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Status-quo enhancing versus status-quo challenging change in global economic governance: the case of China in finance and trade 促进现状与挑战全球经济治理变化:以中国在金融和贸易中的情况为例
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/00471178221139997
M. Sampson, Jue Wang
When a state is dissatisfied with an international institution it has different strategies available to it to secure change. These strategies are increasingly well understood due to research in the areas of regime complexity and institutional selection. But while there is an understanding of how the structure of a regime can influence the chances of success of different change proposals, there is less clarity on how the content of proposed changes impacts their success. In this article we decompose proposed institutional changes into two sub-types: Status-quo challenging and status-quo enhancing. Status-quo enhancing changes promote reforms that advance the objectives of the existing regime and so serve to drive change that would otherwise be limited by the inertia of existing institutions. Conversely, status-quo challenging changes undermine the stated goals of the existing regime. We develop these sub-types by comparing China’s attempts to secure changes in the global finance and trade regimes and find that for China status-quo enhancing changes have met with more success than status-quo challenging approaches because they have created more opportunities for productive coalition building.
当一个国家对一个国际机构不满意时,它可以采取不同的策略来确保变革。由于在制度复杂性和制度选择领域的研究,这些策略越来越被人们所理解。但是,虽然人们了解制度的结构如何影响不同变更建议的成功机会,但对于拟议变更的内容如何影响其成功却不太清楚。在本文中,我们将建议的制度变革分为两类:挑战现状和促进现状。改善现状的变化促进改革,推进现有制度的目标,从而有助于推动变革,否则这些变革将受到现有机构惯性的限制。相反,挑战现状的变化破坏了现有制度的既定目标。我们通过比较中国在全球金融和贸易体制中确保变革的尝试来发展这些子类型,并发现对中国来说,改善现状的变革比挑战现状的方法更成功,因为它们为富有成效的联盟建设创造了更多机会。
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引用次数: 0
State of nature versus states as firms: reassessing the Waltzian analogy of structural realism 自然状态与作为公司的国家:重新评估结构现实主义的华尔兹类比
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-26 DOI: 10.1177/00471178221140086
Zhichao Tong
This paper examines one often overlooked aspect of Kenneth Waltz’s Theory of International Politics: the analogy he makes between firms and states. Specifically, I contrast this ‘states as firms’ analogy adopted by Waltz with the state of nature analogy that has often been attributed to him. I make three separate but interrelated claims: (1) the state of nature analogy is not only different from the states as firms analogy, but may also be an inappropriate one for structural realism in the sense that it fails to account for some of the theory’s key theses; (2) the states as firms analogy helps us to better understand, if not to fully embrace, how Waltz arrives at certain central premises of his theory; and (3) the states as firms analogy provides a more comprehensive account of dynamic effects of the international system, including the transformation of state attributes that would have been neglected by those who subscribe to the state of nature analogy.
本文考察了肯尼斯·瓦尔兹国际政治理论中一个经常被忽视的方面:他将公司与国家进行了类比。具体地说,我将华尔兹采用的“作为公司的国家”类比与通常归因于他的自然状态类比进行了对比。我提出了三个独立但相互关联的主张:(1)自然状态类比不仅不同于作为企业的状态类比,而且可能不适合结构现实主义,因为它未能解释理论的一些关键论点;(2)国家作为企业的类比有助于我们更好地理解(如果不能完全接受的话)华尔兹是如何得出他的理论的某些中心前提的;(3)国家作为企业的类比对国际体系的动态效应提供了更全面的解释,包括那些赞同自然状态类比的人可能会忽略的国家属性的转变。
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引用次数: 0
The Chagos Islands and international orders: human rights, rule of law, and foreign rule 查戈斯群岛与国际秩序:人权、法治和外国统治
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-05 DOI: 10.1177/00471178221136015
Martin Welz
This article uses the Chagos Archipelago that is administered by the United Kingdom, used as a military base by the US, and claimed by Mauritius, as a case study to explore competing international orders and move the theorization of international orders forward. Considering international orders as functionally and geographically limited sets of rules, I focus on those three sets of orders that functionally relate to human rights, the rule of law, and foreign rule. I show that those orders that promote human rights and the rule of law more consistently and reject foreign rule have extended their geographic scope. The Chagos Islands dispute is an intriguing case study to probe shifts of and attempts to protect these orders as a vote in 2019 at the United National General Assembly forced states to take sides. At the same time, my analysis highlights that realpolitik prevents the full overturn of the challenged orders.
