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Animals and diplomacy: on the prospect for interspecies diplomacy 动物与外交:论物种间外交的前景
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-10 DOI: 10.1177/00471178231191292
Tore Fougner
If diplomacy is considered an alternative to war, can the ongoing human ‘war against animals’ be replaced with diplomacy between humans and other animals? While many scholars and practitioners of diplomacy can be expected to dismiss such an idea out of hand, this essay encourages us to think more seriously and thoroughly about what it might imply to engage diplomatically with nonhuman animals. Doing so requires a somewhat unconventional conception of diplomacy, and some scholars have already done much to rethink diplomacy in suitable ways (despite the persistent anthropocentrism). Combining such work with political science scholarship on human-animal relations, indigenous peoples’ relations with animals, various notions of animal ambassadorship and the study of animal behaviour in natural settings, the essay argues that interspecies diplomacy is possible and urges scholars to further explore this and how the possibility in question can be translated into reality.
如果外交被认为是战争的替代品,那么正在进行的人类“对动物的战争”能否被人类与其他动物之间的外交所取代?虽然许多外交学者和实践者可能会对这种想法不屑一顾,但这篇文章鼓励我们更认真、更彻底地思考,与非人类动物进行外交接触可能意味着什么。要做到这一点,需要一种不同寻常的外交观念,一些学者已经在以合适的方式重新思考外交方面做了很多工作(尽管人类中心主义一直存在)。将这些工作与人类与动物关系、土著民族与动物的关系、动物大使的各种概念以及自然环境中动物行为的研究相结合,本文认为物种间外交是可能的,并敦促学者们进一步探索这一点,以及如何将所讨论的可能性转化为现实。
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引用次数: 1
Animalising International Relations 国际关系的动物化
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-09 DOI: 10.1177/00471178231192345
E. Cudworth, Stephen Hobden
This article explores what it means to ‘animalise’ International Relations (IR). The posthuman move in the social sciences has involved the process of de-centring the human, replacing an anthropocentric focus with a view of the human as embedded within a complex network of inter-species relations. In a previous work we drew attention to the lack of analysis within International Relations of the key role played by more-than human animals in situations of conflict. The current COVID-19 pandemic again indicates that an analysis of international relations that does not have at its core an understanding of a more than human world is always going to be an incomplete account. The paper argues for the animalising of International Relations in order to enhance inclusivity, and suggests five ways in which this might be approached. As it becomes increasingly clear that a climate-related collapse is imminent, we argue for a transformative approach to the discipline, stressing interlinked networks and a shared vulnerability as a political project which challenges capitalism (advanced/late/carboniferous/genocidal) and the failure of states to address the concatenation of crises that life on the planet confronts.
本文探讨了“动物化”国际关系(IR)的含义。社会科学中的后人类运动涉及到人类去中心化的过程,用人类嵌入在物种间关系的复杂网络中的观点取代了人类中心主义的焦点。在之前的一项工作中,我们提请注意,国际关系中缺乏对冲突局势中人类以外的动物所发挥的关键作用的分析。当前的新冠肺炎疫情再次表明,对国际关系的分析,如果不以理解一个超越人类的世界为核心,将永远是不完整的。本文主张将国际关系动物化,以增强包容性,并提出了五种可能的方法。随着气候相关的崩溃迫在眉睫变得越来越明显,我们主张对这一学科采取一种变革的方法,强调相互联系的网络和共同的脆弱性,作为一项挑战资本主义(先进/晚期/石炭纪/种族灭绝)的政治项目,以及国家未能解决地球上生命面临的一系列危机。
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引用次数: 0
The Global Animal Advocacy Movement in International Relations: toward an animal-inclusive IR 国际关系中的全球动物保护运动:迈向动物包容性关系
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-08 DOI: 10.1177/00471178231191296
S. Tauber
International Relations (IR) scholarship on Global Social Movements (GSMs) has helped usher in post-realist theories, such as constructivism and critical IR. Despite its innovativeness, extant GSM research is limited because it ignores the relevance of the Global Animal Advocacy Movement (GAAM), which seeks to end animal exploitation. The omission of GAAM is emblematic of IR’s anthropocentric disregard of the relevance of animals in global politics. An emergent literature recognizes the importance of animals in IR, and this paper contributes to the establishment of this animal-inclusive IR by examining the significance of GAAM. First, it demonstrates that GAAM fits the criteria of a GSM; therefore, it is worthy of study in IR. Additionally, this paper argues that IR should recognize that nonhuman animals also participate in GAAM. Both arguments not only demonstrate GAAM’s relevance, but they should also contribute to the development of an animal-inclusive IR. The paper closes by advocating for a methodologically diverse research agenda on GAAM.
