Pub Date : 2023-02-16DOI: 10.1017/S0022226723000038
R. Chaves
In the last half century, much research has focused on the nature of coordination, particularly on its extraction patterns, collectively dubbed as the Coordinate Structure Constraint (CSC) by Ross (1967). The first part of the CSC, known as the Conjunct Constraint, bans the extraction of conjuncts (*Who did you see Robin and _?), and the second part, known as the Element Constraint, blocks extraction from conjuncts (*Who did you see Robin and a picture of _?). The latter is circumvented when extraction is Across-the-Board (Who did you buy a picture of _and a book about _?) or when the the order of conjuncts has certain asymmetrical interpretations, such as narration (e.g. Here’s the whiskey which I went to the store and bought _) or violated expectation (e.g. How much can you drink_and still stay sober]?). Prior research on the CSC focuses on the syntax or semantic-pragmatic components, not on their interaction. The strength of this monograph is precisely the attention that both domains earn. The conclusion (276) is that neither syntax nor discourse is exclusively responsible for explaining the observable extraction patterns; rather, both are needed to fully understand how coordination interacts with the grammar of extraction. This book offers a deep examination of the role that discourse restrictions play in explaining how extraction works in coordination, covering an extraordinary amount of data. Apart from minor issues discussed below, it is well-argued. Chapter 2 surveys definitions of the object of study and coordination, and it concludes that they defy a cross-linguistic characterization, as there are no necessary and sufficient morphosyntactic properties in the languages of the world. Another challenge for a definition of coordination that the authors mention is ‘nonconstituent’ coordination phenomena, such as Right-Node Raising (RNR) andGapping, but the problemwith this claim is that these phenomena are not strictly related to coordination:
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Pub Date : 2023-02-14DOI: 10.1017/S0022226723000026
Nicholas Catasso
The syntax of the leftmost domain(s) of the clause and its interplay with discourse, the speaker’s coordinates, and those of the world in which a proposition is uttered or interpreted have been the focus of an immense amount of linguistic research in the last decades, in particular since Rizzi’s (1997) seminal paper on the fine structure of the CP. Some of the questions that have maintained the interest of the scientific community to date, and still have not been answered in a unitary way, include whether – and if so, towhat extent – themakeup of the left periphery can be assumed to be cross-linguistically stable; what formal mechanisms (e.g. Move and Merge) lead to linearizations in this domain and how the projections situated there, whether they are positioned intraor extrasententially, determine the licensing of the phenomena overtly realized in the clause; and how the interaction of syntax, pragmatics, and semantics can be effectively explained in a formal model. Shigeru Miyagawa’s monograph Syntax in the treetops is an excellent and much-needed attempt to shed light on some of these long-burning issues. Looking at data from Japanese and other languages, the author explores the very role of syntax in connecting the contextual features and the semantics of an utterance, proceeding from the assumption that this module ‘provides the basic framework that makes the performance of a speech act and the conveyance of meaning possible’ (x). In particular, Miyagawa assumes with Krifka (2014) that the realization of any speech act involves the presence and activation of given ‘actors’ (at least a speaker and a hearer) endowed with given linguistic attitudes and