What does the decline in paradigmatic self-identification mean for how international relations (IR) scholars think about the world? We answer this question with a 2020 survey among nearly two thousand IR scholars. We uncover a two-dimensional latent theoretical belief space based on scholarly agreement with conjectures about the state, ideas, international institutions, domestic politics, globalization, and racism. The first dimension separates status quo–oriented scholars from more critical scholars. The second dimension captures the realist–institutionalist divide. We have three key findings. First, non-paradigmatic scholars vary greatly in their theoretical beliefs. Second, measurement invariance tests show that there is a similar structure underlying the beliefs of paradigmatic and non-paradigmatic scholars. Third, we find no evidence that non-paradigmatic scholars rely less on their theoretical beliefs in making predictions about conflict, institutions, political economy, democracy, and human rights. Instead, the positions of scholars in the two-dimensional theoretical belief space rather than self-assigned paradigmatic labels correlate with predictions about the world. Our findings suggest that non-paradigmatic scholars are not so different from self-identified Liberals, Constructivists, and Realists, although the decline of paradigmatic self-identification may still matter for how scholars organize debates and disciplinary divides.
{"title":"The Myth of the Eclectic IR Scholar?","authors":"H. Milner, Ryan Powers, E. Voeten","doi":"10.1093/isp/ekac012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekac012","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 What does the decline in paradigmatic self-identification mean for how international relations (IR) scholars think about the world? We answer this question with a 2020 survey among nearly two thousand IR scholars. We uncover a two-dimensional latent theoretical belief space based on scholarly agreement with conjectures about the state, ideas, international institutions, domestic politics, globalization, and racism. The first dimension separates status quo–oriented scholars from more critical scholars. The second dimension captures the realist–institutionalist divide. We have three key findings. First, non-paradigmatic scholars vary greatly in their theoretical beliefs. Second, measurement invariance tests show that there is a similar structure underlying the beliefs of paradigmatic and non-paradigmatic scholars. Third, we find no evidence that non-paradigmatic scholars rely less on their theoretical beliefs in making predictions about conflict, institutions, political economy, democracy, and human rights. Instead, the positions of scholars in the two-dimensional theoretical belief space rather than self-assigned paradigmatic labels correlate with predictions about the world. Our findings suggest that non-paradigmatic scholars are not so different from self-identified Liberals, Constructivists, and Realists, although the decline of paradigmatic self-identification may still matter for how scholars organize debates and disciplinary divides.","PeriodicalId":47002,"journal":{"name":"International Studies Perspectives","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46801411","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-01DOI: 10.1177/00208817221124967
Ayan Chatterjee
Russia being the largest successor state among the post-Soviet countries, its distinct civilization, unique history, and contribution to various fields has earned interest among scholars. Moreover, it was also perceived that since Russia straddles two continents, Asia and Europe, any development in Russia will either have a direct or an indirect bearing on Europe and Asia. These factors have collectively generated a great amount of scholarly interest in studying post-Soviet Russian democratization. The article focuses on the aspects of the convergence and divergence of these entities in the case of the Russian Federation. In this endeavour, the article chalks out the key components of democratization and their interplay in Russia. An attempt is made to understand the perception of democracy among Russians and whether democratic reforms in post-Soviet Russia led to any change of perception among Russians about democracy. The article also unravels the institutional dynamics in order to ascertain the Russian experience of democratization. The article concludes with some recommendations for future course of actions with regard to democratization.
