Pub Date : 2022-10-12DOI: 10.1017/s002222672200041x
{"title":"LIN volume 58 issue 4 Cover and Back matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/s002222672200041x","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s002222672200041x","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":"58 1","pages":"b1 - b2"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-10-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41628633","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-12DOI: 10.1017/s0022226722000408
{"title":"LIN volume 58 issue 4 Cover and Front matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/s0022226722000408","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0022226722000408","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":"f1 - f2"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-10-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49344790","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-14DOI: 10.1017/S002222672200038X
Anaïd Donabédian
This volume is intended to be a reference manual on the linguistics of the Caucasian languages, targeted at researchers, students, and the initiated public. The general outline of the volume, the choice of authors, and the quality of their contributions greatly contribute to achieving this ambition. The book is well-crafted and thoroughly edited byMaria Polinsky. Its chapters are designed to make a whole, with a coherent and effective plan, a unique consolidated list of references at the end of the volume, and a 68-page index (which is, however, far from satisfactory, in terms of relevance and accuracy). It successfully fulfills the dual mission of being an effective handbook and a milestone in scientific research in its field, providing stimulating reading for scholars in typological, areal, and theoretical terms. The chapters are based on a substantial body of data, compiled in grammars or collected first-hand by the authors. Most of the 28 contributors are experts in North-West Caucasian languages (hereafter NWC), Nakh-Daghestanian languages (hereafter ND), or Kartvelian, sometimes the leading authors for one or more specific language. Yuri Koryakov, a recognized expert in linguistic cartography of the region, provides four maps representing administrative divisions, language families, languages, and one specific map detailing the ND languages. No contributor has specific expertise in Armenian or Azerbaijani. The book has six parts. The first part, together with the general introduction from the editor, provides a comprehensive linguistic, sociolinguistic, and demographic overview of the region (1–86). The following four parts (12 chapters of varying granularity in terms of languages covered) contain a sociolinguistic, linguistic, and typological description for each main family: ND (87–368), NWC (369–490), Kartvelian (491–572), and Indo-European (IE) (573–688). The last part, entitled ‘Phenomena’, cross-linguistically addresses ten descriptive and theoretical issues (689–1002). All references are compiled in a single bibliography section. The book is completed by two appendices ‘Languages and language names’ and ‘Transliteration tables’ by Yuri Koryakov as well as an Index (1091–1158). In her general introduction, Maria Polinsky outlines the scope of the book, namely non-extinct languages of the Caucasus. She presents the languages and linguistic families of the region, its linguistic history, sociolinguistic and typological challenges, the state of research, and the structure of the handbook. Thewidefield covered makes a few factual errors or problematic formulations unavoidable, but this
{"title":"Maria Polinsky (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Languages of the Caucasus (Oxford Handbooks). Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020. Pp. xxx + 1158.","authors":"Anaïd Donabédian","doi":"10.1017/S002222672200038X","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S002222672200038X","url":null,"abstract":"This volume is intended to be a reference manual on the linguistics of the Caucasian languages, targeted at researchers, students, and the initiated public. The general outline of the volume, the choice of authors, and the quality of their contributions greatly contribute to achieving this ambition. The book is well-crafted and thoroughly edited byMaria Polinsky. Its chapters are designed to make a whole, with a coherent and effective plan, a unique consolidated list of references at the end of the volume, and a 68-page index (which is, however, far from satisfactory, in terms of relevance and accuracy). It successfully fulfills the dual mission of being an effective handbook and a milestone in scientific research in its field, providing stimulating reading for scholars in typological, areal, and theoretical terms. The chapters are based on a substantial body of data, compiled in grammars or collected first-hand by the authors. Most of the 28 contributors are experts in North-West Caucasian languages (hereafter NWC), Nakh-Daghestanian languages (hereafter ND), or Kartvelian, sometimes the leading authors for one or more specific language. Yuri Koryakov, a recognized expert in linguistic cartography of the region, provides four maps representing administrative divisions, language families, languages, and one specific map detailing the ND languages. No contributor has specific expertise in Armenian or Azerbaijani. The book has six parts. The first part, together with the general introduction from the editor, provides a comprehensive linguistic, sociolinguistic, and demographic overview of the region (1–86). The following four parts (12 chapters of varying granularity in terms of languages covered) contain a sociolinguistic, linguistic, and typological description for each main family: ND (87–368), NWC (369–490), Kartvelian (491–572), and Indo-European (IE) (573–688). The last part, entitled ‘Phenomena’, cross-linguistically addresses ten descriptive and theoretical issues (689–1002). All references are compiled in a single bibliography section. The book is completed by two appendices ‘Languages and language names’ and ‘Transliteration tables’ by Yuri Koryakov as well as an Index (1091–1158). In her general introduction, Maria Polinsky outlines the scope of the book, namely non-extinct languages of the Caucasus. She presents the languages and linguistic families of the region, its linguistic history, sociolinguistic and typological challenges, the state of research, and the structure of the handbook. Thewidefield covered makes a few factual errors or problematic formulations unavoidable, but this","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":"58 1","pages":"916 - 921"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45732891","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-09DOI: 10.1017/S0022226722000329