关于全球社会运动的国际关系(IR)奖学金帮助引入了后现实主义理论,如建构主义和批判国际关系。尽管具有创新性,但现有的GSM研究是有限的,因为它忽略了全球动物保护运动(GAAM)的相关性,该运动旨在结束动物剥削。GAAM的遗漏象征着IR以人类为中心,无视动物在全球政治中的相关性。新兴文献认识到动物在IR中的重要性,本文通过研究GAAM的意义,为建立这种包含动物的IR做出了贡献。首先,证明了GAAM符合GSM的标准;因此,它在红外光谱中是值得研究的。此外,本文认为IR应该认识到非人类动物也参与了GAAM。这两个论点不仅证明了GAAM的相关性,而且还应该有助于动物包容性IR的发展。论文最后主张对GAAM进行方法多样化的研究议程。
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引用次数: 0
Global injustice and animals: towards a multispecies social connection model 全球不公与动物:迈向多物种社会关系模式
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-08 DOI: 10.1177/00471178231191293
E. Meijer
In this article I argue for and sketch the outlines of a multispecies social connection model, based on the work of Iris Marion Young. This multispecies social connection model responds to shortcomings in existing approaches to multispecies global justice in animal philosophy and IR. Because the model focuses on concrete structures of injustice, it allows for taking into account relations without categorizing other animals beforehand and for being attentive to nonhuman animal agency, and it recognizes the entanglement of political and economic forces in perpetuating injustice towards animals. The multispecies model also brings to light problems with anthropocentrism in theorizing structural injustice and responsibility. Analyzing multispecies structures of injustice shows how different forms of oppression are connected globally, which offers a better view of animal and human oppression than anthropocentric theorizing. This is important for determining the responsibilities of different kinds of social, political, and economic actors in working toward social change, and for knowing what to work toward. This model can either complement existing political models, or function as the starting point for new multispecies politics.
在这篇文章中,我以Iris Marion Young的作品为基础,论证并概述了一个多物种社会联系模型的轮廓。这种多物种社会联系模型回应了动物哲学和动物关系中现有的多物种全球正义方法的缺陷。由于该模型关注的是不公正的具体结构,它允许在不事先对其他动物进行分类的情况下考虑关系,并关注非人类动物的代理,它认识到政治和经济力量在使对动物的不公正永久化方面的纠缠。多物种模型还揭示了人类中心主义在理论结构不公正和责任方面的问题。分析多物种的不公正结构显示了不同形式的压迫是如何在全球范围内联系在一起的,这比人类中心主义的理论提供了一个更好的关于动物和人类压迫的观点。这对于确定不同类型的社会、政治和经济行动者在努力实现社会变革中的责任,以及知道朝着什么方向努力,是很重要的。这种模式既可以补充现有的政治模式,也可以作为新的多物种政治的起点。
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引用次数: 0
Animals and the ethics of war: a call for an inclusive just-war theory 动物与战争伦理:呼吁包容的正义战争理论
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-05 DOI: 10.1177/00471178231191297
Josh Milburn, Sara van Goozen
Animals have been almost entirely absent from scholarly appraisals of the ethics of war. Just-war theory concerns when communities may permissibly resort to war; who may wage war; who they may harm in war; and what kinds of harm they may cause. Each question can be complicated by animals’ inclusion. After introducing just-war theory and the argument for an animal-inclusive just-war theory, this paper reviews ethical appraisals of war on animals’ behalf and wars against animals. It then turns to consider harm to and use of animals in war. It concludes by considering questions in the ethics of war beyond just-war theory as traditionally construed.
