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On the status of NCIs: An experimental investigation on so-called Strict NC languages NCIs的现状——对所谓严格NC语言的实验研究
IF 1.1 2区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2023-08-25 DOI: 10.1017/s0022226723000221
M. Espinal, Eloi Puig-Mayenco, Urtzi Etxeberria, Susagna Tubau
This paper investigates the status of Negative Concord Items (NCIs) in three so-called Strict Negative Concord (NC) languages (namely, Greek, Romanian, and Russian). An experimental study was designed to gather evidence concerning the speakers’ acceptability and interpretation of sequences with argumental NCIs in subject, object, and both positions when dhen/nu/ne were not present. Our results show that NCIs are negative indefinites whose presence in a clausal domain is enough to assign a single negation reading to the whole sequence, thus arguing in support of the hypothesis that in NC structures the minimal semantic requirement to convey single negation is that one or more NCIs encoding a negative feature appear within a sentential domain. We argue that in these structures dhen/nu/ne are the instantiations of a negative feature [neg] disembodied from an indefinite negative NCI in order to obey a syntax–phonology interface constraint.
本文研究了三种所谓的严格否定和谐(NC)语言(即希腊语、罗马尼亚语和俄语)中否定和谐项的地位。一项实验研究旨在收集证据,证明说话者在不存在dhen/nu/ne的情况下,在主体、客体和两个位置上对具有争论NCI的序列的可接受性和解释性。我们的结果表明,NCI是否定不确定性,其在从句域中的存在足以为整个序列分配一个否定读数,从而支持了这样一种假设,即在NC结构中,传达单个否定的最低语义要求是一个或多个编码负性特征的NCI出现在句子域中。我们认为,在这些结构中,dhen/nu/ne是否定特征[neg]的实例化,该否定特征[neg]是从不确定的否定NCI中脱离出来的,以遵守语法-音韵学接口约束。
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引用次数: 1
A new approach to Negative Concord: Catalan as a case in point 消极和谐的新途径:加泰罗尼亚语就是一个很好的例子
IF 1.1 2区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2023-08-25 DOI: 10.1017/s0022226723000233
Susagna Tubau, Urtzi Etxeberria, M. Espinal
In this paper, we revisit the phenomenon of Negative Concord focusing on the Strict vs. Non-Strict divide. With Catalan as a case in point, we show that Negative Concord Items (NCIs) are not negative quantifiers (NQs) or polarity items (PIs) but inherently negative indefinites by virtue of carrying a negative feature [neg] that contributes a negative semantics to the proposition and is subject to a syntax–phonology constraint that forces it to overtly c-command Tense in compliance with Jespersen’s NegFirst principle. We argue that to satisfy such constraint, [neg] can disembody from the NCI via overt Move F(eature) to adjoin at a pre-Infl(ection) position and be Spelled-Out homophonous to the negative marker. The Strict vs. Non-Strict contrast follows from whether [neg] always moves independently from the rest of the NCI via Move F (Strict Negative Concord) or predates, whenever possible, on another movement of the NCI that places [neg] in the required pre-Infl position (Non-Strict Negative Concord) thus not having to disembody.
在本文中,我们重新审视了消极和谐的现象,重点是严格与非严格的区分。以加泰罗尼亚语为例,我们表明否定的和谐项(NCIs)不是否定量词(NQs)或极性项(pi),而是固有的否定不定词,因为它带有一个否定的特征[neg],为命题贡献了否定的语义,并受到语法音韵学约束,迫使它明显地遵循Jespersen的NegFirst原则使用c命令时态。我们认为,为了满足这样的约束,[negative]可以通过明显的移动F(特征)从NCI中分离出来,在前插入(ection)位置相邻,并与否定标记同音拼出。严格与非严格的对比来自于[否定]是否总是通过动作F(严格否定协调)独立于NCI的其余部分移动,或者在可能的情况下,在NCI的另一个运动中将[否定]置于所需的前infl位置(非严格否定协调),从而不必脱离。
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引用次数: 1
Guglielmo Cinque, On linearization: Toward a restrictive theory (Linguistic Inquiry Monographs). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2023. Pp. vii + 182. Guglielmo Cinque,论线性化:走向一个限制理论(语言学探究专著)。剑桥,马萨诸塞州:麻省理工学院出版社,2023。第vii + 182页。
IF 1.1 2区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2023-07-14 DOI: 10.1017/S002222672300021X
Fang Li, Fuzhen Si
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引用次数: 0
Natalia Knoblock (ed.), The grammar of hate: Morphosyntactic features of hateful, aggressive, and dehumanizing discourse. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2022. Pp. xvi + 293. Natalia Knoblock(编辑),《仇恨的语法:仇恨、攻击性和非人性话语的形态句法特征》。剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2022年。第xvi+293页。
IF 1.1 2区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2023-07-13 DOI: 10.1017/S0022226723000208
R. Giomi
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引用次数: 0
LIN volume 59 issue 3 Cover and Back matter LIN第59卷第3期封面和封底
IF 1.1 2区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2023-07-10 DOI: 10.1017/s002222672300018x
The journal also provides an excellent survey of recent linguistics publications, with Book Reviews and Review Articles on major works marking important theoretical advances. The journal includes a Notes and Discussion and a Squib section for briefer contributions to current debate. The Editors also welcome proposals for overview papers for the Looking Back, Moving Forward section and for special issues.
