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Syncretism in the Hindu Right as Intentionally Incomplete Proximity 印度教权利的融合是故意的不完全接近
IF 1.6 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.5509/202295127
Felix Pal
Religious syncretism can function as an instrument of inter-group control and domination. Rather than consistently promoting cross-religious forbearance and knowledge, syncretism enables a proximity that allows forms of violence otherwise inaccessible to religious majoritarian groups. By choreographing performances of syncretism between themselves and a subordinate religious community, organizations like the Indian Hindu nationalist Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) produce an intentionally incomplete proximity. This proximity draws close minority groups like the RSS' Muslim wing, the Muslim Rashtriya Manch, but without allowing final inclusion or incorporation. Muslim proximity to the RSS becomes a spectacle of humiliation and domination rather than a measure of inclusion into the Hindu right. Muslims must perform Hindu nationalist religious rituals, while denigrating mainstream Islamic tradition. Drawing on extensive interview- based fieldwork with the RSS and the Manch, I argue that syncretism can function as domination because it reinforces ethnic hierarchies, but that this domination is not a form of hierarchical encompassment. Rather, subordinate religious groups are kept in a perpetual humiliating limbo as a way to reify the superiority of a dominant religious group.
宗教融合可以作为群体间控制和统治的工具。融合主义不是一贯地促进跨宗教的宽容和知识,而是使一种接近,使宗教多数派团体无法获得的各种形式的暴力成为可能。像印度印度教民族主义组织Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)这样的组织,通过编排他们自己和下属宗教团体之间的融合表演,故意制造了一种不完全的接近。这种接近性吸引了像RSS的穆斯林分支穆斯林拉什特里亚曼奇这样的少数群体,但不允许最终纳入或合并。穆斯林接近RSS成为羞辱和统治的奇观,而不是融入印度教右翼的衡量标准。穆斯林必须进行印度教民族主义的宗教仪式,同时诋毁主流的伊斯兰传统。基于对RSS和Manch的广泛访谈,我认为融合主义可以作为统治,因为它强化了种族等级,但这种统治不是等级包围的一种形式。相反,作为一种体现主导宗教团体优越性的方式,从属宗教团体被永久地置于屈辱的边缘。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond Mall Christianity: Megachurches Navigating Southeast Asian Urbanism 超越商场基督教:大型教会引领东南亚都市主义
IF 1.6 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.5509/20229515
T. Chong, Daniel P. S. Goh
The global spread of Pentecostalism has been facilitated by a combination of transnational impulses and indigenizing interests. In the case of independent Pentecostal megachurches, their growth in urban centres is reflected in both Western and Asian societies. Megachurches in America and Southeast Asia have flourished because of their unique blend of middle- class congregants, appeal to consumerist and popular culture, as well as their compatibility with the urban lifestyle patterns of their congregants. However, it would be a mistake to assume that the drivers of growth and the conditions behind the common features of these megachurches are the same. Examining Jakarta, Surabaya, Kuala Lumpur, and Manila, we show that megachurches are not located in shopping malls and commercial complexes merely for growth purposes or to align with the consumerism ethos of capitalism. Deeply local concerns, such as hostile neighbourhoods dominated by Muslim or Catholic majorities, have led to the camouflaging of Christian symbols in urban settings. The purposeful targeting of youth also reveals the Southeast Asian megachurch engaging with the new urban mobilities triggered by rapid economic development. We conclude that the Southeast Asian city's structure and layout are being repurposed by Christian innovation and reinterpretation. Christianity in the Southeast Asian city is hidden in plain sight.
