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Privatizing the welfare state: Danish libertarianism from the 1980s to the 2000s 福利国家私有化:20世纪80年代至21世纪初的丹麦自由主义
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-23 DOI: 10.1080/13569317.2023.2249646
Jesper Vestermark Køber, N. Olsen
ABSTRACT This article explores the history of the Danish libertarian movement by analysing its ideological universe and networks, with a focus on Libertas, from the 1980s to the 2000s. To a large extent, the movement created its ideological universe and networks with resources drawn from American libertarianism that were adapted to and implemented in a Danish context. Over the course of two decades, Danish libertarians became prominent advocates of privatization with the aim of dismantling the welfare state and generated a wide reservoir of arguments for transforming the welfare state to a greater market-based organization through privatizing and marketizing its public sector. In four sections, the article illuminates the rise of the Danish libertarian movement in the context of a youth revolt from the right launched from within the Conservative Youth Party in the early 1980s and describes how a group of theoretically inclined and internationally oriented young conservatives pursued libertarian visions by contributing to political debates about privatization of the public sector and environmentalism in the 1980s and 1990s and finally how the libertarian movement in the 2000s moved closer to the established institutions of political power, while at the same time mushrooming into a plurality of smaller forums.
本文通过分析丹麦自由意志主义运动的意识形态范围和网络,探讨其历史,重点关注自由主义运动,从20世纪80年代到21世纪初。在很大程度上,该运动创造了自己的意识形态世界和网络,其资源来自美国自由意志主义,并在丹麦的背景下进行了调整和实施。在过去的二十年中,丹麦的自由意志主义者成为了私有化的主要倡导者,其目的是废除福利国家,并产生了广泛的争论,通过将公共部门私有化和市场化,将福利国家转变为一个更大的市场组织。在四个部分中,这篇文章阐明了丹麦自由意志主义运动在20世纪80年代早期保守党青年党内部发起的右翼青年起义背景下的兴起,并描述了一群有理论倾向和面向国际的年轻保守派如何通过在20世纪80年代和90年代对公共部门私有化和环境保护主义的政治辩论做出贡献来追求自由意志主义愿景,以及2000年代的自由意志主义运动如何发展更接近既定的政治权力机构,同时迅速发展成多个较小的论坛。
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引用次数: 0
Just how is architecture ideological? 建筑是如何意识形态化的?
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-22 DOI: 10.1080/13569317.2023.2243746
Jan-Werner Müller
ABSTRACT This research note suggests a number of ways in which architecture and the built environment more broadly might be understood as ideological.
摘要:这份研究报告提出了许多可以将建筑和建筑环境更广泛地理解为意识形态的方式。
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引用次数: 0
Subjunctive Russia: how the past shapes the present in contemporary Russian politics 虚拟的俄罗斯:在当代俄罗斯政治中,过去如何塑造现在
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-21 DOI: 10.1080/13569317.2023.2247342
I. Gololobov
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引用次数: 0
Left-wing identity politics and authoritarian attitudes: a correlational study of social media users 左翼身份政治与威权主义态度:社交媒体用户的相关性研究
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-14 DOI: 10.1080/13569317.2023.2246914
A. Fasce, Diego Avendaño
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引用次数: 0
The moral rhetoric of populist radical right: the case of the Sweden Democrats 民粹主义激进右翼的道德修辞:以瑞典民主党为例
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-04 DOI: 10.1080/13569317.2023.2242795
Marina Vahter, Mari-Liis Jakobson
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引用次数: 0
Radical nationalism 激进民族主义
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-31 DOI: 10.1080/13569317.2023.2241384
Markus Lundström, Tomas Poletti Lundström
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引用次数: 0
The construction of subjectivities and enemies in global warming: searching for the political climate issue in Swedish Election Campaigns, 1988–2014 全球变暖中主观主义和敌人的建构:1988–2014年瑞典大选中的政治气候问题
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-30 DOI: 10.1080/13569317.2023.2241028
A. Friberg
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引用次数: 0
How ‘empty’ is the signifier ‘the people’? Impasses of the poststructuralist approach in Ernesto Laclau’s political ontology 能指“人民”有多“空”?后结构主义方法在拉克劳政治本体论中的困境
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.1080/13569317.2023.2230449
Felipe Rafael Linden
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引用次数: 0