本文以英国管辖、美国军事基地、毛里求斯宣称拥有主权的查戈斯群岛(Chagos Archipelago)为个案,探讨相互竞争的国际秩序,并推动国际秩序的理论化。考虑到国际秩序在功能上和地理上都是有限的规则集,我将重点放在与人权、法治和外国统治功能相关的三套规则集上。我指出,那些更加一贯地促进人权和法治并拒绝外国统治的秩序扩大了其地理范围。查戈斯群岛争端是一个有趣的案例研究,可以探讨这些命令的变化和保护这些命令的企图,因为2019年联合国大会的投票迫使各国选择立场。与此同时,我的分析强调,现实政治阻止了对受到挑战的秩序的全面推翻。
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引用次数: 0
Wartime in the 21st century 21世纪的战争
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-10-25 DOI: 10.1177/00471178221134341
Andrew R. Hom, Luke B. Campbell
Wartime dominates the 21st century. The term is ubiquitous in contemporary politics, providing an intuitive trope for narrating foreign relations, grappling with intractable policy problems, and responding to shocking events. Such pervasion makes it easy to forget that wartime is a relatively recent political invention. It began as an instrumental and somewhat stylized concept that authorized exceptional violence by promising to contain it within strict temporal boundaries. Yet in the same era that wartime achieved international prominence, war itself became an increasingly ordinary and extended dimension of politics. Today, ‘wartime’ refers to a number of unconstrained and often self-perpetuating violent practices that have changed global politics and national security policies in deep and enduring ways – nowhere more so than in the United States. To introduce the special issue, this article presents wartime as a neglected and paradoxical topic at the heart of International Relations. It sketches the concept’s historical emergence, from innovative Presidential discourse through expansion in World War II and the Cold War, to 21st century entrenchment in daily life and habits of foreign relations. We also make the case for why US wartime marks an especially apt example of a global phenomenon, and one worthy of increased scrutiny within International Relations (IR). Finally, we provide synoptic summaries of the articles that comprise the special issue, showing how they work together to interrogate key aspects of 21st century wartime. We conclude with reflections on how the study of wartime may be extended to better understand its impact on historical and contemporary global politics.
战争主宰着21世纪。这个词在当代政治中无处不在,为叙述外交关系、应对棘手的政策问题和应对令人震惊的事件提供了一个直观的比喻。这种渗透很容易让人忘记,战争是一个相对较新的政治发明。它最初是一个工具性的,有点程式化的概念,通过承诺将暴力控制在严格的时间界限内,从而授权了特殊的暴力。然而,在战争取得国际地位的同一时代,战争本身也日益成为一种普通和延伸的政治维度。今天,“战时”指的是一系列不受约束的、往往是自我延续的暴力行为,这些行为已经以深刻而持久的方式改变了全球政治和国家安全政策——在美国尤其如此。为了介绍这期特刊,本文将战时作为国际关系中一个被忽视和矛盾的核心话题。它概述了这一概念的历史出现,从创新的总统话语到第二次世界大战和冷战的扩张,再到21世纪在日常生活和外交关系习惯中的根深蒂固。我们还提出了为什么美国战争是全球现象的一个特别恰当的例子,值得在国际关系(IR)中加强审查。最后,我们提供了组成特刊的文章的概要摘要,展示了它们如何共同探讨21世纪战争的关键方面。最后,我们反思了如何将战时研究扩展到更好地理解其对历史和当代全球政治的影响。
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引用次数: 2
Home and the world: the legal imagination of Martti Koskenniemi 家与世界:Martti Koskenniemi的法律想象
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-10-25 DOI: 10.1177/00471178221132945
D. Armitage
The Finnish lawyer-historian Martti Koskenniemi’s new book, To the Uttermost Parts of the Earth: Legal Imagination and International Power, 1300–1870 (2021), is the culmination of a 30-year-long project to deconstruct and historicise the reigning assumptions of the profession of international law. This article evaluates To the Uttermost Parts of the Earth in the context of Koskenniemi’s larger critical project as well as within the historiography of international law from the late 19th century to the present. It argues that Koskenniemi’s genealogical method is revealing and frustrating in equal measure: frustrating in its diffuseness and lack of overarching argument but revealing in its scope, in its erudition and in its ambitions to disrupt traditional teleologies, to reveal the constraining force of legal language and to expose European dialogues between ‘domestic’ and international law over more than 500 years.
