Pub Date : 2021-07-13DOI: 10.1080/13569317.2021.1954815
Lenon Campos Maschette
ABSTRACT This article aims to re-evaluate Margaret Thatcher’s concept of citizenship and analyse its evolution during her government (1979–1990). It argues that her ideas concerning individuals and their relationship with the state and civil society were a crucial element of her belief system since at least the 1970s. Despite their importance, however, most analyses of Thatcherism have relegated these ideas to a marginal place. A rigorous analysis of speeches, interviews, memoirs and documents shows that Thatcher had reconceptualized the idea of citizenship long before her home secretary Douglas Hurd attempted to rationalize and re-package her ideas for public consumption. However, by the end of the 1980s, when moderate Conservatives such as Hurd turned their attention to this question, it was widely perceived that the Conservative Party required a more humane and coherent concept of citizenship. The article concludes that Thatcher’s ideas about the relationship between individuals, the state and community had a lasting influence on the Conservative and New Labour parties’ concept of citizenship.
{"title":"Revisiting the concept of citizenship in Margaret Thatcher’s government: the individual, the state, and civil society","authors":"Lenon Campos Maschette","doi":"10.1080/13569317.2021.1954815","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13569317.2021.1954815","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article aims to re-evaluate Margaret Thatcher’s concept of citizenship and analyse its evolution during her government (1979–1990). It argues that her ideas concerning individuals and their relationship with the state and civil society were a crucial element of her belief system since at least the 1970s. Despite their importance, however, most analyses of Thatcherism have relegated these ideas to a marginal place. A rigorous analysis of speeches, interviews, memoirs and documents shows that Thatcher had reconceptualized the idea of citizenship long before her home secretary Douglas Hurd attempted to rationalize and re-package her ideas for public consumption. However, by the end of the 1980s, when moderate Conservatives such as Hurd turned their attention to this question, it was widely perceived that the Conservative Party required a more humane and coherent concept of citizenship. The article concludes that Thatcher’s ideas about the relationship between individuals, the state and community had a lasting influence on the Conservative and New Labour parties’ concept of citizenship.","PeriodicalId":47036,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Ideologies","volume":"28 1","pages":"180 - 198"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13569317.2021.1954815","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41401262","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-07DOI: 10.1080/13569317.2021.1947571
E. Mocca
ABSTRACT The EC/EU has been an eminently nation-led project. However, running in parallel, the European municipalist movement, braiding relations among cities across Europe, has sought to build an influential political role for municipalities within the European polity. The study of European municipal cooperation has become a consolidated thread of research in European and Urban Studies. Nonetheless, contributions on the topic tend to focus on the pragmatic aspects of municipal collaborations, glossing over the ideological foundations of European Municipalism. Therefore, by challenging the dominant scholarly view, this article contends that European Municipalism may be considered as a ‘thin-centred’ ideology. To support this argument, the ideological structure of European Municipalism is unbundled by throwing light on its conceptual components. As a result, this article construes European Municipalism as a ‘thin-centred’ political ideology, which postulates universal city-to-city mutualism and proposes a European counter-project built on a polycentric and diffuse conception of power.
{"title":"The municipal gaze on the EU: European municipalism as ideology","authors":"E. Mocca","doi":"10.1080/13569317.2021.1947571","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13569317.2021.1947571","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The EC/EU has been an eminently nation-led project. However, running in parallel, the European municipalist movement, braiding relations among cities across Europe, has sought to build an influential political role for municipalities within the European polity. The study of European municipal cooperation has become a consolidated thread of research in European and Urban Studies. Nonetheless, contributions on the topic tend to focus on the pragmatic aspects of municipal collaborations, glossing over the ideological foundations of European Municipalism. Therefore, by challenging the dominant scholarly view, this article contends that European Municipalism may be considered as a ‘thin-centred’ ideology. To support this argument, the ideological structure of European Municipalism is unbundled by throwing light on its conceptual components. As a result, this article construes European Municipalism as a ‘thin-centred’ political ideology, which postulates universal city-to-city mutualism and proposes a European counter-project built on a polycentric and diffuse conception of power.","PeriodicalId":47036,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Ideologies","volume":"28 1","pages":"143 - 161"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-07-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13569317.2021.1947571","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45356186","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-05DOI: 10.1080/13569317.2021.1949829
K. Brown, A. Mondon, A. Winter
ABSTRACT The study of far-right parties and politics is one of the most high-profile research areas in political science and related disciplines. Far-right parties have been the subject of vast amounts of varied scholarship since their turn-of-the-century resurgence. However, as the far right has become a mainstay, with Brexit and the election of Donald Trump in 2016 blurring the boundaries between mainstream and far-right politics, it has become crucial to pay attention to the process of mainstreaming. Beyond a focus on far-right electoral success, studies of mainstreaming, as well as a critical account of the concept and role of the ‘mainstream’, have proved elusive. This article provides a heuristic framework to understand these concepts and the mainstreaming of the far right. Key to our approach is a more holistic analysis, extending beyond traditional approaches which focus mostly on the electoral outcomes of far-right parties, positioning the mainstream as a relatively inert target or bulwark against them. To achieve this, we seek to reframe the focus towards the centrality of discourse both in the process, and as an outcome, of mainstreaming. Only by doing so can we account for the significant role played by the mainstream in this process.