M. Tyler
Some recent work has argued that agreement and case-assignment dependencies between a functional head and a nearby NP are not part of the syntactic derivation proper, but take place in the postsyntactic, morphological component of the grammar. I argue that this view is correct, by showing that one of its largely unexplored predictions has real empirical payout. The prediction is that the dependency-forming properties of functional heads, being morphological in nature, are mutable, and may be conditioned by nearby roots and functional structure. I focus here on Voice heads in Choctaw, and my starting assumption is that, by default, $ {mathrm{Voice}}_{left[+mathrm{N}right]} $ (the Voice head which introduces a specifier) agrees with its specifier (the external argument) and $ {mathrm{Voice}}_{left[-mathrm{N}right]} $ (i.e. specifier-less Voice, found in unaccusatives) does not agree with anything. However, I propose that in some environments, $ {mathrm{Voice}}_{left[-mathrm{N}right]} $ does launch a $ phi $ -probe, and it results in $ {mathrm{Voice}}_{left[-mathrm{N}right]} $ agreeing with the internal argument. I refer to these configurations as ‘low ergatives’. A small survey of previous work on case and agreement dependencies suggests (a) that the case-assignment properties of functional heads are mutable in the same way, and (b) that the reverse is attested – in some environments $ {mathrm{Voice}}_{left[+mathrm{N}right]} $ fails to launch a $ phi $ -probe. This is consistent with a purely morphological model of agreement and case-assignment: just as the exponence and interpretation of functional heads can be conditioned by adjacent roots and functional material, so too can the dependency-forming properties of those heads be conditioned in the same way.
{"title":"Case and agreement as contextually manipulable properties of functional heads","authors":"M. Tyler","doi":"10.1017/S0022226722000329","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022226722000329","url":null,"abstract":"Some recent work has argued that agreement and case-assignment dependencies between a functional head and a nearby NP are not part of the syntactic derivation proper, but take place in the postsyntactic, morphological component of the grammar. I argue that this view is correct, by showing that one of its largely unexplored predictions has real empirical payout. The prediction is that the dependency-forming properties of functional heads, being morphological in nature, are mutable, and may be conditioned by nearby roots and functional structure. I focus here on Voice heads in Choctaw, and my starting assumption is that, by default, $ {mathrm{Voice}}_{left[+mathrm{N}right]} $ (the Voice head which introduces a specifier) agrees with its specifier (the external argument) and $ {mathrm{Voice}}_{left[-mathrm{N}right]} $ (i.e. specifier-less Voice, found in unaccusatives) does not agree with anything. However, I propose that in some environments, $ {mathrm{Voice}}_{left[-mathrm{N}right]} $ does launch a $ phi $ -probe, and it results in $ {mathrm{Voice}}_{left[-mathrm{N}right]} $ agreeing with the internal argument. I refer to these configurations as ‘low ergatives’. A small survey of previous work on case and agreement dependencies suggests (a) that the case-assignment properties of functional heads are mutable in the same way, and (b) that the reverse is attested – in some environments $ {mathrm{Voice}}_{left[+mathrm{N}right]} $ fails to launch a $ phi $ -probe. This is consistent with a purely morphological model of agreement and case-assignment: just as the exponence and interpretation of functional heads can be conditioned by adjacent roots and functional material, so too can the dependency-forming properties of those heads be conditioned in the same way.","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":"59 1","pages":"831 - 879"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44429280","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-30DOI: 10.1017/S0022226722000366
DUK-HO Jung, G. Goodall
The relationship between the wh-remnant and the null correlate in the type of ellipsis known as backward sprouting is superficially almost identical to the relation between a wh-filler and a gap in a wh-question. In both cases, there is a dependency between the wh-phrase and a later null element. We conduct a sentence acceptability experiment to test whether the remnant–correlate dependency in backward sprouting exhibits two well-known properties of a filler–gap dependency in wh-questions: sensitivity to clause boundaries (distance) and sensitivity to islands. The results show that both dependency types are sensitive to clause boundaries, although the effect is larger in the case of filler–gap dependencies, but that only filler–gap dependencies are sensitive to islands. These results present a challenge to analyses of sprouting in which the ellipsis site contains a full representation of the structure of the antecedent clause, since such analyses predict island-sensitivity for remnant–correlate dependencies. The results also suggest that island-sensitivity cannot be reduced to simple processing demands without regard to the syntactic representation of the dependency, since such a view would predict greater similarity between filler–gap dependencies and remnant–correlate dependencies than is found.
