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The Liberal International Ordering of crisis 危机的自由国际秩序
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-10-07 DOI: 10.1177/00471178221128187
Columba Peoples
This article analyses and critically reflects on how the concept of ‘crisis’ has tended to feature within prominent debates on ‘Crisis of the Liberal International Order’. Within such scholarship, the article argues, the concept of crisis most often functions as a technology of crisis management in itself: rather than disrupting narratives and assumptions of liberal progress and order, invocations of crisis within Liberal International Order scholarship tend to recapitulate those same narratives and assumptions. To make this case, the article undertakes an immanent critique of how crisis has been understood within debates on the Liberal International Order, drawing on wider critical and social theoretic reflections on ‘crisis talk’ as the basis for a more critical engagement. Doing so, it seeks to highlight the ways in which Crisis of the Liberal International Order debates constitute a particular way of understanding the relationship between crisis, liberalism and modernity.
本文分析并批判性地反思了“危机”的概念是如何在“自由国际秩序危机”的著名辩论中出现的。文章认为,在这样的学术研究中,危机的概念通常本身就是一种危机管理技术:而不是破坏自由主义进步和秩序的叙述和假设,在自由主义国际秩序的学术研究中,危机的调用往往是对这些相同的叙述和假设的概括。为了证明这一点,本文对如何在自由国际秩序的辩论中理解危机进行了内在的批评,利用对“危机谈话”的更广泛的批判和社会理论反思,作为更批判性参与的基础。在这样做的过程中,它试图强调自由国际秩序危机辩论的方式构成了理解危机、自由主义和现代性之间关系的一种特殊方式。
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引用次数: 0
A ‘continuing, imminent’ threat: the temporal frameworks enabling the US war on terrorism “持续的、迫在眉睫的”威胁:美国反恐战争的时间框架
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-10-05 DOI: 10.1177/00471178221128196
C. McIntosh
For nearly two decades, the United States has chosen to narrate its response to terrorism through what Judith Butler refers to as the ‘frame of war’. Despite this, victory in that country’s longest war remains largely unimaginable. In some ways this is a problem of time – it is not that victory or an end to the conflict is literally unimaginable, it’s that from our political present, an end appears radically discontinuous. This article builds on recent work using temporality and the political present as a lens and conceptual framework to better understand how temporal assumptions and frames shape the practice of war and political violence. In this article, I show how time and timing play a significant role in justifying the violence of the war on terrorism and in making it intelligible as war. I examine the past three administrations and focus on three areas – the borders of wartime, temporal continuity, and the vision of a post-war future – to show important differences in administrative approaches. To more concretely understand the practice of political violence going forward, attention to the temporal dynamics of politics must be front and center, particularly one possessing ambivalent frames. Doing so reveals the implications these dynamics have for the conduct and permissibility of violence.
近二十年来,美国一直选择通过朱迪思·巴特勒(Judith Butler)所说的“战争框架”来叙述其对恐怖主义的反应。尽管如此,在这个国家最长的战争中取得胜利在很大程度上仍然是不可想象的。在某种程度上,这是一个时间的问题——并不是说胜利或冲突的结束是不可想象的,而是从我们的政治现状来看,结束似乎是根本不连续的。本文以最近的研究为基础,以时间性和政治现状为视角和概念框架,更好地理解时间假设和框架如何塑造战争和政治暴力的实践。在这篇文章中,我展示了时间和时机如何在证明反恐战争的暴力正当性和使其成为战争的可理解性方面发挥重要作用。我考察了过去的三届政府,并将重点放在三个方面——战时边界、时间连续性和战后未来的愿景——以显示行政管理方法的重要差异。为了更具体地理解未来政治暴力的实践,对政治的时间动态的关注必须是前沿和中心,特别是具有矛盾框架的政治动态。这样做揭示了这些动态对暴力行为和允许的影响。
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引用次数: 3
A contestation of nuclear ontologies: resisting nuclearism and reimagining the politics of nuclear disarmament 核本体论之争:抵制核主义与重新构想核裁军政治
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-09-28 DOI: 10.1177/00471178221122959
Nick Ritchie
The global politics of nuclear disarmament has become deeply contested over the past decade, particularly around the negotiation of the 2017 Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW). Different explanations are offered, but these tend to centre on the geopolitics of the ‘security environment’ conceived in realist terms. This article makes sense of the TPNW and the global politics of nuclear disarmament by examining its underlying discourse and contestation within a wider framework of nuclear hegemony and resistances to it, drawing on Robert Cox’s theory of hegemony. It argues that the politics of nuclear disarmament has hardened into a contestation between two broadly incommensurable nuclear worldviews, or nuclear ontologies: hegemonic nuclearism and subaltern anti-nuclearism. These are not just different perspectives, but fundamentally different ways of understanding global nuclear politics that have important implications for the nuclear disarmament movement. Three conclusions emerge from this: that intersectionality is vital to understanding subaltern anti-nuclearism within wider processes of resistance in global politics; that contestation between hegemonic nuclearism and subaltern anti-nuclearism is agonistic; and that ‘bridge building’ approaches to find a middle ground generally deny this agonism and thereby close down debate, and that this explains why they often fail to gain traction. The article builds on the critical scholarship on nuclear hegemony, discourse and resistance and develops an original framework of hegemonic and subaltern nuclearism and anti-nuclearism.