跨国冲动和本土化利益的结合促进了五旬节主义在全球的传播。就独立的五旬节大教堂而言,它们在城市中心的发展反映在西方和亚洲社会中。美国和东南亚的大教堂之所以蓬勃发展,是因为它们独特地融合了中产阶级会众,吸引了消费主义和流行文化,并与会众的城市生活方式相兼容。然而,如果认为这些大教堂的增长驱动力和共同特征背后的条件是相同的,那就大错特错了。考察雅加达、泗水、吉隆坡和马尼拉,我们发现大型教堂位于购物中心和商业综合体并不仅仅是为了增长或与资本主义的消费主义精神保持一致。当地根深蒂固的担忧,比如穆斯林或天主教占多数的敌对社区,导致了基督教象征在城市环境中的伪装。有目的地针对年轻人也揭示了东南亚大教堂参与了由快速经济发展引发的新的城市流动。我们得出的结论是,东南亚城市的结构和布局正被基督教的创新和重新诠释所重新利用。东南亚城市的基督教隐藏在众目睽睽之下。
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引用次数: 0
Indonesia's Promotion of UN Migrant Protection Norms in ASEAN 印尼在东盟推动联合国移民保护规范
IF 1.6 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.5509/202295175
Ruji Auethavornpipat, W. Palmer
Scholars have devoted insufficient attention to Indonesia's foreign policy on migrant worker protection, especially as mobilized in multilateral institutions. This article addresses such knowledge gaps by analyzing why Indonesia has, for almost two decades, persistently promoted the United Nations Migrant Worker Convention in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) despite constant pushback from migrant-receiving countries. It argues that Indonesia's persistence is driven by its locally constituted meaning of migrant worker rights. In particular, this article advances the critical norms approach in international relations to demonstrate that its interpretation is influenced by "Indonesia's normative baggage," or past experiences with labour migration that have too frequently dealt with the exploitation of Indonesian citizens abroad. This normative baggage in turn shapes the country's diplomacy and promotion of convention standards deemed appropriate for safeguarding Indonesian migrants in ASEAN. In presenting the argument, this article contributes to the study of labour migration by scrutinizing Indonesia's foreign policy on migrant protection and unpacking norm interpretation processes that are necessary in international negotiations.
学者们对印度尼西亚保护移徙工人的外交政策,特别是在多边机构中动员起来的政策关注不够。本文通过分析为什么印度尼西亚在近二十年来不顾移民接收国的不断抵制,坚持在东南亚国家联盟(东盟)推动《联合国移民工人公约》,来解决这些知识差距。它认为,印度尼西亚的坚持是由其本地构成的农民工权利意义所驱动的。特别是,本文提出了国际关系中的关键规范方法,以证明其解释受到“印度尼西亚的规范包袱”或过去的劳工移民经验的影响,这些经验过于频繁地涉及对海外印度尼西亚公民的剥削。这种规范性的包袱反过来影响了该国的外交和促进被认为适合保护印尼移民在东盟的公约标准。在提出这一论点时,本文通过仔细审查印度尼西亚关于移民保护的外交政策和揭示国际谈判中必要的规范解释过程,有助于研究劳工迁移。
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引用次数: 2
Feeling "Superstitious": Affect and the Land in the Marquesas Islands 感觉“迷信”:情感与马克萨斯群岛的土地
IF 1.6 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.5509/202295149
Emily C. Donaldson
For many Indigenous peoples, ancestral lands are a source of nourishment, strength, and sovereignty that counteracts colonial legacies of violence and hegemony. However, the feelings associated with place and the land can also be complicated by embodied fear and ambivalence. What happens when the remnants of colonialism feed feelings of ambivalence, shame, or fear of the land? How do these lasting emotional scars on Indigenous minds and bodies impact Native place-making, today? This paper problematizes the role of ancestral lands and affective place-making in shaping Indigenous identity, sovereignty, resource management, and sustainability. In the Marquesas Islands of French Polynesia, ancestral places are felt as much as seen, and the spirits that dwell there can be dangerous. The active concealment of these Marquesan reactions and relationships to place illustrates the blending of colonial and Indigenous histories and values in ambivalent, affective experiences on the land. Thus, even as islanders work to revitalize their traditional culture and build a sustainable future based on ancestral places, reticence complicates local relationships to the land and the vital hopes they represent. As global sustainability efforts emphasize the conservation of lands inhabited by Indigenous communities, recognizing the conflicted, emplaced emotions and experiences of local peoples will be a key part of understanding such areas and how to preserve them.