{"title":"Filler–gap dependencies and the remnant–correlate dependency in backward sprouting: Sensitivity to distance and islands","authors":"DUK-HO Jung, G. Goodall","doi":"10.1017/S0022226722000366","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022226722000366","url":null,"abstract":"The relationship between the wh-remnant and the null correlate in the type of ellipsis known as backward sprouting is superficially almost identical to the relation between a wh-filler and a gap in a wh-question. In both cases, there is a dependency between the wh-phrase and a later null element. We conduct a sentence acceptability experiment to test whether the remnant–correlate dependency in backward sprouting exhibits two well-known properties of a filler–gap dependency in wh-questions: sensitivity to clause boundaries (distance) and sensitivity to islands. The results show that both dependency types are sensitive to clause boundaries, although the effect is larger in the case of filler–gap dependencies, but that only filler–gap dependencies are sensitive to islands. These results present a challenge to analyses of sprouting in which the ellipsis site contains a full representation of the structure of the antecedent clause, since such analyses predict island-sensitivity for remnant–correlate dependencies. The results also suggest that island-sensitivity cannot be reduced to simple processing demands without regard to the syntactic representation of the dependency, since such a view would predict greater similarity between filler–gap dependencies and remnant–correlate dependencies than is found.","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":"59 1","pages":"235 - 255"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46594716","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-30DOI: 10.1017/S0022226722000378
Norbert Francis
program as a whole may indeed have been (at best) premature’ (9). Yet ‘talk of optimization’ is very much still at the heart of minimalist thinking. ROLE provides no reason why minimalist discussions of optimized computational machinery are incompatible with biology. Conversely, nor are we told why Boeckx’s gradualist account of the evolution of syntax can have no place for such concerns of computational efficiency. We are also given no concrete rebuttal of earlier ideas espoused by Boeckx. There is a clear discontinuity between Boeckx’s earlier writings and his current position in ROLE, but little clarity with respect to which pieces we are supposed to pick up, and which pieces we are supposed to leave behind.
{"title":"David R. Olson ,Making sense: What it means to understand. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2022. Pp. xii +196.","authors":"Norbert Francis","doi":"10.1017/S0022226722000378","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022226722000378","url":null,"abstract":"program as a whole may indeed have been (at best) premature’ (9). Yet ‘talk of optimization’ is very much still at the heart of minimalist thinking. ROLE provides no reason why minimalist discussions of optimized computational machinery are incompatible with biology. Conversely, nor are we told why Boeckx’s gradualist account of the evolution of syntax can have no place for such concerns of computational efficiency. We are also given no concrete rebuttal of earlier ideas espoused by Boeckx. There is a clear discontinuity between Boeckx’s earlier writings and his current position in ROLE, but little clarity with respect to which pieces we are supposed to pick up, and which pieces we are supposed to leave behind.","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":"58 1","pages":"911 - 915"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48165964","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-23DOI: 10.1017/S0022226722000354
Till Poppels, P. Miller
This paper reports the results of two acceptability judgment experiments that examine the effect of PP remnants with mismatching correlates in the antecedent clause (either a PP, with a distinct preposition, or an NP) on the acceptability of pseudogapping as well as non-elliptical controls. Across both experiments, three novel findings emerge: First, utterances with mismatching PPs across the ellipsis clause and its antecedent were consistently degraded relative to their preposition-matched counterparts. Second, this mismatch penalty arose for elliptical and non-elliptical variants alike with only minor differences between the two. Finally, a significant portion of the mismatch penalties was explained away by the degree of semantic similarity between the thematic relations established by the mismatching prepositions with respect to the antecedent verb which was measured in a separate norming experiment. We examine the consequences of these new empirical results for current theories of pseudogapping, namely (i) the remnant-raising analysis, according to which the remnant XP is raised leftward out of the VP prior to VP ellipsis, licensed under identity with its antecedent; and (ii) the direct generation analysis, under which auxiliaries are verbal proforms that recover their referent anaphorically without the need for remnant movement or syntactic identity between the verb and its antecedent. We conclude that the data are more naturally accounted for under the direct generation approach.