{"title":"Democratization in Russia: Expectations and Experiences","authors":"Ayan Chatterjee","doi":"10.1177/00208817221124967","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00208817221124967","url":null,"abstract":"Russia being the largest successor state among the post-Soviet countries, its distinct civilization, unique history, and contribution to various fields has earned interest among scholars. Moreover, it was also perceived that since Russia straddles two continents, Asia and Europe, any development in Russia will either have a direct or an indirect bearing on Europe and Asia. These factors have collectively generated a great amount of scholarly interest in studying post-Soviet Russian democratization. The article focuses on the aspects of the convergence and divergence of these entities in the case of the Russian Federation. In this endeavour, the article chalks out the key components of democratization and their interplay in Russia. An attempt is made to understand the perception of democracy among Russians and whether democratic reforms in post-Soviet Russia led to any change of perception among Russians about democracy. The article also unravels the institutional dynamics in order to ascertain the Russian experience of democratization. The article concludes with some recommendations for future course of actions with regard to democratization.","PeriodicalId":47002,"journal":{"name":"International Studies Perspectives","volume":"26 1","pages":"382 - 408"},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84056417","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-01DOI: 10.1177/00208817221136375
Hui-Chol Pak, Hyeonju Son, Son-Gyong Jong
The 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties is a fundamental treaty providing rights and obligations that states assume in the conclusion and implementation of treaties. Some of the provisions of the Convention, however, continue to divide the legal scholarship. One of them concerns the legal definition of jus cogens provided in Article 53 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties. The international community, particularly the International Law Commission, has exerted strenuous efforts for a long time to reach a consensus on jus cogens. Nevertheless, the legal definition of jus cogens is still open to varying interpretation among different countries and international publicists. In this light, the article analyses the legal definition of jus cogens in three aspects. First, the connotation of the concept ‘peremptory norms of general international law’ is assessed in terms of particular, general and universal international law. Second, it analyses some problems arising in understanding the non-derogability from and modifiability of jus cogens. Finally, the article discusses some issues regarding ‘acceptance and recognition’ of jus cogens by the ‘international community of states as a whole’.
{"title":"Analysis on the Legal Definition of Jus Cogens Provided in Article 53 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties","authors":"Hui-Chol Pak, Hyeonju Son, Son-Gyong Jong","doi":"10.1177/00208817221136375","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00208817221136375","url":null,"abstract":"The 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties is a fundamental treaty providing rights and obligations that states assume in the conclusion and implementation of treaties. Some of the provisions of the Convention, however, continue to divide the legal scholarship. One of them concerns the legal definition of jus cogens provided in Article 53 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties. The international community, particularly the International Law Commission, has exerted strenuous efforts for a long time to reach a consensus on jus cogens. Nevertheless, the legal definition of jus cogens is still open to varying interpretation among different countries and international publicists. In this light, the article analyses the legal definition of jus cogens in three aspects. First, the connotation of the concept ‘peremptory norms of general international law’ is assessed in terms of particular, general and universal international law. Second, it analyses some problems arising in understanding the non-derogability from and modifiability of jus cogens. Finally, the article discusses some issues regarding ‘acceptance and recognition’ of jus cogens by the ‘international community of states as a whole’.","PeriodicalId":47002,"journal":{"name":"International Studies Perspectives","volume":"23 1","pages":"315 - 335"},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87884842","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-01DOI: 10.1177/00208817221138155
Abhishek
Regime change and opening of the market brought many opportunities as well as challenges to Romania. In terms of economy, growth stagnated, unemployment increased and a reverse movement of labour took place, from more productive manufacturing and services to agriculture. Need to reskill the workers to attract foreign direct investment was felt. Two multilateral institutions, World Bank and European Union (EU), stepped in. EU, through its Phare programme, played an important role in this reskilling by providing necessary funding and experience for the restructuring of vocational education and training. The article, based on both the primary and secondary sources, examines the role played by the multilateral institutions and argues that although Phare VET programme failed short of what it was intended in many areas because of some planning and operational shortcomings, it was quite a successful programme in terms of initiating curriculum development, introducing modularization, acquainting Romanian VET schools with modern equipment and pedagogy, and planted the seeds of social partnership in the field of VET.