correlates (an intention, the capacity to use language in a persuasive way, etc.) and that these factors are represented in the syntax, specifically in the left periphery. The explicit objective of this work is to demonstrate (and provide empirical evidence for) the existence of dedicated projections for the encoding of these coordinates in the left domain of the clause and to show how they work and correlate with syntactic phenomena. Miyagawa’s monograph is organized in six chapters preceded by a foreword, preface, and list of abbreviations. The last chapter is followed by the section ‘Notes’, the references, a name index, and a subject index (234 pages in total). In Chapter 1 (‘Setting the stage’, 1–36), the author discusses the notion of ‘root (clause)’ and its implications for the representation of speaker and addressee in the
最左边的域(s)的语法与话语的条款及其相互作用,演讲者的坐标,和世界的命题是说出或解释大量的语言研究的重点在过去的几十年里,特别是组织者自Rizzi(1997)的论文的CP的精细结构。一些问题保持着科学界的兴趣到目前为止,还没有统一的方式回答,包括是否——如果是，在多大程度上——左脑外围的构成可以被认为是跨语言稳定的;何种形式机制(例如Move和Merge)会导致该域中的线性化，以及位于该域中的投影(无论它们是定位于内部还是外部)如何决定对该条款中公开实现的现象的许可;以及语法、语用和语义的相互作用如何在形式化模型中得到有效解释。Shigeru Miyagawa的专著《树梢上的句法》(Syntax in the tree - top)是一个极好的、急需的尝试，它阐明了这些长期燃烧的问题。通过查看日语和其他语言的数据，作者探索了语法在连接话语的语境特征和语义方面的作用，并从这个模块“提供了使言语行为的表现和意义的传递成为可能的基本框架”的假设出发(x)。Miyagawa和Krifka(2014)认为，任何言语行为的实现都涉及给定的“行动者”(至少是一个说话者和一个听者)的存在和激活，这些“行动者”具有给定的语言态度和相关关系(意图、以有说服力的方式使用语言的能力等)，这些因素在句法中表现出来，特别是在左外围。这项工作的明确目标是证明(并提供经验证据)在子句的左域中这些坐标编码的专用投影的存在，并展示它们如何工作并与句法现象相关联。宫川的专著分为六个章节，前面有前言、序言和缩写列表。最后一章后面是“注释”部分、参考文献、名称索引和主题索引(总共234页)。在第一章(“设置舞台”，1 - 36)中，作者讨论了“根(子句)”的概念及其对英语中说话人和收件人的表征的影响
{"title":"Shigeru Miyagawa, Syntax in the treetops (Linguistic Inquiry Monographs). Cambridge, MA & London: MIT Press, 2022. Pp. xviii + 234.","authors":"Nicholas Catasso","doi":"10.1017/S0022226723000026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022226723000026","url":null,"abstract":"The syntax of the leftmost domain(s) of the clause and its interplay with discourse, the speaker’s coordinates, and those of the world in which a proposition is uttered or interpreted have been the focus of an immense amount of linguistic research in the last decades, in particular since Rizzi’s (1997) seminal paper on the fine structure of the CP. Some of the questions that have maintained the interest of the scientific community to date, and still have not been answered in a unitary way, include whether – and if so, towhat extent – themakeup of the left periphery can be assumed to be cross-linguistically stable; what formal mechanisms (e.g. Move and Merge) lead to linearizations in this domain and how the projections situated there, whether they are positioned intraor extrasententially, determine the licensing of the phenomena overtly realized in the clause; and how the interaction of syntax, pragmatics, and semantics can be effectively explained in a formal model. Shigeru Miyagawa’s monograph Syntax in the treetops is an excellent and much-needed attempt to shed light on some of these long-burning issues. Looking at data from Japanese and other languages, the author explores the very role of syntax in connecting the contextual features and the semantics of an utterance, proceeding from the assumption that this module ‘provides the basic framework that makes the performance of a speech act and the conveyance of meaning possible’ (x). In particular, Miyagawa assumes with Krifka (2014) that the realization of any speech act involves the presence and activation of given ‘actors’ (at least a speaker and a hearer) endowed with given linguistic attitudes and correlates (an intention, the capacity to use language in a persuasive way, etc.) and that these factors are represented in the syntax, specifically in the left periphery. The explicit objective of this work is to demonstrate (and provide empirical evidence for) the existence of dedicated