{"title":"The far right, the mainstream and mainstreaming: towards a heuristic framework","authors":"K. Brown, A. Mondon, A. Winter","doi":"10.1080/13569317.2021.1949829","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13569317.2021.1949829","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The study of far-right parties and politics is one of the most high-profile research areas in political science and related disciplines. Far-right parties have been the subject of vast amounts of varied scholarship since their turn-of-the-century resurgence. However, as the far right has become a mainstay, with Brexit and the election of Donald Trump in 2016 blurring the boundaries between mainstream and far-right politics, it has become crucial to pay attention to the process of mainstreaming. Beyond a focus on far-right electoral success, studies of mainstreaming, as well as a critical account of the concept and role of the ‘mainstream’, have proved elusive. This article provides a heuristic framework to understand these concepts and the mainstreaming of the far right. Key to our approach is a more holistic analysis, extending beyond traditional approaches which focus mostly on the electoral outcomes of far-right parties, positioning the mainstream as a relatively inert target or bulwark against them. To achieve this, we seek to reframe the focus towards the centrality of discourse both in the process, and as an outcome, of mainstreaming. Only by doing so can we account for the significant role played by the mainstream in this process.","PeriodicalId":47036,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Ideologies","volume":"28 1","pages":"162 - 179"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13569317.2021.1949829","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42386449","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-02DOI: 10.1080/13569317.2021.1949161
F. X. Ruiz Collantes
ABSTRACT This article argues that the political category of populism has been constituted, historically, on the basis of political parties and leaders who, in complex performative processes, have been defined as populists. Those performative processes have been implemented in hegemonic academic, media and political discourses that are underpinned by ideological biases and political stratagems. As a consequence, the political category of populism is incoherent and diffuse, while the predominant explanations of populism, deriving mainly from Cas Mudde and Ernesto Laclau, have led to broad and generic definitions. Those definitions are inconsistent, given that they not only can be applied to political leaders and parties designated as populist, but also to almost any other political party or leader who, in their specific historical context, questions the democratic credentials of an existing political system, while proposing themselves as the standard bearer for the only legitimate and true democracy. Proposed in this article, therefore, is the creation of a new political category called ‘democratic legitimism’ or ‘demo-legitimism’, which would include populist discourse as just one of many types of demo-legitimist discourses. Use of the term ‘demo-legitimism’ rather than the term ‘populism’ may foster a more open debate on democracy.
{"title":"From populism to democratic legitimism: towards a radical reconsideration of populism as a political category","authors":"F. X. Ruiz Collantes","doi":"10.1080/13569317.2021.1949161","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13569317.2021.1949161","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article argues that the political category of populism has been constituted, historically, on the basis of political parties and leaders who, in complex performative processes, have been defined as populists. Those performative processes have been implemented in hegemonic academic, media and political discourses that are underpinned by ideological biases and political stratagems. As a consequence, the political category of populism is incoherent and diffuse, while the predominant explanations of populism, deriving mainly from Cas Mudde and Ernesto Laclau, have led to broad and generic definitions. Those definitions are inconsistent, given that they not only can be applied to political leaders and parties designated as populist, but also to almost any other political party or leader who, in their specific historical context, questions the democratic credentials of an existing political system, while proposing themselves as the standard bearer for the only legitimate and true democracy. Proposed in this article, therefore, is the creation of a new political category called ‘democratic legitimism’ or ‘demo-legitimism’, which would include populist discourse as just one of many types of demo-legitimist discourses. Use of the term ‘demo-legitimism’ rather than the term ‘populism’ may foster a more open debate on democracy.","PeriodicalId":47036,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Ideologies","volume":"27 1","pages":"188 - 206"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13569317.2021.1949161","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41740111","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-10DOI: 10.1080/13569317.2021.1916199
F. Lizárraga
ABSTRACT In the face of various objections to egalitarianism, this article examines Edward Bellamy’s insightful rebuttal to the principle of self-ownership. The main purpose is to make sense of Bellamy’s egalitarianism rather than mounting a full-fledged critique against one of the key concepts of libertarianism. First, I present the principle of self-ownership and Bellamy’s early objections, encompassing arguments based on fraternity as a social duty and the right to life as prior to the right to property. Second, I analyse Bellamy’s conception of talents as a common asset and his outright condemnation of self-ownership as a ‘fraudulent principle’, because it allows those with better natural and social endowments to take advantage in the economic domain. Third, I tease out the egalitarian dismissal of material incentives, founded on the idea that it is wrong to conflate effort as a moral matter, with economic reward, which is an economic issue. Lastly, I take up Bellamy’s visionary rejection of the proposition according to which liberty upsets equality and show that the utopian argument is based on the idea that it is inequality that jeopardizes liberty.