对许多土著人民来说,祖先的土地是营养、力量和主权的来源,可以抵消暴力和霸权的殖民遗产。然而,与地方和土地相关的情感也可能因具体的恐惧和矛盾心理而变得复杂。当殖民主义的残余助长了对土地的矛盾、羞耻或恐惧时,会发生什么?今天,这些在土著人的思想和身体上留下的持久情感创伤是如何影响土著人的地方建设的?本文探讨了祖先土地和情感场所在塑造土著身份、主权、资源管理和可持续性方面的作用。在法属波利尼西亚的马克萨斯群岛,祖先的地方和人们看到的一样多,居住在那里的灵魂可能很危险。这些马尔克斯人对地方的反应和关系的积极隐藏,说明了殖民地和土著历史和价值观在土地上矛盾的情感体验中的融合。因此,即使岛民努力振兴他们的传统文化,并在祖先的基础上建设一个可持续的未来,沉默也会使当地与土地的关系以及他们所代表的重要希望变得复杂。由于全球可持续发展努力强调保护土著社区居住的土地,认识到当地人民冲突、根深蒂固的情感和经历将是理解这些地区以及如何保护这些地区的关键部分。
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引用次数: 1
Developing Social Security Schemes for Small Island Economies: Lessons from Fiji's COVID-19 Experience 制定小岛屿经济体社会保障计划:斐济新冠肺炎经验教训
IF 1.6 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.5509/202295199
Aruna Gounder
COVID-19 has triggered deep economic damage and devastated livelihoods to an extent never before experienced. It has revealed socio-economic vulnerabilities and so can be used as a learning platform in preparing for future shocks. In particular, it has exposed the vulnerability of households to sudden, severe, and prolonged income shock, the significance of social security as a shock response tool, and the importance of household resilience for macroeconomic stability. This study uses the pandemic as an opportunity to understand the resilience of Fijian households to profound and prolonged income shocks, given these households' social, cultural, and economic setting. It evaluates national response strategies, household coping mechanisms, and gaps in the current social security measures in Fiji. This evaluation reveals several key lessons for a systematic response to any future shocks. The lessons may prove beneficial not only for Fiji, but also for other similar economies in the region. Policy makers can build on the operational learning and capacity developed during the pandemic, reinforce existing social security systems, and be better prepared for future income shocks. Fiji and other Pacific Island economies are highly vulnerable to climate-related risks and have endured the adverse economic effects of some extremely intense natural disasters. It is important for these economies to strengthen household resilience and develop sustainable and broad-based programs for social protection.
新冠肺炎引发了严重的经济破坏,生计遭受了前所未有的破坏。它揭示了社会经济的脆弱性,因此可以作为应对未来冲击的学习平台。特别是,它暴露了家庭在突然、严重和长期的收入冲击中的脆弱性,社会保障作为应对冲击工具的重要性,以及家庭韧性对宏观经济稳定的重要性。这项研究利用疫情作为一个机会,了解斐济家庭在社会、文化和经济环境下对深刻和长期收入冲击的抵御能力。它评估了斐济的国家应对战略、家庭应对机制以及当前社会保障措施中的差距。这项评估揭示了系统应对未来任何冲击的几个关键经验教训。这些教训可能不仅对斐济有利,对该地区其他类似经济体也有利。政策制定者可以在疫情期间发展的业务学习和能力的基础上,加强现有的社会保障体系,并为未来的收入冲击做好更好的准备。斐济和其他太平洋岛屿经济体极易受到气候相关风险的影响,并承受了一些极其严重的自然灾害的不利经济影响。对这些经济体来说,重要的是要加强家庭抵御能力,制定可持续和基础广泛的社会保护计划。
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引用次数: 1
"China's Chernobyl": COVID-19 Narratives of Collapse and Global Domination “中国的切尔诺贝利”:COVID-19对崩溃和全球统治的叙述
IF 1.6 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.5509/2021944683
Barry Sautman
In COVID-19's first months, US politicians and media forecast that a contrast between Chinese deception and incapability and Western success against the pandemic might fatally sink internal confidence in China's party-state. They also predicted that it would diminish China externally, as it came to be seen as endangering the world by spreading biological pollution. A "China's Chernobyl" prediction became the latest "China collapse" wish-fulfillment. This speculation rests on two contradictory yet co-existing Yellow Peril tropes: "deceit and incompetence" and "world domination." However, no empirical basis exists for either notion: China prevailed against the pandemic and lacks the capacity for global hegemony. "China's Chernobyl" is most relevant then as a wish that creates a belief, that China should and could collapse. That in turn bolsters the US-led mobilization to counter China as a "strong competitor" and frames China as the common enemy, thereby promoting Western transnational and US internal cohesion.