芬兰律师历史学家Martti Koskenniemi的新书《到地球的最深处:法律想象与国际权力,1300-1870(2021)》是一个长达30年的项目的高潮,该项目旨在解构和历史化国际法专业的主导假设。本文在科斯科涅米更大的批判性项目的背景下,以及在19世纪末至今的国际法史学范围内,对《地球的最深处》进行了评估。它认为科斯科涅米的系谱学方法既具有启发性,又令人沮丧:令人沮丧的是它的广泛性和缺乏总体论证,但它的范围、博学和破坏传统目的论的雄心,揭示了法律语言的约束力量,揭示了500多年来欧洲“国内”法与国际法之间的对话。
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引用次数: 0
Afterword: war:time 后记:战争:时间
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-10-25 DOI: 10.1177/00471178221134340
L. Silvestri
How should we think about war today? This afterword assesses the impact of using a temporal lens to understand contemporary conflict. Reflecting upon my own work on media and war alongside wider societal relationships to violence, I consider the ways in which new technologies and styles of warfighting change both our view of time and our understanding of war itself. In particular, I show how a shift from space to time helps focus attention on the personal and lived experience of US war, on the importance of routines both in constituting and obscuring wartime, on how many issues of contemporary war have become a matter of digitized perspective, and finally how emergent technologies have unsettled familiar temporal patterns of conflict. War today is media-drenched but struggles to occupy our attention over sustained periods. It remains an epochal political force that we tend to approach through deeply individualized, microcosmic stories. It proceeds at breakneck pace but rarely gets anywhere. These questions and tensions underline the importance of focusing not only on the resolutely temporal aspects of wartime, but also on the way in which shifts in time are changing the very nature and politics of war in the 21st century.
我们应该如何看待今天的战争?这篇后记评估了使用时间透镜来理解当代冲突的影响。回顾我自己关于媒体和战争以及更广泛的社会与暴力关系的工作,我考虑了新技术和战争风格改变我们对时间的看法和对战争本身的理解的方式。特别是,我展示了从空间到时间的转变如何有助于将注意力集中在美国战争的个人和生活经历上,在构成和模糊战争中的常规的重要性上,当代战争的多少问题已经成为数字化视角的问题,最后,新兴技术如何解决了熟悉的时间冲突模式。今天的战争充斥着媒体,但却难以持续地占据我们的注意力。它仍然是一种划时代的政治力量,我们倾向于通过深度个性化的微观故事来接近它。它以极快的速度进行,但很少取得任何进展。这些问题和紧张关系强调了不仅要关注战争的时间方面,而且要关注时间的变化如何改变21世纪战争的本质和政治的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
‘We watched his whole life unfold. . .Then you watch the death’: drone tactics, operator trauma, and hidden human costs of contemporary wartime “我们看着他的一生展开……然后你看到他的死亡”:无人机战术、操作员的创伤,以及当代战争中隐藏的人类成本
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-10-25 DOI: 10.1177/00471178221135036
Terilyn Johnston Huntington, Amy E. Eckert
Scholars of war and combat posit that soldiers are more willing to execute strikes on adversaries when they perceive lower risk to themselves or less connection with their targets. Accordingly, technologies like the drone, which drastically expands the distance between adversaries, should make it easier to strike decisively and without remorse. The empirical record tells a different story. Despite operating very far away from the battle theater, drone operators suffer PTSD at the same rate as pilots of manned aircraft. We argue that this unanticipated consequence of drone warfare stems from the unique way in which drone tactics marry spatial distance and temporal duration. Drone operators surveil their targets via detailed video footage for extended periods of time, both before and after firing, in order to identify or locate potential targets, to measure collateral risks, and afterward to assess a strike’s effectiveness. We argue that the clarity and duration of this surveillance tempers any advantage derived from ‘distance’. Spatial distance protects drone operators from enemy fire but temporal proximity exposes them to greater emotional costs of killing than previously thought. Indeed, prolonged observation temporally extends ‘contact’ and mitigates the dehumanizing effects imputed to distance. This unexpected effect highlights a shifting ethical dilemma. In the formulation of the ‘naked soldier’, combatants in a just war deserve respect due to shared vulnerability. Yet while spatial distance physically protects the drone operator, it also requires that they identify vulnerable and legitimate targets through contemporary timing practices that establish intimate knowledge of that target and may thus denude and even heighten the operator’s emotional vulnerability. While others have argued that contemporary wartime features technologies and tactics that undercut conventions about legitimate combat, we uncover an emerging ethical problem in moral and psychological harms associated with the way that drone warfare trades space for time.