在过去十年中,全球核裁军政治一直备受争议,特别是围绕2017年《禁止核武器条约》(TPNW)的谈判。人们提供了不同的解释,但这些解释往往集中在以现实主义术语构想的“安全环境”的地缘政治上。本文借鉴罗伯特·考克斯(Robert Cox)的霸权理论,在更广泛的核霸权和对核霸权的抵制框架内审视其潜在的话语和争论,从而理解TPNW和全球核裁军政治。它认为,核裁军政治已经硬化为两种基本上不可比较的核世界观或核本体论之间的争论:霸权核主义和次等的反核主义。这些不仅是不同的观点,而且是理解全球核政治的根本不同的方式,对核裁军运动具有重要影响。由此可以得出三个结论:在全球政治更广泛的抵抗过程中,交叉性对于理解下层反核主义至关重要;霸权核主义与次等反核主义之间的斗争是激烈的;而寻找中间立场的“搭建桥梁”方法通常会否认这种竞争,从而结束辩论,这也解释了为什么它们往往无法获得牵引力。本文在对核霸权、话语和抵抗的批判性研究的基础上,建立了一个关于霸权、次等核主义和反核主义的原始框架。
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引用次数: 2
Wartime, professional military education, and politics 战时,专业军事教育和政治
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-09-27 DOI: 10.1177/00471178221122968
K. Fisher
The 2018 United States (US) National Military Strategy claimed that professional military education (PME) in the US had ‘stagnated’. Since then the 2020 US Joint Chiefs of Staff publication Developing Today’s Joint Officer’s for Tomorrow’s Ways of War can be seen as a direct response to such stagnation. The associated temporal positionings of war from stagnation, to today’s officers, to tomorrow’s ways of war, reinforce the significance of wartime in how professional military education is framed. In this paper I ask: To what extent do professional military education mission statements rely on frames of wartime for a construction of purpose, what are the implications of such framings for goals of minimizing violence and suffering, and how may such potential limitations be addressed in the classroom? A focus on wartime can help us draw out significant strategic and ethical challenges of conflict termination alongside ‘forever wars’, the normalization of exceptional security practices and violence, and the way in which prioritizations of either doing war ‘better’ or minimizing the likelihood of war are in seemingly direct epistemological competition. Given a goal of less insecurity, in an era in which fewer and fewer wars actually ‘end’ or ‘end’ with a sense of victory, I assess the extent to which engaging critical approaches in PME may help or hinder the need to challenge self-propagating dynamics of wartime that may be limiting efforts at lessening violence.