{"title":"Remnant connectivity in pseudogapping: Experimental evidence for a direct generation approach","authors":"Till Poppels, P. Miller","doi":"10.1017/S0022226722000354","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022226722000354","url":null,"abstract":"This paper reports the results of two acceptability judgment experiments that examine the effect of PP remnants with mismatching correlates in the antecedent clause (either a PP, with a distinct preposition, or an NP) on the acceptability of pseudogapping as well as non-elliptical controls. Across both experiments, three novel findings emerge: First, utterances with mismatching PPs across the ellipsis clause and its antecedent were consistently degraded relative to their preposition-matched counterparts. Second, this mismatch penalty arose for elliptical and non-elliptical variants alike with only minor differences between the two. Finally, a significant portion of the mismatch penalties was explained away by the degree of semantic similarity between the thematic relations established by the mismatching prepositions with respect to the antecedent verb which was measured in a separate norming experiment. We examine the consequences of these new empirical results for current theories of pseudogapping, namely (i) the remnant-raising analysis, according to which the remnant XP is raised leftward out of the VP prior to VP ellipsis, licensed under identity with its antecedent; and (ii) the direct generation analysis, under which auxiliaries are verbal proforms that recover their referent anaphorically without the need for remnant movement or syntactic identity between the verb and its antecedent. We conclude that the data are more naturally accounted for under the direct generation approach.","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":"59 1","pages":"293 - 325"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-08-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49077728","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-15DOI: 10.1017/S0022226722000342
Jing Jin
Among various types of nominal phrases, the appositive construction has long been a relatively under-researched subject in the literature of Chinese linguistics. This paper centers on the use of the appositive construction [P(ronoun)-Num(eral)-Cl(assifier)-Nominal Phrase (NP)] in Mandarin Chinese. Upon revealing a series of asymmetries in syntax, semantics, and pragmatics, this paper proposes an attributional versus identificational distinction for Chinese appositives. Specifically, for the attributional case, the apposition (i.e. [Num-Cl-NP]) is property-denoting and serves to rationalize the speaker’s evaluation about the referent denoted by the anchor (i.e. the P); for the identificational case, the apposition is individual-denoting and serves to facilitate referent identification of the anchor by picking out an identifiable quantified set of discourse referents from the given context. To formally capture this distinction, this paper develops a dichotomous analysis for the syntax of Chinese appositives. The non-unified treatment not only offers an effective explanation for the asymmetries exhibited by the appositives under different cases, but also contributes to a better understanding of Chinese appositives in general.
{"title":"Attributional versus identificational: A dichotomous analysis of appositives in Mandarin Chinese","authors":"Jing Jin","doi":"10.1017/S0022226722000342","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022226722000342","url":null,"abstract":"Among various types of nominal phrases, the appositive construction has long been a relatively under-researched subject in the literature of Chinese linguistics. This paper centers on the use of the appositive construction [P(ronoun)-Num(eral)-Cl(assifier)-Nominal Phrase (NP)] in Mandarin Chinese. Upon revealing a series of asymmetries in syntax, semantics, and pragmatics, this paper proposes an attributional versus identificational distinction for Chinese appositives. Specifically, for the attributional case, the apposition (i.e. [Num-Cl-NP]) is property-denoting and serves to rationalize the speaker’s evaluation about the referent denoted by the anchor (i.e. the P); for the identificational case, the apposition is individual-denoting and serves to facilitate referent identification of the anchor by picking out an identifiable quantified set of discourse referents from the given context. To formally capture this distinction, this paper develops a dichotomous analysis for the syntax of Chinese appositives. The non-unified treatment not only offers an effective explanation for the asymmetries exhibited by the appositives under different cases, but also contributes to a better understanding of Chinese appositives in general.","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":"59 1","pages":"763 - 794"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-08-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42742095","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-02DOI: 10.1017/S0022226722000330
E. Clark
For both children and adults, communicating with each other effectively depends on having enough knowledge about particular entities, actions, or relations to understand and produce the words being used. Speakers draw on conventional meanings shared with their interlocutors, but do they share every detail of word meaning? They need not have identical, or fully specified, representations for the meanings of all the terms they make use of. Rather, they need only have represented enough about the meanings of the words used by another speaker to understand what is intended in context on a particular occasion. Reliance on partial meanings is common in both children and adults. More detailed, shared, representations of word meanings for a domain depend on acquiring additional knowledge about that domain and its contents.