研究战争和战斗的学者认为,当士兵认为自己面临的风险较低或与目标的联系较少时,他们更愿意对敌人实施打击。因此,像无人机这样的技术,可以大大扩大对手之间的距离,应该更容易进行果断和毫无悔意的打击。经验记录告诉我们一个不同的故事。尽管离战场很远,无人机操作员患创伤后应激障碍的几率与有人驾驶飞机的飞行员相同。我们认为,无人机战争的这种意想不到的后果源于无人机战术结合空间距离和时间持续时间的独特方式。无人机操作员在发射前后通过详细的视频片段长时间监视目标,以识别或定位潜在目标,衡量附带风险,然后评估打击的有效性。我们认为,这种监控的清晰度和持续时间抵消了“距离”带来的任何优势。空间上的距离可以保护无人机操作员免受敌人的攻击,但时间上的接近会让他们在杀戮中付出比之前想象的更大的情感代价。事实上,长时间的观察在时间上延长了“接触”,减轻了距离造成的非人性化影响。这一意想不到的结果凸显了一个不断变化的伦理困境。在“裸兵”的表述中,正义战争中的战斗人员应该受到尊重,因为他们有共同的脆弱性。然而,虽然空间距离在物理上保护了无人机操作员,但它也要求他们通过当代的定时实践来识别脆弱和合法的目标,从而建立对目标的亲密了解,从而可能剥夺甚至加剧操作员的情感脆弱性。虽然其他人认为,当代战争的特点是技术和战术削弱了关于合法战斗的惯例,但我们发现了一个正在出现的伦理问题,即无人机战争以空间换取时间的方式带来的道德和心理伤害。
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引用次数: 0
The liturgy of triumph: victory culture, popular rituals, and the US way of wartiming 胜利的仪式:胜利文化,流行的仪式,和美国的战争方式
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-10-25 DOI: 10.1177/00471178221135097
Andrew R. Hom, Luke B. Campbell
Wartime is fundamentally important to the study of international politics but not especially well understood. In this paper, we use timing theory and the concept of liturgy to unpack the contemporary dynamics of US wartime. A theory of political timing posits that all temporalities derive from and symbolize underlying social processes, and that these timing efforts unfold according to a master organizing standard. Liturgy highlights the way that ritualized acts help participants commune with the sacred – whether this be God or the nation-state. Scrutinizing contemporary US culture practices, we combine these ideas to argue that the notion of victory, as enacted through a widespread set of performative routines, acts as an organizing standard that embeds and reifies wartime in US security policy and daily life. Prevalent ideals of winning wars gather together a stylized past, explicate present problems, and generate expectations about future problems and conflicts. We tabulate several highly influential examples of this liturgy of triumph from national calendars, commemorative sites and events, and cultural practices like spectator sports. In addition to normalizing a view of wartime as having clear beginnings and uniquely successful endings, the US liturgy of triumph highlights a growing gap in the country’s relationship to the use of force. Most of what performative war liturgies commemorate is ‘finished’; it has been seen, known, and ostensibly won. Yet, much of what defines 21st century conflict is anything but certain or victorious. Moreover, US victory culture has only grown more acute the longer the concrete victories fail to materialize, suggesting a tragic code at the heart of US security politics.