《2018年美国国家军事战略》称,美国职业军事教育“停滞不前”。从那时起,2020年美国参谋长联席会议出版的《为未来的战争方式发展今天的联合军官》可以被视为对这种停滞的直接回应。战争的相关时间定位,从停滞到今天的军官,到明天的战争方式,强化了战争在专业军事教育框架中的重要性。在本文中,我的问题是:专业军事教育使命宣言在多大程度上依赖于战时框架来构建目的,这些框架对最小化暴力和痛苦的目标有什么影响,以及如何在课堂上解决这些潜在的限制?关注战时可以帮助我们勾勒出冲突结束与“永远的战争”、特殊安全实践和暴力的正常化以及“更好地”进行战争或最小化战争可能性的优先顺序的方式,这些都是看似直接的认识论竞争。考虑到减少不安全感的目标,在一个越来越少的战争实际上“结束”或“以胜利感结束”的时代,我评估了在PME中采用批判性方法可能有助于或阻碍挑战战时自我传播动力的需要,这种动力可能会限制减少暴力的努力。
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引用次数: 0
Fashion’s diplomatic role: an instrument of French prestige-based commercial diplomacy, 1960s–1970s 时尚的外交角色:20世纪60 - 70年代法国以声望为基础的商业外交工具
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-09-23 DOI: 10.1177/00471178221123506
Vincent Dubé-Senécal
This article re-examines the aid-to-couture plans enacted by France at the end of the 1960s from both historical and diplomatic perspectives. In so doing, it assesses the decision-making process of French public authorities, couturiers and textile manufacturers by cross-referencing archives from multi-stakeholder meetings with diplomatic archives. By building on the current literature in Fashion Studies that stands at the confluence of cultural and business perspectives, this article adds to it a diplomatic perspective to re-evaluate the role of fashion for diplomacy. It argues that contrary to the traditional narrative on the role of fashion in favour of textile exports, haute couture and fashion instead became a fixture of France’s post-war prestige-based commercial diplomacy through a mix of nation branding avant la lettre and export branding.
本文从历史和外交两个角度,重新审视了法国在20世纪60年代末制定的高级定制援助计划。在此过程中,它通过与外交档案交叉参考多方利益相关者会议的档案,评估法国公共当局、女装设计师和纺织品制造商的决策过程。通过建立在文化和商业视角交汇处的时尚研究的当前文献,本文增加了一个外交视角来重新评估时尚对外交的作用。它认为,与传统观点相反,人们认为时尚的作用有利于纺织品出口,而高级时装和时装反而成为法国战后以声望为基础的商业外交的一部分,通过将国家品牌与出口品牌相结合。
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引用次数: 1
Western populism and liberal order: a reflection on ‘structural liberalism’ and the resilience of Western liberal order 西方民粹主义与自由秩序:对“结构性自由主义”与西方自由秩序弹性的反思
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-09-21 DOI: 10.1177/00471178221122962
Johnson Singh Chandam
The rise of populism in Western democracies creates presumed threats on liberal international order. Although a number of scholarly works are dedicated to the populist challenge on liberal democracy, the analysis of populism’s implications on the liberal order is limited. This paper deliberates on a concise review of the consequences of populism on the Western liberal order. In order to delineate the study, the article is devoted to the Western populism and its implications on liberal order. The paper, while analyzing the components of liberal international order by drawing on the analytical framework of structural liberalism, intends to claim that populism has adverse consequences on certain elements of the order than others. However, the implication is not an inflection point for the Western liberal order. Furthermore, this paper also provides some explanations behind the limitations of the populist threats to the Western liberal order. The main argument to highlight is that populism is detrimental more to liberal democracy than to the liberal order itself, and the Western liberal order has the capacity to withstand the tide of populism.
西方民主国家民粹主义的兴起对自由国际秩序构成了假定的威胁。尽管许多学术著作致力于民粹主义对自由民主的挑战,但对民粹主义对自由秩序的影响的分析是有限的。本文简要回顾了民粹主义对西方自由秩序的影响。本文主要探讨西方民粹主义及其对自由主义秩序的启示。本文在借鉴结构自由主义的分析框架,分析自由主义国际秩序的组成部分的同时,试图主张民粹主义对秩序的某些要素比其他要素产生不利后果。然而,这并不是西方自由秩序的拐点。此外,本文还对民粹主义对西方自由主义秩序的威胁的局限性提供了一些解释。要强调的主要论点是,民粹主义对自由民主的危害大于对自由秩序本身的危害,而西方自由秩序有能力抵御民粹主义的浪潮。
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引用次数: 0
Counterinsurgency in (un)changing times? Colonialism, hearts and minds, and the war on terror 在(不)变化的时代里镇压叛乱?殖民主义,心灵和思想,以及反恐战争
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-09-07 DOI: 10.1177/00471178221122954
deRaismes Combes
Counterinsurgencies mostly fail, as the 2021 allied withdrawal from Afghanistan illustrates. Still, confronting insurgencies remains a central component in ongoing counterterror efforts around the world. The crux of counterinsurgency (COIN) centers on winning the ‘hearts and minds’ of noncombatants in order to cut militants off from a needed source of material and psychological support. In practice, however, COIN has failed to leverage a pacified civilian population into a military victory and has instead led to protracted engagements with unclear and contradictory goals. I argue that this policy failure can be explained by rehabilitating the doctrine’s colonial heritage to its contemporary deployment. I do so by tracing the doctrinal origins of COIN to American-led pacification programs in Vietnam, Afghanistan, and Iraq. Using time as a conceptual anchor, I draw on postcolonialism and social theory to unearth how embedded imperialist notions of Self/Other in the doctrine help explain this ongoing failure. A temporal lens augments an analysis of COIN in three respects. First, it illustrates the longevity of counterinsurgency as a geopolitical practice of pacifying ‘disruptive Others’. Second, it reveals a paradox in a doctrine that intimates an end state marked by the absence of those disruptive Others but is designed to constantly seek out disruption. Finally, it lays bare differing motivations for the imperial Self to endure the encounter with the Other in the first place. I conclude by reflecting on the potentially harmful consequences both at home and abroad should the underlying assumptions of COIN remain unexamined.
