治之间的关系,我们强调了未来十年可能出现的新的桥梁机遇和挑战。
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引用次数: 0
Bridging the Digital Gap: Teaching Cyber Strategy and Policy through a Crisis Simulation 弥合数字鸿沟:通过危机模拟教授网络战略和政策
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-02-23 DOI: 10.1093/isp/ekad001
Gregory H. Winger, Stephanie Ellis, Daniel Glover
This article details an attempt to bridge the gulf between information technology (IT) and social science approaches to cybersecurity using a simulation. Digital affairs are increasingly central to public policy, and yet the subject's incorporation within political science education has been hamstrung by an underlying disciplinary divide and lack of familiarity. Despite their differences, both IT and political science have strong traditions of utilizing active learning methods and simulation to achieve learning outcomes. Drawing on this shared pedagogy, we created an interdisciplinary simulation that leverages elements of digital forensics to provide students with a unique, active learning experience of responding to a national cybersecurity crisis. The simulation was fielded during an intermediate level class on cyber conflict and generated an overwhelmingly positive response. Students credited the exercise with helping them better understand the unique characteristics of cyberspace as a geopolitical domain and appreciated how the lack of an IT background was not a barrier to addressing cyber policy issues.
本文详细介绍了通过模拟来弥合信息技术(IT)和社会科学方法之间的网络安全鸿沟的尝试。数字事务越来越成为公共政策的核心,然而,由于潜在的学科分歧和不熟悉,该学科在政治学教育中的结合受到了阻碍。尽管存在差异,但信息技术和政治学都有利用主动学习方法和模拟来实现学习成果的强大传统。利用这种共享的教学法,我们创建了一个跨学科模拟,利用数字取证的元素,为学生提供应对国家网络安全危机的独特、积极的学习体验。该模拟是在一堂关于网络冲突的中级课程中进行的,并产生了压倒性的积极反应。学生们认为这次练习帮助他们更好地理解了网络空间作为一个地缘政治领域的独特特征,并理解缺乏IT背景并不是解决网络政策问题的障碍。
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引用次数: 0
The Scientific Shortcomings of Postcolonial Theory 后殖民理论的科学缺陷
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1177/00208817221142485
M. Felsch
In the social sciences, there is a trend towards normative, identity based and activist understanding of science. This trend is particularly evident in the rise of postcolonial theory. This paper critically engages with its impact in International Relations. Postcolonial theory aims to challenge established methodologies and arguments in all social science disciplines but shows little interest in rigorous research and the production of scientific knowledge. This paper highlights the most fundamental flaws of postcolonial theory, such as ideological bias, the application of blurred and one-sided concepts, the preference for anecdotal evidence over empirical evidence and ignorance of the major social and political trends of our time. Subsequently, it is argued that postcolonial theory contributes to a distorted perception of reality. Perhaps, this article can stimulate a debate about the function and scientific nature of social sciences at a time when feelings and emotions, not facts, increasingly dominate academia.
在社会科学中,有一种倾向于规范的、基于身份的和积极的科学理解。这种趋势在后殖民理论的兴起中表现得尤为明显。本文批判性地探讨了其在国际关系中的影响。后殖民理论旨在挑战所有社会科学学科的既定方法和论点,但对严谨的研究和科学知识的产生兴趣不大。本文强调了后殖民理论最根本的缺陷,如意识形态偏见、模糊和片面概念的应用、对轶事证据的偏爱而不是经验证据,以及对我们这个时代主要社会和政治趋势的无知。随后,有人认为后殖民理论导致了对现实的扭曲感知。也许,这篇文章可以激发一场关于社会科学的功能和科学性质的辩论,在这个感觉和情感而不是事实日益主导学术界的时代。
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引用次数: 0
The Necessity to Discuss ‘Deterrence Failure’ Regarding North Korea’s Nuclear Threat 讨论北韩核威胁的“威慑失败”的必要性
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1177/00208817231154389
H. Park
This article introduces the ‘deterrence failure’ concept and applies it to North Korea’s nuclear threat situation. For this purpose, it selects five factors, including retaliation posture; credibility of retaliation; probability of the challenger’s success; challenger’s irrational leader; and situational desperateness, to evaluate the US–South Korea nuclear deterrence posture against North Korea. Except for the retaliation posture, most factors are very concerning. Therefore, to strengthen their deterrence posture against North Korea, the United States and South Korea should take a few practical measures to ensure the implementation of the US extended deterrence, including the forward-deployment of more US retaliation assets around the Korean Peninsula.
本文介绍了“威慑失败”的概念,并将其应用于朝鲜核威胁形势。为此,本文选取了五个因素,包括报复态势;报复的可信度;挑战者成功的概率;挑战者的非理性领导者;和态势绝望,以评估美韩对朝鲜的核威慑态势。除了报复姿态,大多数因素都非常令人担忧。因此,为了加强对朝鲜的威慑态势,美国和韩国应该采取一些切实可行的措施,以确保美国延伸威慑的实施,包括在朝鲜半岛周围部署更多的美国报复资产。
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引用次数: 0
India’s Development and Peacebuilding Assistance to the Conflict-Affected States: Case-study of Democratic Republic of Congo 印度对受冲突影响国家的发展与建设和平援助:刚果民主共和国个案研究
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1177/00208817231151609
Yeshi Choedon
The rationale for India’s development and peacebuilding assistance and the mechanisms employed have changed over the period. India’s assistance is starkly different from the way the developed countries do peacebuilding. This difference is due to India’s different historical experiences, socio-economic conditions and lived experience. The conflict-affected states have appreciated India’s assistance due to the suitability and appropriateness of technical assistance, training and educational programs to their socio-economic context. India’s ways of development and peacebuilding assistance have similarities with the 2016 UN concept of ‘sustaining peace’, which has been formulated to liberate peacebuilding from the strict limitation to post-conflict contexts. However, both the western and non-western donors have a certain reservation about ‘sustaining peace’ concept, for different reasons. The way forward to implement the UN ‘sustaining peace’ is to facilitate both the western and non-western donors to learn lessons from each other’s experiences and view their varied approaches as complementary rather than contradictory.
印度提供发展和建设和平援助的理由以及所采用的机制在这一时期发生了变化。印度的援助与发达国家建设和平的方式截然不同。这种差异是由于印度不同的历史经历、社会经济条件和生活经历造成的。受冲突影响的国家对印度的援助表示感谢,因为技术援助、培训和教育项目适合他们的社会经济背景。印度的发展和建设和平援助方式与2016年联合国“维持和平”的概念有相似之处,该概念的制定是为了将建设和平从冲突后环境的严格限制中解放出来。然而,由于不同的原因,西方和非西方捐助者对“维持和平”的概念都有一定的保留。实现联合国“维持和平”的前进道路是促进西方和非西方捐助者从彼此的经验中吸取教训,并将他们的各种方法视为互补而不是矛盾。
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引用次数: 0
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International Studies Perspectives
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