该杂志还提供了最近语言学出版物的优秀调查,书评和评论文章的主要作品标志着重要的理论进展。该杂志包括一个笔记和讨论,以及一个哑炮部分,为当前的辩论提供简短的贡献。编辑们还欢迎为“回顾,前进”部分和特刊提交概述论文的建议。
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引用次数: 0
LIN volume 59 issue 3 Cover and Front matter LIN第59卷第3期封面和封面
IF 1.1 2区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2023-07-10 DOI: 10.1017/s0022226723000178
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引用次数: 0
The dual face of structural object case: on Lithuanian genitive of negation 结构宾语格的两面性:论立陶宛语否定的所有格
IF 1.1 2区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2023-06-26 DOI: 10.1017/s0022226723000130
E. Sigurðsson, Milena Šereikaitė
We analyze genitive of negation (GN) in Lithuanian. When the verb is negated, GN is realized on an object that would otherwise be realized as accusative. We demonstrate that Lithuanian GN is a syntactic (in line with Arkadiev 2016) and morphological phenomenon in contrast to Russian GN, whose realization is influenced by semantic factors (e.g. Kagan 2013). It differs from Russian (Pesetsky 1982) in that (i) it is always assigned to a DP which would otherwise bear structural accusative regardless of its semantic properties, and (ii) it cannot affect a structural nominative DP regardless of whether it is an external or internal argument. Lithuanian GN, in this respect, is similar to Polish GN (e.g. Przepiórkowski 2000, Witkoś 2008). We offer a three-layered approach to case, arguing that GN is a reflection of structural object case, assigned in syntax, then translated to morphological genitive case at PF and, finally, realized at Vocabulary Insertion (Halle & Marantz 1993). Thus, structural object case has two morphological realizations: as genitive under negation or as accusative in the absence of negation. Lithuanian also exhibits long-distance GN (Arkadiev 2016), showing that case boundaries can cross non-finite clauses without an overt CP element, suggesting these are not phases.
我们分析了立陶宛语否定的属格。当动词被否定时,GN是在一个原本会被实现为宾格的宾语上实现的。我们证明,立陶宛语GN是一种句法(与Arkadiev 2016一致)和形态现象,而俄语GN的实现受到语义因素的影响(例如Kagan,2013)。它与俄语(Pesetsky 1982)的不同之处在于:(i)无论其语义性质如何,它总是被分配给结构宾格的DP,以及(ii)无论它是外部论点还是内部论点,它都不能影响结构主格DP。在这方面,立陶宛GN与波兰GN相似(例如,Przepiórkowski 2000,Witkoś2008)。我们提供了一种三层的格方法,认为GN是结构宾语格的反映,在语法中分配,然后在PF中转换为形态属格,最后在词汇插入中实现(Halle&Marantz 1993)。因此,结构宾语格有两种形态实现:在否定条件下作为属格,在否定条件不存在时作为宾格。立陶宛语也表现出长距离GN(Arkadiev 2016),表明格边界可以在没有明显CP元素的情况下跨越非有限子句,这表明这些不是阶段。
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引用次数: 1
Internally caused change as change by inner predisposition: Comparative evidence from Romance 内部引起的变化如由内在倾向引起的变化:来自浪漫的比较证据
2区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2023-05-30 DOI: 10.1017/s0022226723000154
DELIA BENTLEY
This article investigates the morphosyntax of verbs of internally caused scalar change and the main facets of their meaning. Availing ourselves of primary evidence from Italian, French, and Spanish corpora, we argue that the verbs under scrutiny divide into three subclasses whose common denominator is that they encode ‘change by inner predisposition’ or change that is possible because of inherent propensities of specific entities. We understand inner predisposition as a feature of the content of the verbs investigated, which has relevance to the choice of the undergoer, alongside the cause of two of the subclasses. Apart from this feature verbs of change by inner predisposition are indistinguishable from other verbs of change. We argue against an agentive or generalized causative analysis, and we advance a proposal for the lexical semantics of representatives of each of the three subclasses and for the alternations in which they participate.