{"title":"The Role of Multilateral Institutions in Bringing Vocational Education and Training Reforms in Romania During the Transition Period (1989–1999): The Case of the European Union Phare VET Programme","authors":"Abhishek","doi":"10.1177/00208817221138155","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00208817221138155","url":null,"abstract":"Regime change and opening of the market brought many opportunities as well as challenges to Romania. In terms of economy, growth stagnated, unemployment increased and a reverse movement of labour took place, from more productive manufacturing and services to agriculture. Need to reskill the workers to attract foreign direct investment was felt. Two multilateral institutions, World Bank and European Union (EU), stepped in. EU, through its Phare programme, played an important role in this reskilling by providing necessary funding and experience for the restructuring of vocational education and training. The article, based on both the primary and secondary sources, examines the role played by the multilateral institutions and argues that although Phare VET programme failed short of what it was intended in many areas because of some planning and operational shortcomings, it was quite a successful programme in terms of initiating curriculum development, introducing modularization, acquainting Romanian VET schools with modern equipment and pedagogy, and planted the seeds of social partnership in the field of VET.","PeriodicalId":47002,"journal":{"name":"International Studies Perspectives","volume":"10 1","pages":"364 - 381"},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84253250","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-01DOI: 10.1177/00208817221137228
Shubham Sharma
In this article, I attempt to critically assess Kenneth Waltz’s deployment of the idea of anarchy to erect a ‘scientific theory of international politics’. First, I argue that the formation of a concept requires comprehension of the object from the standpoint of historical development, not a narrow reading of it. Second, I subject the thinner abstractions of self-help, balance of power and bandwagoning to the test of history. Third, I argue about mainstream international relations’ disdain for revolutions. I would posit that revolutions are fine templates which store rich agential history of structural transformation, a theme subject to much chagrin by realists of all hues, particularly neorealists. In doing so, I take the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 as my benchmark. I elucidate that through the occlusion of first and second images, man and state, in the favour of third image, that is, structural anarchy, Waltz tends to ignore the role of agency as a conscious collective which could be best captured by the Bolshevik Revolution. In doing so, I rely on Perry Anderson’s three modes of agency in history. As a corrective to Waltz’s theorization, I make a strong case for class transcending both man and state as an organic category with immense potential of becoming a level of analysis which both acts upon the structure and refracts through it. I finally conclude by saying that anarchy was a condition and not a ‘social relation’ of any sort which could claim to constitute the ‘international’.
{"title":"Anarchy Is What It Is Made Up Of: Reappraising Kenneth Waltz’s Grand Concept Through a Marxian Lens","authors":"Shubham Sharma","doi":"10.1177/00208817221137228","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00208817221137228","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, I attempt to critically assess Kenneth Waltz’s deployment of the idea of anarchy to erect a ‘scientific theory of international politics’. First, I argue that the formation of a concept requires comprehension of the object from the standpoint of historical development, not a narrow reading of it. Second, I subject the thinner abstractions of self-help, balance of power and bandwagoning to the test of history. Third, I argue about mainstream international relations’ disdain for revolutions. I would posit that revolutions are fine templates which store rich agential history of structural transformation, a theme subject to much chagrin by realists of all hues, particularly neorealists. In doing so, I take the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 as my benchmark. I elucidate that through the occlusion of first and second images, man and state, in the favour of third image, that is, structural anarchy, Waltz tends to ignore the role of agency as a conscious collective which could be best captured by the Bolshevik Revolution. In doing so, I rely on Perry Anderson’s three modes of agency in history. As a corrective to Waltz’s theorization, I make a strong case for class transcending both man and state as an organic category with immense potential of becoming a level of analysis which both acts upon the structure and refracts through it. I finally conclude by saying that anarchy was a condition and not a ‘social relation’ of any sort which could claim to constitute the ‘international’.","PeriodicalId":47002,"journal":{"name":"International Studies Perspectives","volume":"22 1","pages":"336 - 363"},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78877267","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-01DOI: 10.1177/00208817221127519
S. Bhattacharya
Located in northwest Africa, Western Sahara was under Spanish occupation from 1884–1975. Some of the world’s richest fishing waters can be found in Western Sahara. It also holds one of the world’s most extensive phosphates reserves. Since 1975, Morocco has been de facto governing over 80% of the land known as the Moroccan Sahara. Polisario Front, backed by Algeria, has been fighting for the independent Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR). Despite an UN-mediated ceasefire in 1991 for a referendum for self-determination and the presence of Mission for the Organization of a Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO) to oversee the process, the referendum never took place. In December 2020, President Trump recognized Moroccan claim over Western Sahara in exchange for a normalization deal between Morocco and Israel. While President Biden’s administration now appears to support Trump’s policy tacitly, the Ukraine crisis has provided Algeria with a fresh opportunity. Algeria is Europe’s biggest gas exporter in Africa. Moreover, it is also a strong ally of Russia. As Spain backed Morocco’s proposition to create an autonomous Western Sahara territory under Moroccan control, this change of position will undoubtedly disturb the North-African diplomatic equilibrium, and the implications could be dangerous.