在新冠肺炎的头几个月,美国政界人士和媒体预测,中国的欺骗和无能与西方在抗击疫情方面的成功之间的对比可能会致命地削弱内部对中国政党国家的信心。他们还预测,这将从外部削弱中国,因为它被视为通过传播生物污染危害世界。一个“中国切尔诺贝利”的预言成为最新的“中国崩溃”愿望的实现。这种猜测基于两个相互矛盾但同时存在的黄祸比喻:“欺骗和无能”和“统治世界”。然而,这两个概念都不存在经验基础:中国战胜了疫情,缺乏全球霸权的能力。“中国的切尔诺贝利”是一个最相关的愿望,它创造了一种信念,即中国应该也可能崩溃。这反过来又加强了美国领导的动员,将中国视为“强大的竞争对手”进行对抗,并将中国界定为共同的敌人,从而促进了西方跨国和美国内部的凝聚力。
{"title":"\"China's Chernobyl\": COVID-19 Narratives of Collapse and Global Domination","authors":"Barry Sautman","doi":"10.5509/2021944683","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5509/2021944683","url":null,"abstract":"In COVID-19's first months, US politicians and media forecast that a contrast between Chinese deception and incapability and Western success against the pandemic might fatally sink internal confidence in China's party-state. They also predicted that it would diminish China externally,\u0000 as it came to be seen as endangering the world by spreading biological pollution. A \"China's Chernobyl\" prediction became the latest \"China collapse\" wish-fulfillment. This speculation rests on two contradictory yet co-existing Yellow Peril tropes: \"deceit and incompetence\" and \"world domination.\"\u0000 However, no empirical basis exists for either notion: China prevailed against the pandemic and lacks the capacity for global hegemony. \"China's Chernobyl\" is most relevant then as a wish that creates a belief, that China should and could collapse. That in turn bolsters the US-led mobilization\u0000 to counter China as a \"strong competitor\" and frames China as the common enemy, thereby promoting Western transnational and US internal cohesion.","PeriodicalId":47041,"journal":{"name":"Pacific Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46386399","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Finding a Chulu (Way Out): Rural-origin Chinese Students Studying Abroad in South Korea 寻找出路:在韩国留学的中国农村学生
IF 1.6 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.5509/2021944661
Shanshan Lan
Based on multi-site research in China and South Korea, this paper examines the motivations for rural-origin Chinese students to study abroad in South Korea and how their overseas experiences are mediated by both internal and international educational hierarchies. Existing literature on transnational student mobility from Asia mainly focuses on students from urban middle-class backgrounds, while little attention has been paid to students from less advantaged backgrounds. Scholars have noted that China's seemingly meritocratic gaokao (national college entrance exam) policy in reality functions to perpetuate the structural marginalization of rural students in its educational system. This research moves beyond the internal migration paradigm by examining how social inequalities associated with the rural/urban divide are reproduced and re-articulated by the intersection of class, gender, place of origin, and time management at the transnational scale.
基于对中韩两国的多点研究,本文考察了中国农村学生在韩国留学的动机,以及他们的海外经历如何受到国内和国际教育等级制度的调节。现有关于亚洲跨国学生流动的文献主要关注城市中产阶级背景的学生,而很少关注弱势背景的学生。学者们注意到,中国看似精英制的高考政策实际上使农村学生在其教育系统中的结构性边缘化长期存在。这项研究超越了内部移民范式,研究了与农村/城市鸿沟相关的社会不平等是如何在跨国范围内通过阶级、性别、原籍和时间管理的交叉来再现和重新表述的。
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引用次数: 2
Life of a Nation's Text: The Travels and Travails of the Indian Constitution 一个民族文本的生命:印度宪法的旅行和艰辛
IF 1.6 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.5509/2021944707
Ronojoy Sen
This review essay briefly discusses Granville Austin's landmark study of the working of the Indian Constitution and its critics, reviews three recent books on that Constitution, and evaluates the extent to which these new works have been able to take constitutional studies in new directions. All three books shine a light on the critical role of the Constitution and the courts in Indian democracy. While the authors are well aware of contemporary challenges to constitutionalism and have written on them elsewhere, this does not fully come through in their books. Despite this shortcoming, these recent studies are indispensable in making sense of the Constitution and its role in Indian democracy.