{"title":"The rejection of self-ownership in Edward Bellamy’s egalitarian utopia","authors":"F. Lizárraga","doi":"10.1080/13569317.2021.1916199","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13569317.2021.1916199","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In the face of various objections to egalitarianism, this article examines Edward Bellamy’s insightful rebuttal to the principle of self-ownership. The main purpose is to make sense of Bellamy’s egalitarianism rather than mounting a full-fledged critique against one of the key concepts of libertarianism. First, I present the principle of self-ownership and Bellamy’s early objections, encompassing arguments based on fraternity as a social duty and the right to life as prior to the right to property. Second, I analyse Bellamy’s conception of talents as a common asset and his outright condemnation of self-ownership as a ‘fraudulent principle’, because it allows those with better natural and social endowments to take advantage in the economic domain. Third, I tease out the egalitarian dismissal of material incentives, founded on the idea that it is wrong to conflate effort as a moral matter, with economic reward, which is an economic issue. Lastly, I take up Bellamy’s visionary rejection of the proposition according to which liberty upsets equality and show that the utopian argument is based on the idea that it is inequality that jeopardizes liberty.","PeriodicalId":47036,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Ideologies","volume":"27 1","pages":"94 - 111"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13569317.2021.1916199","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47839515","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-10DOI: 10.1080/13569317.2021.1916201
Mirko Palestrino
ABSTRACT That populism is ubiquitous in both politics and political debate is an established argument. Its ever-increasing popularity as an object of academic research is no secret either. And yet, what makes populist politics so popular? How is ‘take back control’ such a contested slogan and yet so powerful and resonant? Building on recent work in International Relations (IR) Theory, this article offers a critical reading of Ernesto Laclau’s theorization of populism that foregrounds affect and temporality – two aspects he falls short of properly unpacking. As a result, the article accounts for the emotional resonance (and political success) of populist subjects and clarifies the process of antagonization separating ‘the People’ from its political rivals. After briefly sketching the contours of Laclau’s theory and explain the role affect plays in it, the article advances a theorization of affect as economic that complements Laclau’s account of the ‘form’ of affect, with one of its ‘force’. Second, the article turns to ‘timing theory’ to shed light on ‘the People’s’ complicity in the social construction of time, thereby explaining both its emotional appeal and its antagonism. These theoretical propositions are illustrated through the example of Berlusconi’s first government.
{"title":"Neglected times: Laclau, affect, and temporality","authors":"Mirko Palestrino","doi":"10.1080/13569317.2021.1916201","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13569317.2021.1916201","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT That populism is ubiquitous in both politics and political debate is an established argument. Its ever-increasing popularity as an object of academic research is no secret either. And yet, what makes populist politics so popular? How is ‘take back control’ such a contested slogan and yet so powerful and resonant? Building on recent work in International Relations (IR) Theory, this article offers a critical reading of Ernesto Laclau’s theorization of populism that foregrounds affect and temporality – two aspects he falls short of properly unpacking. As a result, the article accounts for the emotional resonance (and political success) of populist subjects and clarifies the process of antagonization separating ‘the People’ from its political rivals. After briefly sketching the contours of Laclau’s theory and explain the role affect plays in it, the article advances a theorization of affect as economic that complements Laclau’s account of the ‘form’ of affect, with one of its ‘force’. Second, the article turns to ‘timing theory’ to shed light on ‘the People’s’ complicity in the social construction of time, thereby explaining both its emotional appeal and its antagonism. These theoretical propositions are illustrated through the example of Berlusconi’s first government.","PeriodicalId":47036,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Ideologies","volume":"27 1","pages":"226 - 245"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13569317.2021.1916201","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47053386","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-07DOI: 10.1080/13569317.2021.1921940
Sean Fleming
ABSTRACT Theodore Kaczynski, better known as the Unabomber, is one of America’s most infamous domestic terrorists. His 1995 Manifesto, ‘Industrial Society and Its Future’, is well known and influential among radicals of many stripes, yet surprisingly little has been written about it. This article uncovers the origins of Kaczynski’s ideas and examines his influence on contemporary anti-tech radicalism. Using newly discovered archival material, I reveal the sources that Kaczynski deliberately concealed in the 1995 Washington Post version of his Manifesto. My excavation of his sources shows that his ideology is more novel than the common ‘eco-terrorist’, ‘green anarchist’, and ‘neo-Luddite’ labels suggest. His Manifesto is a synthesis of ideas from three well known academics: French philosopher Jacques Ellul, British zoologist Desmond Morris, and American psychologist Martin Seligman. Further, I show that it is necessary to understand Kaczynski’s distinct combination of ideas in order to understand the anti-tech radical groups that he has inspired, such as the Mexican terrorist group Individualidades Tendiendo a lo Salvaje (ITS). The ideological novelty of anti-tech radicalism has been overlooked because, like Kaczynski himself, it has been mistaken for radical environmentalism or green anarchism.