本文研究了内因标量变化动词的形态语法及其意义的主要方面。利用来自意大利语、法语和西班牙语语料库的主要证据,我们认为,仔细研究的动词分为三个子类,它们的共同点是编码“由内在倾向引起的变化”,或者由于特定实体的内在倾向而可能发生的变化。我们将内在倾向理解为所研究的动词内容的一个特征,它与经历者的选择有关,以及两个子类的原因。除了这个特征外,由内在倾向引起的变化动词与其他变化动词是无法区分的。我们反对代理分析或广义因果分析,并提出了三个子类的代表及其参与的交替的词汇语义建议。
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引用次数: 0
Modal raising and focus marking in Chinese 汉语语气提升与焦点标记
IF 1.1 2区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2023-05-29 DOI: 10.1017/s0022226723000142
Yu-Yin Hsu
This paper presents several new empirical observations regarding some interpretive effects and structural restrictions of modals that occur in sentence-initial positions in Chinese. It provides a new analysis of sentence-initial modal sentences in terms of the overt head-movement of a modal to the sentence periphery to value strong focus features and to focus-mark either the proposition or the subject of a sentence. This new proposal helps explain the markedness exhibited by such sentences, correctly predicts the structural and semantic restrictions of modal sentences, and directly explains the scopal interactions observed between modals and various types of focus constructions. It also shows that changes in word order in Chinese are not ascribable simply to an optional or free derivation in syntax but are related to an understudied mechanism in that language, i.e. T-to-C movement, and that the roles of information structure are represented as formal features in syntax. The results shed new light on how Chinese – though profoundly different from Germanic and Romance languages typologically – exemplifies a similarly fine structure in the sentence-internal domain, parallel associations of scope-bearing units with sentences’ left peripheries, and a neat interaction of syntax with discourse configurations.
本文就汉语句首位置情态的一些解释效应和结构限制提出了一些新的实证观察。它提供了一种新的分析句子开头情态句的方法,即从情态句的明显头部移动到句子的外围来评价强烈的焦点特征,并对句子的命题或主语进行焦点标记。这一新的建议有助于解释这些句子所表现出的标记性,正确预测情态句的结构和语义限制,并直接解释观察到的情态和各种类型的焦点结构之间的范围相互作用。研究还表明,汉语语序的变化不是简单地归因于句法上的可选或自由派生,而是与该语言中尚未被研究的一种机制有关,即T-to-C运动,信息结构的作用表现为句法中的形式特征。研究结果揭示了汉语——尽管在类型学上与日耳曼语和罗曼语截然不同——如何在句子内部域中体现出相似的精细结构,句子左边缘的范围承载单元的平行关联,以及句法与话语结构的整洁互动。
{"title":"Modal raising and focus marking in Chinese","authors":"Yu-Yin Hsu","doi":"10.1017/s0022226723000142","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0022226723000142","url":null,"abstract":"This paper presents several new empirical observations regarding some interpretive effects and structural restrictions of modals that occur in sentence-initial positions in Chinese. It provides a new analysis of sentence-initial modal sentences in terms of the overt head-movement of a modal to the sentence periphery to value strong focus features and to focus-mark either the proposition or the subject of a sentence. This new proposal helps explain the markedness exhibited by such sentences, correctly predicts the structural and semantic restrictions of modal sentences, and directly explains the scopal interactions observed between modals and various types of focus constructions. It also shows that changes in word order in Chinese are not ascribable simply to an optional or free derivation in syntax but are related to an understudied mechanism in that language, i.e. T-to-C movement, and that the roles of information structure are represented as formal features in syntax. The results shed new light on how Chinese – though profoundly different from Germanic and Romance languages typologically – exemplifies a similarly fine structure in the sentence-internal domain, parallel associations of scope-bearing units with sentences’ left peripheries, and a neat interaction of syntax with discourse configurations.","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42572621","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Frederick J. Newmeyer, American linguistics in transition: From post-Bloomfieldian structuralism to generative grammar. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2022. Pp. xvi + 412. 弗雷德里克·纽迈耶,《转型中的美国语言学:从后布卢姆菲尔德结构主义到生成语法》。牛津:牛津大学出版社,2022年。第xvi+412页。
IF 1.1 2区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2023-05-23 DOI: 10.1017/S0022226723000166
R. Borsley
{"title":"Frederick J. Newmeyer, American linguistics in transition: From post-Bloomfieldian structuralism to generative grammar. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2022. Pp. xvi + 412.","authors":"R. Borsley","doi":"10.1017/S0022226723000166","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022226723000166","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":"59 1","pages":"924 - 929"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47618113","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Linguistics
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