{"title":"A gradualist view of word meaning in language acquisition and language use","authors":"E. Clark","doi":"10.1017/S0022226722000330","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022226722000330","url":null,"abstract":"For both children and adults, communicating with each other effectively depends on having enough knowledge about particular entities, actions, or relations to understand and produce the words being used. Speakers draw on conventional meanings shared with their interlocutors, but do they share every detail of word meaning? They need not have identical, or fully specified, representations for the meanings of all the terms they make use of. Rather, they need only have represented enough about the meanings of the words used by another speaker to understand what is intended in context on a particular occasion. Reliance on partial meanings is common in both children and adults. More detailed, shared, representations of word meanings for a domain depend on acquiring additional knowledge about that domain and its contents.","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":"59 1","pages":"737 - 762"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-08-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46140390","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-28DOI: 10.1017/S0022226722000135
Despina Oikonomou, Felix Golcher, A. Alexiadou
The syntax of Clitic Left Dislocation (CLLD) has been widely debated due to its mixed properties, which in some cases indicate movement (e.g. island sensitivity, certain connectivity effects) and in other cases base generation of the CLLD-ed phrase (wide scope, lack of weak crossover). In this paper we discuss scope facts with CLLD in Greek, revealing a contrast depending on the type of quantifier. We present experimental evidence that whereas CLLD-ed plain indefinites take wide scope, CLLD-ed numerals can get a low scope interpretation. We argue that the inverse scope interpretation with CLLD-ed numerals is only apparent, presenting, in fact, an instance of split scope between the degree quantifier and the existential operator. This analysis presents evidence in favor of a movement analysis for CLLD, thus patterning with the observation that binding reconstruction is possible. At the same time, the non-availability of scope reconstruction with CLLD is attributed to stricter locality constraints which have been discussed for quantifier raising as opposed to other types of movement and dependencies.
Clitic Left Dislocation（CLLD）的语法因其混合性质而广受争议，在某些情况下，它表示运动（例如岛屿敏感性、某些连接效应），而在其他情况下，CLLD ed短语的基本生成（范围广，缺乏弱交叉）。在本文中，我们用希腊语的CLLD讨论了范围事实，揭示了根据量词类型的对比。我们提出的实验证据表明，虽然CLLD ed的纯不确定性具有广泛的范围，但CLLD ed数字可以得到低范围的解释。我们认为，CLLD ed数字的反范围解释只是显而易见的，事实上，它呈现了程度量词和存在算子之间的范围分裂的例子。这一分析提供了有利于CLLD运动分析的证据，从而使结合重建成为可能。同时，CLLD的范围重建的不可用性归因于更严格的局部约束，与其他类型的移动和依赖性相比，这些局部约束已被讨论用于量词提升。
{"title":"Clitic left dislocation and inverse scope: Plain indefinites versus numerals","authors":"Despina Oikonomou, Felix Golcher, A. Alexiadou","doi":"10.1017/S0022226722000135","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022226722000135","url":null,"abstract":"The syntax of Clitic Left Dislocation (CLLD) has been widely debated due to its mixed properties, which in some cases indicate movement (e.g. island sensitivity, certain connectivity effects) and in other cases base generation of the CLLD-ed phrase (wide scope, lack of weak crossover). In this paper we discuss scope facts with CLLD in Greek, revealing a contrast depending on the type of quantifier. We present experimental evidence that whereas CLLD-ed plain indefinites take wide scope, CLLD-ed numerals can get a low scope interpretation. We argue that the inverse scope interpretation with CLLD-ed numerals is only apparent, presenting, in fact, an instance of split scope between the degree quantifier and the existential operator. This analysis presents evidence in favor of a movement analysis for CLLD, thus patterning with the observation that binding reconstruction is possible. At the same time, the non-availability of scope reconstruction with CLLD is attributed to stricter locality constraints which have been discussed for quantifier raising as opposed to other types of movement and dependencies.","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":"58 1","pages":"847 - 886"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45381598","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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