在对战争伦理的学术评价中,动物几乎完全被忽略了。正义战争理论关注的是社会在什么情况下可以允许诉诸战争;谁可以发动战争;他们可以在战争中伤害谁;以及它们可能造成的伤害。每个问题都会因为动物的加入而变得复杂。在介绍了正义战争理论和对动物包容的正义战争理论的论证之后,本文回顾了为动物而战和针对动物而战的伦理评价。然后它转而考虑在战争中对动物的伤害和使用。最后,它考虑了传统意义上的正义战争理论之外的战争伦理问题。
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引用次数: 1
Animals in International Relations: a research agenda 国际关系中的动物:研究议程
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-07-30 DOI: 10.1177/00471178231191294
J. C. Pereira, J. Renner
Animals are integral to world politics, yet largely neglected in International Relations (IR). This Special Issue (SI) aims to address this gap and offers a collection of original research articles that investigate issues pertaining to sovereignty, power, diplomacy, the ethics of war, justice and emancipation, environmental governance, activism and international law. The articles make animals visible within those realms, raise novel questions and develop approaches through which the specific role(s) of animals and human-animal relations in international politics may be theoretically understood and empirically explored. They open a conversation between IR and Critical Animal Studies (CAS). The SI contributes to a broader understanding of the complex and interconnected nature of human-animal relations, and therefore to the reorientation of IR towards a post-anthropocentric perspective of world politics that renders the field better equipped to understand and address our current Anthropocene predicament. To introduce the SI, this article starts by addressing the invisibility of animals in IR and why this is problematic. It then provides an overview of the articles included in the SI and concludes by outlining a research agenda for the study of animals in IR.
动物是世界政治不可或缺的一部分,但在国际关系(IR)中却被很大程度上忽视了。本期特刊(SI)旨在解决这一差距,并提供了一系列原创研究文章,调查有关主权,权力,外交,战争伦理,正义和解放,环境治理,行动主义和国际法的问题。这些文章使动物在这些领域中可见,提出了新的问题,并发展了一些方法,通过这些方法,动物和人-动物关系在国际政治中的具体作用可以从理论上理解和经验上探索。他们开启了IR和关键动物研究(CAS)之间的对话。SI有助于更广泛地理解人类与动物关系的复杂性和相互联系的本质,因此有助于将IR重新定位为后人类中心主义的世界政治视角,从而使该领域更好地理解和解决我们当前的人类世困境。为了介绍SI,本文首先讨论IR中动物的不可见性以及为什么这是一个问题。然后概述了SI中包含的文章,最后概述了IR中动物研究的研究议程。
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引用次数: 0
The reactionary internationale: the rise of the new right and the reconstruction of international society 反动的国际主义:新右派的兴起与国际社会的重建
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-07-24 DOI: 10.1177/00471178231186392
Nicholas Michelsen, Pablo de Orellana, Filippo Costa Buranelli
New Right actors are vocally seeking to change key international relations practices and institutions. We enquire how their philosophy of the international, which we call Reactionary Internationalism, is being socialised by a diverse group of international actors. Engaging with English School conceptualisations of international society and deploying discursive analysis of diplomatic positions, we examine the diplomacy of New Right actors and sympathisers on issues of rights and the limits of sovereign power. Through this empirical analysis it is demonstrated that opportunistic alliances between New Right politicians in democratic states, and authoritarian states such as China, are solidifying into an international compact that advocates radical normative change in international relations. This programme is centred on a new constitutive principle (birth-cultural sovereignty) and two new institutions (exclusive spheres of competence and transactionalism), that establish the terms of reference for a reactionary international society.
新右翼行动者正在口头上寻求改变关键的国际关系惯例和机构。我们询问他们的国际哲学,我们称之为反动国际主义,是如何被一群不同的国际行动者社会化的。通过与英国学派的国际社会概念接触,并对外交立场进行话语分析,我们研究了新右翼行动者和同情者在权利和主权权力限制问题上的外交。通过这一实证分析表明,民主国家的新右翼政治家与威权国家(如中国)之间的机会主义联盟正在巩固为一项国际契约,倡导在国际关系中进行激进的规范变革。该方案的中心是一项新的构成原则(出生-文化主权)和两个新的机构(专门的职权范围和交易主义),它们为反动的国际社会确立了职权范围。
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引用次数: 0
The Safety Paradox: Unknown Knowns, Ungrieved Grief, and Collective Agreements not to Know 安全悖论:未知的已知,不悲伤的悲伤和不知道的集体协议
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-07-22 DOI: 10.1177/00471178231187499
K. Fierke, Nicola Mackay
The discussion between the developing and developed world in Egypt during COP27 brought the history of colonialism and its impact on climate change to the table, as did the earlier floods in Pakistan. The purpose of this paper is to explore the impact of unacknowledged grief, shame and guilt, accruing over centuries, on our ability to move forward to a more sustainable future. At stake is not only a question of ‘loss and damage’ for those who have suffered disproportionately in the past and present, but also the need to acknowledge how past practice has set the stage for inequality and climate change in the global future. In this article we develop concepts of unknown knowns and ungrieved grief, and explore the mechanisms by which populations collectively turn away from uncomfortable or shameful truths. The failure to look at the past has transgenerational consequences, as present distractions contribute to an inability to ‘see’ the consequences of past and present action for future generations. The final section explores the safety paradox that arises from the fragmented safety of turning to conflict and war, and a holistic safety that requires grieving for the global whole.
