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The Work of Ronald P. Dore and Pacific Affairs 罗纳德·多尔的工作与太平洋事务
IF 1.6 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI: 10.5509/2019924685
Apichai W. Shipper
This introductory essay discusses Ronald Dore's academic career and contributions. As an "accidental Japanologist," Dore made enormous contributions to the understanding of Japanese society. As a sociologist, he rigorously employed a sociological approach to the study of comparative political economy with profound moral-philosophical reflections. By doing so, he helped to correct our misunderstanding of education, development, and internationalization—topics of extensive discussion in the following essays. Among his numerous contributions to Pacific Affairs between 1952 and 2008, Dore wrote three essays covering these topics during the 1970s. Amazingly, his ideas as presented in these essays still resonate today.
这篇介绍性文章讨论了罗纳德·多尔的学术生涯和贡献。多尔作为一位“偶然的日本学家”,对理解日本社会做出了巨大贡献。作为一名社会学家,他严格运用社会学方法研究比较政治经济学,并进行了深刻的道德哲学思考。通过这样做,他帮助纠正了我们对教育、发展和国际化的误解——这些都是下面文章中广泛讨论的话题。在1952年至2008年期间,多尔对太平洋事务做出了众多贡献,其中包括在20世纪70年代写了三篇关于这些主题的文章。令人惊讶的是,他在这些文章中提出的观点至今仍能引起共鸣。
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引用次数: 1
Thailand's 2019 Vote: The General's Election 泰国2019年大选投票
IF 1.6 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.5509/2019923443
Jacob I. Ricks
Thailand’s March 2019 ballot was the first for the country since 2011, and for many it signaled the potential end of the military junta’s five-year rule. But was it truly a return to democracy? This essay argues that the election was far from a democratization event. Instead, it was a highly orchestrated exercise to ensure authoritarian longevity. The junta employed techniques of institutional engineering as well as managing the election’s outcomes in an effort to extend the premiership of Prayuth Chan-ocha despite increasing pressure for a return to civilian rule. The results of the election suggest that Thai society continues to exhibit deep divisions between those who support and those who oppose military interventions in politics. I further contend that the election should be seen as part of the continuing struggle by conservative forces in society to maintain their dominance in politics despite demands from other segments of the population for equal representation, a contest which is far from over.
泰国2019年3月的投票是该国自2011年以来的首次投票,对许多人来说,这标志着军政府五年统治的可能结束。但这真的是回归民主吗?这篇文章认为这次选举远非民主化事件。相反,这是一次精心策划的演习,目的是确保威权主义的长期存在。尽管要求恢复文官统治的压力越来越大,但军政府还是采用了制度工程和管理选举结果的技术,努力延长巴育·占奥查的总理任期。选举结果表明,泰国社会继续表现出支持和反对军事干预政治的人之间的深刻分歧。我进一步认为,这次选举应该被视为社会中保守势力持续斗争的一部分,以保持其在政治中的主导地位,尽管其他阶层的人口要求平等代表权,这场竞争远未结束。
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引用次数: 13
Many Votes, Little Voice: Indonesia's 2019 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections 投票多,声音小:印尼2019年总统和议会选举
IF 1.6 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.5509/2019923459
Olle Törnquist
The recent Indonesian elections signalled relative stability in spite of the rise of contentious politics. To explain this, the article first discusses the way the incumbent Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s administration has handled the rise of Muslim populism sponsored by his political opponents. This has included a reliance on illiberal measures, the political adjustment and “triangulation” of his policies, and a revival of Indonesia’s socio-religious and ethnic politics. Second, the article provides a longer historical perspective to show how the failure to restore the liberal parliamentary politics of the 1950s, and the inability to sustain the popular reforms of the mid-2000s that brought Jokowi to power, constitute more fundamental explanations both for the undermining of Indonesia’s democracy and for the provisional political stability.