projections for the encoding of these coordinates in the left domain of the clause and to show how they work and correlate with syntactic phenomena. Miyagawa’s monograph is organized in six chapters preceded by a foreword, preface, and list of abbreviations. The last chapter is followed by the section ‘Notes’, the references, a name index, and a subject index (234 pages in total). In Chapter 1 (‘Setting the stage’, 1–36), the author discusses the notion of ‘root (clause)’ and its implications for the representation of speaker and addressee in the","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":"59 1","pages":"459 - 463"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-02-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46361039","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-13DOI: 10.1017/S002222672200055X
Abeillé, Aoi Shiraishi, Barbara Hemforth
Right-Node Raising is generally considered to impose stricter identity conditions than other kinds of ellipsis, such as VP ellipsis, according to Hankamer & Sag 1976 and Hardt 1993. In this paper, we investigate voice mismatch in French Right-Node Raising (RNR) through a corpus study and two experiments. We show that RNR with voice mismatch can be found in a written corpus (frTenTen 2012) and that many examples involve coordination of a reflexive active and a short passive form. We suggest this is because semantic contrast (here, between self and external agent) plays a role according to Hartmann (2000) and Abeillé and Mouret (2010). We ran two acceptability judgement experiments to test voice mismatch and semantic contrast. We did not find any penalty for voice mismatch with VP ellipsis but an interaction with semantic contrast. We also found an effect of semantic contrast when coordinating an active and a passive VP without participle ellipsis. We conclude that voice mismatch is acceptable with RNR and propose a Head-driven Phrase-Structure Grammar (HPSG) analysis, following Chaves (2014) and Shiraïshi et al. (2019).
根据Hankamer & Sag 1976和Hardt 1993，右节点提升通常被认为比其他类型的省略号(如VP省略号)施加更严格的身份条件。本文通过语料库研究和两个实验研究了法语右节点提升(RNR)中的语音失配问题。我们表明，语音不匹配的RNR可以在书面语料库中找到(frTenTen 2012)，并且许多例子涉及自反主动和简短被动形式的协调。根据Hartmann(2000)和abeill和Mouret(2010)的研究，我们认为这是因为语义对比(这里是自我和外部主体之间的对比)发挥了作用。我们进行了两个可接受性判断实验来测试语音不匹配和语义对比。我们没有发现语音不匹配与VP省略的任何惩罚，但与语义对比的相互作用。我们还发现在不省略分词的情况下，主动副语态和被动副语态的语义对比效果。我们得出结论，语音不匹配在RNR中是可以接受的，并提出了头部驱动的短语结构语法(HPSG)分析，继Chaves(2014)和Shiraïshi等人(2019)之后。
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Pub Date : 2023-02-03DOI: 10.1017/S0022226722000597
Marju Kaps
Previous experimental work on the processing of clausal ellipsis with contrastive remnants shows a Locality preference – DP remnants are preferentially paired with the most recently encountered DP correlate in the antecedent clause, even in the presence of contrastive prosody or semantic bias favouring a non-local correlate. The Locality effect has been argued to arise from the language processor consulting (default) information-structural representations when pairing remnants and correlates, yet direct evidence for the information structure hypothesis for Locality has been difficult to obtain. Estonian is a flexible word order language that optionally marks Contrastive Topics (CTs) syntactically, while allowing for the linear distance between a CT subject correlate and remnant to be held constant, in order to rule out a Recency explanation for the Locality effect. In an eye-tracking during reading experiment with case-disambiguated subject and object remnants in Estonian, we see asymmetries in the Locality preference (i.e. object advantage) following canonical Verb-second antecedent clauses and subject CT-marking Verb-third clauses. This provides novel evidence for fine-grained information-structural representations guiding the processing of contrastive ellipsis.