反叛乱行动大多以失败告终,正如2021年联军从阿富汗撤军所表明的那样。尽管如此,打击叛乱仍然是世界各地正在进行的反恐努力的核心组成部分。反叛乱(COIN)的关键在于赢得非战斗人员的“心和思想”,以切断武装分子所需的物质和心理支持来源。然而,在实践中,反政府武装未能将平定的平民人口转化为军事胜利,反而导致了目标不明确和相互矛盾的长期交战。我认为,这种政策失败可以通过将该学说的殖民遗产恢复到其当代部署来解释。我将反叛乱的理论起源追溯到美国领导的在越南、阿富汗和伊拉克的绥靖计划。以时间为概念锚点,我利用后殖民主义和社会理论来揭示帝国主义的自我/他者概念如何在教义中帮助解释这种持续的失败。时间透镜在三个方面增强了对硬币的分析。首先,它说明了平叛作为一种安抚“破坏性他人”的地缘政治实践的长期性。其次,它揭示了一种学说中的悖论,这种学说暗示了一种最终状态,其标志是没有那些具有破坏性的他者,但却旨在不断寻求破坏。最后,它揭示了帝国自我最初忍受与他者相遇的不同动机。最后,我反思了如果不审查反叛乱的基本假设,在国内外可能产生的有害后果。
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引用次数: 2
Selective humanitarians: how region and conflict perception drive military interventions in intrastate crises 选择性人道主义者:地区和冲突感知如何驱动国内危机中的军事干预
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-08-12 DOI: 10.1177/00471178221104344
Sidita Kushi
Why are some violent intrastate crises more likely to prompt humanitarian military interventions than others? States appear to intervene robustly in reaction to some internal conflicts, such as Kosovo, but withhold similar options in more intense conflict, as in Darfur. Much of the research on this ‘selectivity gap’ focuses on universal norms or geopolitical interests. I, however, argue that the selectivity of these interventions is a product of regional variations interacting with conflict perceptions. This paper introduces a dataset of almost 1000 observations of intrastate armed conflict between 1989 and 2014, paired with international military responses and non-responses, as well as an Intervention Index that accounts for the intensity of military interventions. I find that once a threshold of human suffering is met via the existence of an internal armed conflict, powerful states will intervene depending on whether the conflict occurs in the Western sphere of influence and whether it is denoted as an identity war. A Western region coupled with no perceptions of identity-based civil war prompts the greatest odds of humanitarian military intervention. Such conclusions carry implications on the role of norms and interests in international politics, as biased by region, and for military intervention as a policy choice.