摘要西奥多·卡钦斯基（Theodore Kaczynski）是美国国内最臭名昭著的恐怖分子之一。他1995年的宣言《工业社会及其未来》在各种激进分子中都很有名，也很有影响力，但令人惊讶的是，关于它的文章却很少。这篇文章揭示了卡钦斯基思想的起源，并考察了他对当代反科技激进主义的影响。利用新发现的档案材料，我揭示了卡钦斯基在1995年《华盛顿邮报》版本的《宣言》中故意隐瞒的来源。我对他的来源的挖掘表明，他的意识形态比常见的“生态恐怖分子”、“绿色无政府主义者”和“新卢德分子”标签所暗示的更新颖。他的宣言综合了三位著名学者的观点：法国哲学家雅克·埃鲁尔、英国动物学家德斯蒙德·莫里斯和美国心理学家马丁·塞利格曼。此外，我表明，有必要了解卡钦斯基独特的思想组合，以了解他所激发的反科技激进组织，如墨西哥恐怖组织Individualdades Tendiendo a lo Salvaje（ITS）。反科技激进主义的意识形态新颖性被忽视了，因为和卡钦斯基本人一样，它被误认为是激进的环保主义或绿色无政府主义。
{"title":"The Unabomber and the origins of anti-tech radicalism","authors":"Sean Fleming","doi":"10.1080/13569317.2021.1921940","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13569317.2021.1921940","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Theodore Kaczynski, better known as the Unabomber, is one of America’s most infamous domestic terrorists. His 1995 Manifesto, ‘Industrial Society and Its Future’, is well known and influential among radicals of many stripes, yet surprisingly little has been written about it. This article uncovers the origins of Kaczynski’s ideas and examines his influence on contemporary anti-tech radicalism. Using newly discovered archival material, I reveal the sources that Kaczynski deliberately concealed in the 1995 Washington Post version of his Manifesto. My excavation of his sources shows that his ideology is more novel than the common ‘eco-terrorist’, ‘green anarchist’, and ‘neo-Luddite’ labels suggest. His Manifesto is a synthesis of ideas from three well known academics: French philosopher Jacques Ellul, British zoologist Desmond Morris, and American psychologist Martin Seligman. Further, I show that it is necessary to understand Kaczynski’s distinct combination of ideas in order to understand the anti-tech radical groups that he has inspired, such as the Mexican terrorist group Individualidades Tendiendo a lo Salvaje (ITS). The ideological novelty of anti-tech radicalism has been overlooked because, like Kaczynski himself, it has been mistaken for radical environmentalism or green anarchism.","PeriodicalId":47036,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Ideologies","volume":"27 1","pages":"207 - 225"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-05-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13569317.2021.1921940","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46161668","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-06DOI: 10.1080/13569317.2021.1921937
Jenny Gunnarsson Payne, Sofie Tornhill
ABSTRACT Contemporary left-wing feminist and queer politics finds itself in a double-bind between on the one hand neoliberal and corporate embracement of gender equality and sexual diversity, and (neo)conservative anti-gender mobilization on the other. In anti-gender discourse, feminist and queer politics is commonly seen to be backed up and disseminated by global corporations. Thus, in a time when nationalist ultra-conservative movements are increasingly challenging neoliberal hegemony and political and economic elites, there is a need for progressive movements on the left to understand specifically how anti-gender rhetoric is underpinned by a critique of corporate power. Through empirical analysis of the Canadian-based web-portal LifeSite, this article examines the ideological ‘grip’ of anti-establishment anti-gender discourse as well as the weakest points in its critique of market capitalism and corporate power in order to identify entry points for their politically effective contestation.