这篇评论文章简要地讨论了格兰维尔·奥斯汀对印度宪法及其批评者的具有里程碑意义的研究,回顾了最近三本关于印度宪法的书,并评估了这些新作品在多大程度上能够将宪法研究带入新的方向。这三本书都揭示了宪法和法院在印度民主中的关键作用。虽然作者很清楚宪政面临的当代挑战,并在其他地方写过这些挑战,但这在他们的书中并没有完全体现出来。尽管有这些缺点,但这些最近的研究对于理解宪法及其在印度民主中的作用是不可或缺的。
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引用次数: 0
The Politics of Claim-Making in India 印度的索赔政治
IF 1.6 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.5509/2021943567
Diego Maiorano
How do Indian citizens access the state? While a standard answer would be "through patronage," three recent books show that clientelism, while important, is just part of the story. Not just passive clients at the mercy of their political patrons, Indian citizens actively engage the state and their representatives to make claims and secure what is due to them. Gabrielle Kruks-Wisner's Claiming the State—Active Citizenship and Social Welfare in Rural India shows how rural dwellers navigate the local government system to access social welfare. Adam Auerbach's Demanding Development: The Politics of Public Goods Provision in India's Urban Slums documents how local political workers make claims on behalf of their neighbours and provide their settlements with essential services. Jennifer Bussell's Clients and Constituents: Political Responsiveness in Patronage Democracies persuasively demonstrates the importance of higher-level representatives in providing assistance to their constituencies. Together, these books not only demonstrate how political the daily life of ordinary citizens is, but also how the Indian state, while far from its Weberian ideal, is much more inclusive than previously thought.
印度公民如何进入国家?虽然标准答案是“通过赞助”,但最近出版的三本书表明,庇护主义虽然很重要,但只是故事的一部分。印度公民不只是被动地听命于他们的政治赞助人,而是积极地与国家和他们的代表接触,提出要求,并获得应得的东西。加布里埃尔·克鲁克斯-威斯纳的《声称印度农村的国家主动公民身份和社会福利》展示了农村居民如何驾驭地方政府体系以获得社会福利。亚当·奥尔巴赫(Adam Auerbach)的《要求发展:印度城市贫民窟公共产品供应的政治》记录了当地政治工作者如何代表他们的邻居提出要求,并为他们的定居点提供基本服务。Jennifer Bussell的《客户与选民:任选民主中的政治回应》有力地证明了高层代表在为其选民提供帮助方面的重要性。总之,这些书不仅展示了普通公民的日常生活是如何政治化的,而且还展示了印度政府是如何比以前想象的更具包容性,尽管与韦伯的理想相距甚远。
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引用次数: 1
Economic Policy Uncertainty, Bilateral Investment Treaties, and Chinese Outward Foreign Direct Investment 经济政策不确定性、双边投资协定与中国对外直接投资
IF 1.6 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.5509/2021943519
Yue Lu, Linghui Wu, K. Zeng
This paper examines the effect of bilateral investment treaties (BITs) in promoting Chinese outward foreign direct investment (COFDI) in the presence of rising economic policy uncertainty in China's partner countries. We postulate that the signing of BITs should help stimulate COFDI because the treaties send a credible signal to foreign investors about the host country's intent to protect Chinese investment, and make it more difficult for the host country to violate its treaty obligations. BITs that contain rigorous investment protection and liberalization provisions, in particular, should be more likely to encourage COFDI as they directly influence Chinese investors' expectations about the stability, predictability, and security of the host market. However, while BITs generally promote COFDI, host country economic policy uncertainty may also limit their effectiveness. This is because uncertainty tends to undermine investor confidence, trigger capital flows from high- to low-risk countries, and dampen commercial activities. Poisson pseudo-maximum likelihood (PPML) estimation models of the determinants of COFDI to 188 countries between 2003 and 2017 lend substantial support to our conjectures.
本文考察了双边投资协定(BITs)在中国伙伴国经济政策不确定性上升的情况下促进中国对外直接投资(COFDI)的效果。我们认为,双边投资协定的签署应该有助于刺激COFDI,因为这些条约向外国投资者发出了东道国保护中国投资意图的可信信号,并使东道国更难以违反其条约义务。特别是包含严格投资保护和自由化条款的双边投资协定更有可能鼓励外国直接投资,因为它们直接影响中国投资者对东道国市场稳定性、可预测性和安全性的预期。然而,虽然双边投资协定通常促进COFDI,但东道国经济政策的不确定性也可能限制其有效性。这是因为不确定性往往会削弱投资者信心,引发资本从高风险国家流向低风险国家,并抑制商业活动。2003年至2017年期间188个国家COFDI决定因素的泊松伪最大似然(PPML)估计模型为我们的推测提供了有力支持。
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引用次数: 3
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Pacific Affairs
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