为什么一些国内暴力危机比其他危机更有可能促使人道主义军事干预?各国似乎对一些内部冲突(如科索沃)进行了强有力的干预,但在达尔富尔等更激烈的冲突中却保留了类似的选择。关于这种“选择性差距”的研究大多集中在普遍规范或地缘政治利益上。然而,我认为,这些干预措施的选择性是区域差异与冲突观念相互作用的产物。本文介绍了一个数据集,其中包含1989年至2014年间近1000次国内武装冲突的观察结果,与国际军事反应和不反应相结合,以及一个反映军事干预强度的干预指数。我发现,一旦由于内部武装冲突的存在而达到了人类苦难的门槛,强国就会根据冲突是否发生在西方势力范围内以及是否被视为身份战争而进行干预。如果西部地区没有基于身份的内战,那么人道主义军事干预的可能性最大。这些结论对国际政治中的规范和利益的作用,以及作为一种政策选择的军事干预都有影响。
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引用次数: 1
International/inter-carbonic relations 国际/ inter-carbonic关系
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-08-04 DOI: 10.1177/00471178221116015
Jan Selby
If international relations can be theorised as ‘inter-textual’, then why not also – or indeed better – as ‘inter-carbonic’? For, not only is the modern history of carbon to a large degree international; in addition, many of the key historical junctures and defining features of modern international politics are grounded in carbon or, more precisely, in the various socio-ecological practices and processes through which carbon has been exploited and deposited, mobilised and represented, recycled and transformed. In what follows I seek to make this case, arguing that carbon and international relations have been mutually constitutive ever since the dawn of modernity in 1492, and that they will inevitably remain so well into the future, as the global economy’s dependence on fossil carbon continues unabated and the planet inexorably warms. Will climate change generate widespread conflict, or even civilisational collapse? How are contemporary power dynamics limiting responses to climate change? And how, conversely, might 21st-century world order be transformed by processes of decarbonisation? Building on research in political ecology, I argue that a dialectical sensitivity to ‘inter-carbonic relations’ is required to properly answer these questions. Scholars and students of International Relations (IR), I suggest, need to approach climate change by positioning the element C at the very centre of their analyses.
如果国际关系可以被理论化为“文本间”,那么为什么不也可以——或者更好地——作为“碳间”呢?因为,碳的现代史不仅在很大程度上是国际性的;此外,许多关键的历史节点和现代国际政治的决定性特征都基于碳,或者更准确地说,基于碳被开发和储存、动员和代表、回收和转化的各种社会生态实践和过程。在接下来的文章中,我试图证明这一点,认为自1492年现代化开始以来,碳和国际关系一直是相互构成的,而且随着全球经济对化石碳的依赖持续不减,地球不可避免地变暖,它们将不可避免地在未来保持下去。气候变化是否会引发广泛的冲突,甚至文明崩溃?当代权力动态如何限制对气候变化的反应?反过来说,21世纪的世界秩序会如何被脱碳进程所改变?在政治生态学研究的基础上,我认为,要正确回答这些问题,需要对“碳间关系”具有辩证的敏感性。我建议,国际关系专业的学者和学生在处理气候变化问题时,需要将C元素置于他们分析的核心位置。
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引用次数: 0
Fitting national interests with populist opportunities: intervention politics on the European radical right 迎合民粹主义机遇的国家利益:欧洲激进右翼的干预政治
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-07-22 DOI: 10.1177/00471178221112480
T. Greene
As European radical right parties grow in influence, and as foreign and security policy becomes more politicised, these parties have increasing potential to shape national debates on international affairs. This paper shows how radical right opposition parties seek to exploit policy dilemmas surrounding military intervention according to the nature of the political opportunity these dilemmas present in specific national settings. Its findings are based on qualitative comparative case studies of Front National, AfD and UKIP responses to intervention debates surrounding the Syrian civil war in France, Germany and the UK. I find that non-intervention is not an absolute value for radical right parties. Whilst liberal-humanitarian interventions are uniformly rejected, interventions on national security grounds, whether to combat Jihadist threats or prevent uncontrolled migration, prompt a range of responses shaped by the domestic political context. Yet even where these parties back intervention in votes, their discourse focuses on fitting the issue to the populist dimensions of their political agenda, especially attacking mainstream rivals for incompetence, duplicity or incoherence, and failing to protect the sovereignty and ethnic integrity of the nation.
随着欧洲极右翼政党影响力的增长,以及外交和安全政策变得更加政治化,这些政党越来越有可能影响有关国际事务的国家辩论。本文展示了激进右翼反对党如何根据这些困境在特定国家环境中呈现的政治机会的性质,寻求利用围绕军事干预的政策困境。其研究结果基于对国民阵线、德国新选择党和英国独立党对法国、德国和英国围绕叙利亚内战展开的干预辩论的反应进行定性比较案例研究。我发现不干涉并不是激进右翼政党的绝对价值观。尽管自由人道主义干预被一致拒绝,但基于国家安全的干预,无论是打击圣战威胁还是防止不受控制的移民,都会引发一系列受国内政治背景影响的反应。然而,即使在这些政党支持干预投票的地方,他们的话语也集中在使这个问题符合其政治议程的民粹主义层面,特别是攻击主流竞争对手的无能、表里不一或不连贯,以及未能保护国家的主权和民族完整。
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引用次数: 1
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International Relations
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