最近的印尼选举表明,尽管有争议的政治抬头,但局势相对稳定。为了解释这一点,文章首先讨论了现任佐科·“佐科维”·维多多政府如何应对其政治对手发起的穆斯林民粹主义的兴起。这包括对非自由措施的依赖、对其政策的政治调整和“三角化”,以及印尼社会宗教和种族政治的复兴。其次,这篇文章提供了一个更长的历史视角,展示了未能恢复20世纪50年代的自由主义议会政治,以及无法维持2000年代中期佐科维上台的民众改革,是如何对印度尼西亚民主和临时政治稳定的破坏做出更根本的解释。
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引用次数: 5
From Trade to Investment: ASEAN and AFTA in the Era of the "New Regionalism" 从贸易到投资:“新地区主义”时代的东盟和东盟自由贸易区
IF 1.6 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.5509/2019923533
Jürgen Rüland
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引用次数: 3
Asian Regionalism: Not so New, Not so Effective 亚洲地区主义:不那么新鲜,不那么有效
IF 1.6 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.5509/2019923515
M. Beeson
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引用次数: 2
Southeast Asian Regionalism and Global Capitalism Revisited 重新审视东南亚地区主义与全球资本主义
IF 1.6 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.5509/2019923541
P. Bowles
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引用次数: 2
Japan's Agenda Setting to Lower the Voting Age from 20 to 18: Prioritizing Constitutional Revision over Democratic Legitimacy 日本将投票年龄从20岁降低到18岁的议程:优先考虑修宪而非民主合法性
IF 1.6 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.5509/2019923419
Y. Takao
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引用次数: 3
India 2019: A Transformative Election? 2019年印度:一场变革性的选举?
IF 1.6 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.5509/2019923475
R. Jenkins
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引用次数: 1
ASEAN and AFTA: Slow but Steady Progress through Managed Evolution 东盟和东盟自由贸易区:通过有管理的演变缓慢而稳定地前进
IF 1.6 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.5509/2019923525
R. Stubbs
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引用次数: 2
The Richness of Financial Nationalism: The Case of China 金融民族主义的丰富性——以中国为例
IF 1.6 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-06-01 DOI: 10.5509/2019922211
E. Helleiner, Hongying Wang
Financial nationalism has received little attention in the literature on Chinese nationalism. Nor has China been a focus of the emerging literature on comparative financial nationalism. This is surprising as financial matters were central to modern Chinese nationalism when it began to take shape in the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries, and financial nationalism remains influential in contemporary China, which has undoubtedly become a major actor in the international financial system today. Our exploration of Chinese financial nationalism seeks to begin to fill this gap in both sets of literature. This article examines three areas of concern shared by Chinese financial nationalists past and present: currency, foreign financial institutions in China, and international borrowing/lending. We find that, as China’s position in the international power hierarchy has evolved, the nature of financial nationalism has changed, from a largely inward and defensive orientation to an increasingly outward orientation. Our study also reveals diverse strands of thinking among Chinese financial nationalists, both now and in the earlier historical era, according to whether they hold a zero-sum or positive-sum conception of international financial relations. The case of China shows the richness of financial nationalism and highlights the importance of a nuanced understanding of this phenomenon.
金融民族主义在有关中国民族主义的文献中很少受到关注。中国也不是新兴金融民族主义文学的焦点。这令人惊讶,因为金融问题是现代中国民族主义的核心,当它在19世纪和20世纪开始形成时,金融民族主义在当代中国仍然具有影响力,而当代中国无疑已成为当今国际金融体系的主要参与者。我们对中国金融民族主义的探索试图开始填补这两组文献中的空白。本文考察了中国金融民族主义者过去和现在共同关注的三个领域:货币、在华外国金融机构和国际借贷。我们发现,随着中国在国际权力等级中的地位的演变,金融民族主义的性质发生了变化,从主要的内向和防御取向转变为越来越外向的取向。我们的研究还揭示了中国金融民族主义者的不同思维方式,无论是在现在还是在早期历史时期,根据他们对国际金融关系的看法是零和还是正和。中国的案例显示了金融民族主义的丰富性,并强调了对这一现象进行细致理解的重要性。
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引用次数: 9
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Pacific Affairs
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