Enlarging the British settler state of Canada: A liberal theory of government and violence 扩大英国在加拿大的殖民地:政府与暴力的自由主义理论
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-21 DOI: 10.1080/13569317.2023.2226602
Éléna Choquette
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引用次数: 0
Recontesting the Sacred: political theology as ideological method 重新检验神圣:作为意识形态方法的政治神学
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-14 DOI: 10.1080/13569317.2023.2225237
James Martin, S. Newman
In this paper, we explore the contribution that political theology can make to the study of political ideologies. In foregrounding the interaction between theological and political ways of thinking, political theology traces the lingering presence of the sacred in secular politics. It refers not merely to religious doctrines but also to a variety of ways of registering the ‘extraordinary’ dimension in modern political orders. We sketch the development of political theological analysis from the sovereign-centric account famously proffered by Carl Schmitt to more recent versions that identify the sacred with a plurality of struggles against secular power. New types of ideological formation, we argue, can be interpreted as instances of this latter political theology, particularly those expressing what we call a radical politics of redemption that recontests the moral foundations of politics. Although highly divergent, these typically underscore the threat to a specified sacred source, make appeals to the lived experience of suffering and mobilize supporters as a model of communion seeking moral healing. We consider the example of contemporary populism to illustrate this redemptive mode of theological politics and recommend political theology, a method that can supplement the study of political ideology. Ideological analysis has had to come to terms with recent political phenomena that might be described as ‘post-ideological’ and that cannot be slotted easily into existing definitional categories. How to define contemporary forms of populism that have, at best, a ‘thin-centred’ ideational structure and which might be better understood as a kind of ‘performative’ politics rather than a distinct worldview? What about conspiracy theories that construct bizarre and outlandish narratives to explain social reality or antivaccination movements that combine elements from the far left and far right, and whose only unifying idea is suspicion of elites and of scientific authority? How should we think about the millenarian and apocalyptic discourses of climate justice movements? Our political space is increasingly contested – indeed disrupted – by new and ideologically heterogeneous movements and narratives that are difficult to identify as distinct ‘clusters’ of ideas and which instead work more on an affective or emotional level. CONTACT Saul Newman s.newman@gold.ac.uk Department of Politics and International Relations, Goldsmiths University of London, London, England JOURNAL OF POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES https://doi.org/10.1080/13569317.2023.2225237 © 2023 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/ licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. The terms on which this article has been published allow t
本文探讨政治神学对政治意识形态研究的贡献。在突出神学和政治思维方式之间的互动时,政治神学追溯了神圣在世俗政治中挥之不去的存在。它不仅指宗教教义,还指在现代政治秩序中登记“非凡”维度的各种方式。我们描绘了政治神学分析的发展,从卡尔·施密特(Carl Schmitt)著名的以主权为中心的叙述,到最近的版本,这些版本将神圣与世俗权力的多重斗争联系起来。我们认为,新型的意识形态形成可以被解释为后一种政治神学的例子,特别是那些表达我们所说的重新测试政治道德基础的激进救赎政治的例子。尽管分歧很大,但这些通常强调对特定神圣来源的威胁,呼吁人们体验痛苦的生活,并动员支持者作为寻求道德治愈的交流模式。我们以当代民粹主义的例子来说明这种救赎的神学政治模式,并推荐政治神学作为一种可以补充政治意识形态研究的方法。意识形态分析必须接受最近的政治现象,这些现象可能被描述为“后意识形态”,不能轻易地归入现有的定义类别。如何定义民粹主义的当代形式,这些形式充其量是一种“以瘦为中心”的概念结构,并且可能被更好地理解为一种“表演性”政治,而不是一种独特的世界观?阴谋论构建了怪异和古怪的叙事来解释社会现实,或者结合了极左翼和极右翼分子的反疫苗接种运动,其唯一的统一思想是怀疑精英和科学权威,那么阴谋论呢?我们应该如何看待气候正义运动的千禧年和世界末日话语?我们的政治空间越来越受到新的、意识形态上异质的运动和叙事的挑战,这些运动和叙事很难被识别为不同的思想“集群”,而是更多地在情感或情感层面上发挥作用。联系人Saul Newmans.newman@gold.ac.uk伦敦金史密斯大学政治与国际关系系,英国伦敦政治思想杂志https://doi.org/10.1080/13569317.2023.2225237©2023作者。由Informa UK Limited出版,交易名称为Taylor&Francis Group。这是一篇根据知识共享署名许可条款发布的开放获取文章(http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/),允许在任何媒体上不受限制地使用、分发和复制,前提是正确引用了原作。本文发表的条款允许作者或
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Political Ideologies
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