战争对国际政治的研究至关重要,但人们对它的理解却不是特别透彻。在本文中,我们运用时间理论和礼仪的概念来解读美国战时的当代动态。政治时机理论认为,所有的暂时性都源自并象征着潜在的社会进程,这些时机的努力是根据一个主要的组织标准展开的。礼仪强调仪式化的行为帮助参与者与神圣交流的方式-无论是上帝还是民族国家。仔细审视当代美国文化实践,我们将这些观点结合起来,认为通过一系列广泛的表演惯例制定的胜利概念,作为一种组织标准,在美国的安全政策和日常生活中嵌入并具体化了战争。赢得战争的普遍理想汇集了程式化的过去,解释了当前的问题,并产生了对未来问题和冲突的预期。我们从国家日历、纪念地点和活动,以及观赏性体育等文化实践中,列出了几个极具影响力的胜利仪式的例子。除了将“战争有明确的开端和独特的成功结局”这一观点正常化之外,美国的胜利仪式还突显出,美国在与使用武力的关系上存在越来越大的差距。大多数战争礼仪所纪念的都已经“结束”了;人们看到了,知道了,表面上也赢了。然而,定义21世纪冲突的很多东西都不是确定的或胜利的。此外,具体胜利未能实现的时间越长,美国的胜利文化只会变得越尖锐,这表明美国安全政治的核心存在一种悲剧准则。
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引用次数: 1
From subjects to objects: honor flights and US ontological insecurity 从主体到客体:荣誉飞行与美国本体不安全感
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-10-21 DOI: 10.1177/00471178221133965
Brent J. Steele
Following the 2004 establishment of the World War II memorial in Washington DC, itself a product of the collective re-commemoration of the so-called ‘Greatest Generation’ of WWII veterans in the US, nonprofit organizations began the practice of ‘Honor flights’. These flights transported US veterans of the Second World War to Washington DC to visit that memorial and other commemorative sites, meet with Congressional members, and return to their local airports to great fanfare and celebration. The practice has evolved to incorporate Korean War and now Vietnam War veterans. As honor flights include much more than the veterans themselves, and as it has become an affectively charged festival for local communities to ‘honor’ their veterans during periods of unresolved wartimes, I articulate the Honor Flight as a treatment for – but also a symptom of – US ontological insecurity in the 21st Century. Honor flights are celebratory, judgmental, and political micro-practices that reflect and reproduce US militarism in ways that will likely outlast the wartimes of the 21st century United States. Along with other micro-practices of US ontological (in)security, Honor Flights threaten to destabilize the politics of military intervention hereafter, and encourage the extension of or inauguration of new times of war.
2004年在华盛顿特区建立了二战纪念馆,这本身就是对美国所谓的“最伟大的一代”二战老兵集体重新纪念的产物,随后非营利组织开始了“荣誉飞行”的实践。这些航班将第二次世界大战的美国退伍军人运送到华盛顿特区,参观纪念碑和其他纪念地点,会见国会议员,然后返回当地机场,参加盛大的庆祝活动。这种做法已经发展到包括朝鲜战争和现在的越南战争的退伍军人。由于荣誉飞行不仅仅包括退伍军人本身,而且由于它已经成为当地社区在未解决的战争时期“纪念”他们的退伍军人的一个充满感情的节日,我将荣誉飞行作为21世纪美国本体不安全感的一种治疗方法,也是一种症状。荣誉飞行是一种庆祝、评判和政治上的微观做法,它反映和再现了美国军国主义,这种做法可能会比21世纪美国的战争时期更持久。与美国本体论(in)安全的其他微观实践一起,荣誉飞行威胁到今后军事干预的政治不稳定,并鼓励延长或开启新的战争时代。
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引用次数: 1
The world is upside down: seeing IR from below 世界颠倒了:从下面看IR
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-10-13 DOI: 10.1177/00471178221128190
J. Tickner
This review essay engages three texts focused on women who engaged with international thought in the early to mid-20th century. Women’s International Thought: A New History and Women’s International Thought: Towards a New Canon, both edited by Patricia Owens and her co-editors. The third, To Turn the Whole World Over: Black Women and Internationalism, edited by Keisha Blain and Tiffany Gill. A few women discussed in these texts are recognized today, most are completely forgotten. Some aspired to careers in the academy but encountered obstacles on account of their sex and/or race. Many were scholar activists who claimed that their writings should address real world problems. These texts foreground the work of African American scholars, focused on racism and imperialism, subjects that IR ignores. Since some were denied publication outlets many wrote journals and published in newspapers. Although previously ignored, all these women had important things to tell us about international relations.
这篇评论文章选取了三篇文章,聚焦于20世纪早期到中期参与国际思想的女性。《妇女国际思想:新的历史》和《妇女国际思想:走向新的经典》,都是由帕特里夏·欧文斯和她的合著者编辑的。第三本,《颠覆整个世界:黑人妇女与国际主义》,由凯莎·布莱恩和蒂芙尼·吉尔编辑。这些文章中讨论的一些女性今天得到了认可,但大多数已经完全被遗忘了。有些人渴望在学院工作,但由于性别和/或种族而遇到障碍。许多人是学者活动家,他们声称自己的作品应该解决现实世界的问题。这些文本突出了非裔美国学者的工作,重点关注种族主义和帝国主义,而IR忽视了这些主题。由于一些人被拒绝出版,许多人写杂志并在报纸上发表。尽管以前被忽视,但所有这些女性都有关于国际关系的重要信息要告诉我们。
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引用次数: 0
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International Relations
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