{"title":"Ukraine Crisis and Shifting Sands in North Africa","authors":"S. Bhattacharya","doi":"10.1177/00208817221127519","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00208817221127519","url":null,"abstract":"Located in northwest Africa, Western Sahara was under Spanish occupation from 1884–1975. Some of the world’s richest fishing waters can be found in Western Sahara. It also holds one of the world’s most extensive phosphates reserves. Since 1975, Morocco has been de facto governing over 80% of the land known as the Moroccan Sahara. Polisario Front, backed by Algeria, has been fighting for the independent Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR). Despite an UN-mediated ceasefire in 1991 for a referendum for self-determination and the presence of Mission for the Organization of a Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO) to oversee the process, the referendum never took place. In December 2020, President Trump recognized Moroccan claim over Western Sahara in exchange for a normalization deal between Morocco and Israel. While President Biden’s administration now appears to support Trump’s policy tacitly, the Ukraine crisis has provided Algeria with a fresh opportunity. Algeria is Europe’s biggest gas exporter in Africa. Moreover, it is also a strong ally of Russia. As Spain backed Morocco’s proposition to create an autonomous Western Sahara territory under Moroccan control, this change of position will undoubtedly disturb the North-African diplomatic equilibrium, and the implications could be dangerous.","PeriodicalId":47002,"journal":{"name":"International Studies Perspectives","volume":"70 1","pages":"409 - 434"},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81224920","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-21eCollection Date: 2023-02-01DOI: 10.1093/isp/ekac010
Catherine Z Worsnop, Karen A Grépin, Kelley Lee, Summer Marion
Why do some international agreements fail to achieve their goals? Rather than states' engaging in cheap talk, evasion, or shallow commitments, the World Health Organization's (WHO) International Health Regulations (IHR)-the agreement governing states' and WHO's response to global health emergencies-point to the unintended consequences of information provision. The IHR have a dual goal of providing public health protection from health threats while minimizing unnecessary interference in international traffic. As such, during major outbreaks WHO provides information about spread and severity, as well as guidance about how states should respond, primarily regarding border policies. During COVID-19, border restrictions such as entry restrictions, flight suspensions, and border closures have been commonplace even though WHO recommended against such policies when it declared the outbreak a public health emergency in January 2020. Building on findings from the 2014 Ebola outbreak, we argue that without raising the cost of disregarding (or the benefits of following) recommendations against border restrictions, information from WHO about outbreak spread and severity leads states to impose border restrictions inconsistent with WHO's guidance. Using new data from COVID-19, we show that WHO's public health emergency declaration and pandemic announcement are associated with increases in the number of states imposing border restrictions.