{"title":"Information structural effects in processing contrastive ellipsis: Eye-tracking evidence from a flexible word order language","authors":"Marju Kaps","doi":"10.1017/S0022226722000597","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022226722000597","url":null,"abstract":"Previous experimental work on the processing of clausal ellipsis with contrastive remnants shows a Locality preference – DP remnants are preferentially paired with the most recently encountered DP correlate in the antecedent clause, even in the presence of contrastive prosody or semantic bias favouring a non-local correlate. The Locality effect has been argued to arise from the language processor consulting (default) information-structural representations when pairing remnants and correlates, yet direct evidence for the information structure hypothesis for Locality has been difficult to obtain. Estonian is a flexible word order language that optionally marks Contrastive Topics (CTs) syntactically, while allowing for the linear distance between a CT subject correlate and remnant to be held constant, in order to rule out a Recency explanation for the Locality effect. In an eye-tracking during reading experiment with case-disambiguated subject and object remnants in Estonian, we see asymmetries in the Locality preference (i.e. object advantage) following canonical Verb-second antecedent clauses and subject CT-marking Verb-third clauses. This provides novel evidence for fine-grained information-structural representations guiding the processing of contrastive ellipsis.","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":"59 1","pages":"427 - 457"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-02-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42638082","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-01DOI: 10.1017/s0022226722000561
{"title":"LIN volume 59 issue 1 Cover and Front matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/s0022226722000561","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0022226722000561","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":"f1 - f2"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42063081","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-01DOI: 10.1017/s0022226722000573
{"title":"LIN volume 59 issue 1 Cover and Back matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/s0022226722000573","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0022226722000573","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":"38 50","pages":"b1 - b2"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41244418","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-16DOI: 10.1017/s0022226722000548
Carolina González, Lara Reglero
This project investigates the intonation of canonical (information-seeking) and non-canonical wh-in-situ echo questions conveying repetition and surprise in Northern Peninsular Spanish. Data from 14 female participants were collected via a contextualised elicitation task. The following correlates were examined: (i) the melodic curve of the wh-in-situ question, (ii) the nuclear peak (in Hz), (iii) the wh-tonal range (i.e. the difference between the lowest nuclear Low and the highest boundary High), and (iv) the nuclear contour. Results show that all wh-in-situ questions investigated display similar melodic curves and nuclear contours, but canonical questions have significantly lower nuclear peaks and wh-tonal ranges than non-canonical questions. Echo-repetition and echo-surprise questions also differ in nuclear peak and wh-tonal range. We propose a tentative analysis, whereby canonical in-situ questions have a final H% boundary tone, in contrast to non-canonical questions, which have an extra-High (upstepped) final boundary tone (¡H%).
{"title":"Intonation correlates of canonical and non-canonical wh-in-situ questions in Spanish","authors":"Carolina González, Lara Reglero","doi":"10.1017/s0022226722000548","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0022226722000548","url":null,"abstract":"This project investigates the intonation of canonical (information-seeking) and non-canonical wh-in-situ echo questions conveying repetition and surprise in Northern Peninsular Spanish. Data from 14 female participants were collected via a contextualised elicitation task. The following correlates were examined: (i) the melodic curve of the wh-in-situ question, (ii) the nuclear peak (in Hz), (iii) the wh-tonal range (i.e. the difference between the lowest nuclear Low and the highest boundary High), and (iv) the nuclear contour. Results show that all wh-in-situ questions investigated display similar melodic curves and nuclear contours, but canonical questions have significantly lower nuclear peaks and wh-tonal ranges than non-canonical questions. Echo-repetition and echo-surprise questions also differ in nuclear peak and wh-tonal range. We propose a tentative analysis, whereby canonical in-situ questions have a final H% boundary tone, in contrast to non-canonical questions, which have an extra-High (upstepped) final boundary tone (¡H%).","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-01-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47632108","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-13DOI: 10.1017/S0022226722000585
Gabriela Bîlbîie, J. Nykiel
Ellipsis has been, and continues to be, of both theoretical and empirical interest. It affects the syntax of phrases or clauses by stranding their various constituents but keeps the semantics of the stranded constituents identical to that of their non-elliptical counterparts. The theoretical value of ellipsis lies, therefore, in the relationship between meaning and form that it encodes, such that a complete propositional meaning is paired with what appears to be a syntactically incomplete form. This property of ellipsis has inspired researchers to probe, in particular, the syntax of ellipsis and the role the surrounding context plays in helping resolve ellipsis, as stranded constituents depend on the surrounding context for their interpretation. Among the constructions that have attracted considerable attention over the years are clausal ellipsis (e.g. sluicing (Example 1), sprouting (Example 2), stripping (Example 3), and fragments (Example 4)), pseudogapping (Example 5), gapping (Example 6), and Right Node Raising (RNR) (Example 7), all of which are discussed in the contributions to this special issue.