{"title":"The enemy’s enemy: feminism at the crossroads of neoliberal co-optation and anti-gender conservatism","authors":"Jenny Gunnarsson Payne, Sofie Tornhill","doi":"10.1080/13569317.2021.1921937","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13569317.2021.1921937","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Contemporary left-wing feminist and queer politics finds itself in a double-bind between on the one hand neoliberal and corporate embracement of gender equality and sexual diversity, and (neo)conservative anti-gender mobilization on the other. In anti-gender discourse, feminist and queer politics is commonly seen to be backed up and disseminated by global corporations. Thus, in a time when nationalist ultra-conservative movements are increasingly challenging neoliberal hegemony and political and economic elites, there is a need for progressive movements on the left to understand specifically how anti-gender rhetoric is underpinned by a critique of corporate power. Through empirical analysis of the Canadian-based web-portal LifeSite, this article examines the ideological ‘grip’ of anti-establishment anti-gender discourse as well as the weakest points in its critique of market capitalism and corporate power in order to identify entry points for their politically effective contestation.","PeriodicalId":47036,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Ideologies","volume":"28 1","pages":"62 - 82"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-05-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13569317.2021.1921937","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45111775","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-30DOI: 10.1080/13569317.2021.1916206
Jan Niklas Rolf
ABSTRACT ‘Unity in Diversity’ – this motto of the 2021 Games in Tokyo nicely expresses the tension between universalism and particularism that besets not only the Olympic Games, but almost every aspect of international politics today. Treating the Olympics as a microcosm, this article explores whether the Games are able to overcome that tension. It is argued that their specific symbols, rituals and myths have been hijacked by nationalist ones, to which the International Olympic Committee responded by advancing cosmopolitan ones, as a result of which the Games are effectively contested from both ends of the universalist–particularist spectrum. While this disqualifies Olympism to serve as a viable middle ground and facilitator of peace, the Games may still act as a substitute for war by directing our constant struggle for national identity into peaceful channels. The nationalist penetration of the Games should therefore not be resented but welcomed for the sake of peace.
{"title":"Olympism, cosmopolitanism, nationalism: the many face(t)s of the Olympics","authors":"Jan Niklas Rolf","doi":"10.1080/13569317.2021.1916206","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13569317.2021.1916206","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT ‘Unity in Diversity’ – this motto of the 2021 Games in Tokyo nicely expresses the tension between universalism and particularism that besets not only the Olympic Games, but almost every aspect of international politics today. Treating the Olympics as a microcosm, this article explores whether the Games are able to overcome that tension. It is argued that their specific symbols, rituals and myths have been hijacked by nationalist ones, to which the International Olympic Committee responded by advancing cosmopolitan ones, as a result of which the Games are effectively contested from both ends of the universalist–particularist spectrum. While this disqualifies Olympism to serve as a viable middle ground and facilitator of peace, the Games may still act as a substitute for war by directing our constant struggle for national identity into peaceful channels. The nationalist penetration of the Games should therefore not be resented but welcomed for the sake of peace.","PeriodicalId":47036,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Ideologies","volume":"28 1","pages":"102 - 120"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13569317.2021.1916206","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44748882","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-20DOI: 10.1080/13569317.2021.1916203
G. Daly
ABSTRACT Building on Hegel’s speculative philosophy, this paper seeks to engage critically with Ernesto Laclau’s highly influential theory of ideology. Three central points of contention are developed. First, while Laclau’s view of ideological distortion as a distortion of a lack is well taken, the paper affirms that in order to sustain itself this distortion becomes a paradoxical two, or in Hegelian terms an oppositional unity. The distortive illusion of fullness (the concealment of basic lack) only becomes operational via a reciprocal supplementary distortive illusion of an external obstacle to that fullness – the illusion of fullness is thus sustained by its opposite. Second, in contrast to Laclau’s view of the extra-discursive as a distant imaginary, it is argued that the existing capitalist power structure functions effectively as its own extra-discursive in a far more immediate sense in the organization of reality. Third, the real problem of ideology is not simply that (extra-discursive) closure is absent and has to be imposed but rather that the very proximity of closure generates unbearable tensions and antagonisms that need to be externalized and re-staged in more manageable ways. Drawing on a range of examples, the paper aims to synthesize an alternative speculative approach to ideology.
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