{"title":"The Unintended Consequences of Information Provision: The World Health Organization and Border Restrictions during COVID-19.","authors":"Catherine Z Worsnop, Karen A Grépin, Kelley Lee, Summer Marion","doi":"10.1093/isp/ekac010","DOIUrl":"10.1093/isp/ekac010","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Why do some international agreements fail to achieve their goals? Rather than states' engaging in cheap talk, evasion, or shallow commitments, the World Health Organization's (WHO) International Health Regulations (IHR)-the agreement governing states' and WHO's response to global health emergencies-point to the unintended consequences of information provision. The IHR have a dual goal of providing public health protection from health threats while minimizing unnecessary interference in international traffic. As such, during major outbreaks WHO provides information about spread and severity, as well as guidance about how states should respond, primarily regarding border policies. During COVID-19, border restrictions such as entry restrictions, flight suspensions, and border closures have been commonplace even though WHO recommended against such policies when it declared the outbreak a public health emergency in January 2020. Building on findings from the 2014 Ebola outbreak, we argue that without raising the cost of disregarding (or the benefits of following) recommendations against border restrictions, information from WHO about outbreak spread and severity leads states to impose border restrictions inconsistent with WHO's guidance. Using new data from COVID-19, we show that WHO's public health emergency declaration and pandemic announcement are associated with increases in the number of states imposing border restrictions.</p>","PeriodicalId":47002,"journal":{"name":"International Studies Perspectives","volume":"24 1","pages":"39-66"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9903402/pdf/ekac010.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"9275804","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Jamie Scalera Elliott, S. Mitchell, Michelle L. Dion, Thomas R. Vargas, Yanna Krupnikov, Kerri Milita, John Barry Ryan, Victoria Smith, Hillary Style, Kerry F. Crawford, L. Windsor, C. Fattore, Marijke Breuning, J. Ramos
This forum examines whether scholars’ access to networks in the international studies profession is gendered and if so, the consequences of those networks for personal and professional success. Academic networks that encompass both professional and personal connections have been proposed as one solution to chilly climate issues because they provide a dual function of enhancing scholarly productivity and inclusion in the profession. The articles in the forum consider both professional (e.g., citation) and personal (e.g., mentorship, friendship) networks, as well as traditional (e.g., invited talks) and nontraditional (e.g., social media) networks. The authors show that biases that arise through the gendered nature of academic networks can be mitigated through social media, mentoring, and friendship networks. However, we must also be cognizant of other factors that create barriers for women in the profession (e.g., university prestige, parenthood, COVID-19).
{"title":"Forum: Gendered Dynamics of Academic Networks","authors":"Jamie Scalera Elliott, S. Mitchell, Michelle L. Dion, Thomas R. Vargas, Yanna Krupnikov, Kerri Milita, John Barry Ryan, Victoria Smith, Hillary Style, Kerry F. Crawford, L. Windsor, C. Fattore, Marijke Breuning, J. Ramos","doi":"10.1093/isp/ekac009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekac009","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This forum examines whether scholars’ access to networks in the international studies profession is gendered and if so, the consequences of those networks for personal and professional success. Academic networks that encompass both professional and personal connections have been proposed as one solution to chilly climate issues because they provide a dual function of enhancing scholarly productivity and inclusion in the profession. The articles in the forum consider both professional (e.g., citation) and personal (e.g., mentorship, friendship) networks, as well as traditional (e.g., invited talks) and nontraditional (e.g., social media) networks. The authors show that biases that arise through the gendered nature of academic networks can be mitigated through social media, mentoring, and friendship networks. However, we must also be cognizant of other factors that create barriers for women in the profession (e.g., university prestige, parenthood, COVID-19).","PeriodicalId":47002,"journal":{"name":"International Studies Perspectives","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44861219","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
As the world becomes increasingly “smaller,” global governance too shifts beyond states and formal agreements to include norms and actors at all levels of government and society. Cities, in particular, are emergent actors in global affairs. This paper examines a new type of experiential learning model for this burgeoning local–global governance: academic partnerships with city governments for undergraduate international relations courses. Occidental College and Pomona College have partnered with the Los Angeles Mayor's Office to localize and adopt the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). This study focuses on two Spring 2021 Task Force courses, where students worked in consultation with the Mayor's Office to conduct policy research on local implementation of SDG 5 on gender equality. It analyzes the pedagogical value of the Task Force courses with a focus on student learning outcomes and challenges. Through qualitative content analysis of student reflection papers, we find that the courses generate substantial student learning, particularly in higher forms of learning, including development of research and professional skills and metacognitive reflection on “doing theory,” or praxis, within the international relations discipline. Further, these partnerships also benefit the city, as they generate valuable data that inform policymaking.