{"title":"Introduction to the special issue Experimental and Corpus-based Approaches to Ellipsis","authors":"Gabriela Bîlbîie, J. Nykiel","doi":"10.1017/S0022226722000585","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022226722000585","url":null,"abstract":"Ellipsis has been, and continues to be, of both theoretical and empirical interest. It affects the syntax of phrases or clauses by stranding their various constituents but keeps the semantics of the stranded constituents identical to that of their non-elliptical counterparts. The theoretical value of ellipsis lies, therefore, in the relationship between meaning and form that it encodes, such that a complete propositional meaning is paired with what appears to be a syntactically incomplete form. This property of ellipsis has inspired researchers to probe, in particular, the syntax of ellipsis and the role the surrounding context plays in helping resolve ellipsis, as stranded constituents depend on the surrounding context for their interpretation. Among the constructions that have attracted considerable attention over the years are clausal ellipsis (e.g. sluicing (Example 1), sprouting (Example 2), stripping (Example 3), and fragments (Example 4)), pseudogapping (Example 5), gapping (Example 6), and Right Node Raising (RNR) (Example 7), all of which are discussed in the contributions to this special issue.","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":"59 1","pages":"229 - 234"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-01-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48212783","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-12DOI: 10.1017/s0022226722000536
Mari Aigro, Virve Vihman
This study focuses on Estonian verb-complement structures, which include oblique (non-canonically marked) complements marked in spatial cases. Not all approaches agree on whether canonical arguments and oblique complements have argument status of the same type, but they do mostly agree that the two types of complement markings are used by different types of verbs. First, oblique case is viewed as always indexing the original semantics of the case (direct semantics), that is osutama ‘point at’ selecting an allative (‘onto’) complement. Second, oblique case usage is seen as referring to a restricted set of syntactic relations (indirect semantics), that is Estonian allative and adessive being used for marking Experiencers. In any case, oblique complement verbs are viewed as more semantically restricted than canonical object verbs. This study tests these two hypotheses in a quantitative corpus approach. In a non-semantically extracted sample of verbs (n = 232), it compares the lexical-semantic transitivity of oblique and canonical complement verbs in order to investigate the degree to which indirect semantic effects differentiate between the two types of verbs. In addition, it outlines direct semantic effects between oblique case frames in terms of semantic roles. Finally, it investigates the way these patterns are related to the cases’ individual grammaticalisation degrees.
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Pub Date : 2022-12-27DOI: 10.1017/s0022226722000494
Louise Esher
In Gévaudan varieties of Occitan (Gallo-Romance), exceptionless syncretism between preterite and imperfect subjunctive forms arises in the first and second person plural (e.g. faguessiám [faɡeˈsjɔn] ‘do.pret/ipf.sbjv.1pl’, faguessiatz [faɡeˈsjat] ‘do.pret/ipf.sbjv.2pl’). Reconstructing the historical emergence of this syncretism pattern reveals that it is crucially dependent on multiple and diverse implicational relationships of form, inferred and productively exploited by speakers: in particular, inherited identity between preterite and imperfect subjunctive stems, and identity between imperfect indicative forms of èstre [ɛsˈtʀe] ‘be’ and preterite or imperfect subjunctive desinences. The observed developments support a view of inflectional analogies as informed by intricate paradigmatic and implicational structure of the type proposed within ‘abstractive’, word-based theories of inflection.
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