在COP27期间,发展中国家和发达国家在埃及讨论了殖民主义的历史及其对气候变化的影响,就像早先巴基斯坦发生的洪水一样。本文的目的是探讨几个世纪以来积累的未被承认的悲伤、羞耻和内疚对我们走向更可持续未来的能力的影响。利害攸关的不仅是过去和现在遭受不成比例损失的人的“损失和损害”问题,而且还需要承认过去的做法如何为全球未来的不平等和气候变化奠定了基础。在这篇文章中,我们发展了未知的已知和不悲伤的悲伤的概念,并探讨了人们集体远离不舒服或可耻的真相的机制。不回顾过去会产生跨代的后果,因为现在的分心会导致无法“看到”过去和现在的行为对后代的影响。最后一部分探讨了安全悖论,这种悖论来自于转向冲突和战争的碎片安全,以及需要为全球整体悲伤的整体安全。
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引用次数: 1
Hyping emerging military technology: probing the causes and consequences of excessive expectations 炒作新兴军事技术:探讨过度期望的原因和后果
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-07-17 DOI: 10.1177/00471178231186256
Ash Rossiter
International relations scholars and military historians episodically observe that emerging military technology can generate ‘hype’, that is, excessive expectations about the near-term impact of emerging technologies. Yet there has been little attempt to conceptualize hype, enquire as to why it occurs, or study its impact on military innovation. As decisions concerning new military technologies are highly significant for states’ military capabilities, lack of attention on hype is a non-trivial shortcoming. This article provides a framework for better understanding what hype is and examines how it effects the choices states – or more to the point, those acting on their behalf – make about which military technologies to pursue in a world where war is an ever-present possibility.
国际关系学者和军事历史学家偶尔观察到,新兴军事技术可能产生“炒作”,即对新兴技术的短期影响产生过度预期。然而,很少有人试图将炒作概念化,询问其发生的原因,或研究其对军事创新的影响。由于有关新军事技术的决策对国家的军事能力非常重要,因此不重视宣传是一个不容忽视的缺点。本文为更好地理解什么是炒作提供了一个框架,并研究了它是如何影响国家的选择的——或者更确切地说,是那些代表他们行事的人——在一个战争随时都有可能发生的世界里,选择哪种军事技术。
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引用次数: 0
Neoclassical realism, policy paradigms and strategic change: understanding the US rapprochement to Cuba 新古典现实主义、政策范式与战略变革:理解美国与古巴的和解
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-07-17 DOI: 10.1177/00471178231185665
E. Mallett, Nicholas Kitchen
Why do particular foreign policy strategies persist even when they fail to achieve their objectives? And how do such policies eventually come to change? Incorporating policy paradigms as a unifying unit-level intervening variable within a Type II neoclassical realist framework, we account for extended periods of foreign policy continuity despite ongoing policy failure, and theorise the structural conditions necessary to override intervening paradigmatic imperatives. The article illustrates the argument through an analysis of the ‘Obama thaw’, after 50 years of hostile policy towards Havana. Drawing on interviews with key officials, we show that emerging structural pressures in the Western hemisphere brought about the administration’s decision to normalise relations with Cuba.
为什么特定的外交政策策略即使未能实现其目标也能坚持下去?这些政策最终会如何改变?在II型新古典现实主义框架中,将政策范式作为统一的单位级干预变量,我们解释了在持续的政策失败的情况下延长的外交政策连续性,并理论化了推翻干预范式要求所必需的结构条件。这篇文章通过对“奥巴马解冻”的分析说明了这一论点,在对哈瓦那采取了50年的敌对政策之后。通过对主要官员的采访,我们表明,西半球出现的结构性压力促使美国政府决定与古巴实现关系正常化。
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引用次数: 0
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International Relations
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