{"title":"Localizing the International Relations Classroom: Evaluation of Academic Partnerships with City Government","authors":"M. Baer, H. Haddad","doi":"10.1093/isp/ekac008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekac008","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 As the world becomes increasingly “smaller,” global governance too shifts beyond states and formal agreements to include norms and actors at all levels of government and society. Cities, in particular, are emergent actors in global affairs. This paper examines a new type of experiential learning model for this burgeoning local–global governance: academic partnerships with city governments for undergraduate international relations courses. Occidental College and Pomona College have partnered with the Los Angeles Mayor's Office to localize and adopt the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). This study focuses on two Spring 2021 Task Force courses, where students worked in consultation with the Mayor's Office to conduct policy research on local implementation of SDG 5 on gender equality. It analyzes the pedagogical value of the Task Force courses with a focus on student learning outcomes and challenges. Through qualitative content analysis of student reflection papers, we find that the courses generate substantial student learning, particularly in higher forms of learning, including development of research and professional skills and metacognitive reflection on “doing theory,” or praxis, within the international relations discipline. Further, these partnerships also benefit the city, as they generate valuable data that inform policymaking.","PeriodicalId":47002,"journal":{"name":"International Studies Perspectives","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43383952","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A. Agarwal, Ching-Chang Chen, Shine Choi, F. Cruz, Chiew-Ping Hoo, Atsuko Watanabe
This forum critically reflects on discrimination faced by early-career women international relations (IR) scholars in the Asia-Pacific region in their workplaces and beyond. By taking a self-ethnographic perspective, six contributors from five countries provide an engaging overview of difficulties they face in their everyday lives. Against the backdrop of this diverse and globalizing region, the contributors are all academic migrants in search of employment and learning opportunities within the Asia-Pacific region and beyond. They lead migratory lives by frequently crossing ideational and material boundaries to contribute to a more diverse IR knowledge base, and they encounter numerous difficulties and forms of discrimination. This forum has two aims. First, in reflecting on the contributors’ own lived experiences, it highlights the diversity of issues faced by early-career women scholars in this region. Second, it calls for novel, more inclusive forms of solidarity that appreciates diversity as plurality across any divides.
{"title":"Forum: Searching for a Global Solidarity: A Collective Auto-Ethnography of Early-Career Women Researchers in the Asia-Pacific","authors":"A. Agarwal, Ching-Chang Chen, Shine Choi, F. Cruz, Chiew-Ping Hoo, Atsuko Watanabe","doi":"10.1093/isp/ekac007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekac007","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This forum critically reflects on discrimination faced by early-career women international relations (IR) scholars in the Asia-Pacific region in their workplaces and beyond. By taking a self-ethnographic perspective, six contributors from five countries provide an engaging overview of difficulties they face in their everyday lives. Against the backdrop of this diverse and globalizing region, the contributors are all academic migrants in search of employment and learning opportunities within the Asia-Pacific region and beyond. They lead migratory lives by frequently crossing ideational and material boundaries to contribute to a more diverse IR knowledge base, and they encounter numerous difficulties and forms of discrimination. This forum has two aims. First, in reflecting on the contributors’ own lived experiences, it highlights the diversity of issues faced by early-career women scholars in this region. Second, it calls for novel, more inclusive forms of solidarity that appreciates diversity as plurality across any divides.","PeriodicalId":47002,"journal":{"name":"International Studies Perspectives","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45553075","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}