Pub Date : 2023-09-21DOI: 10.1080/19331681.2023.2257682
Yuehong Cassandra Tai, Roan Buma, Bruce A. Desmarais
ABSTRACTWe study the roles of elected officials in the dissemination of misinformation on Twitter. This is a particularly salient online population since elected officials serve as primary sources of information for many stakeholders in the public, media, government, and industry. We analyze the content of tweets posted from the accounts of over 3,000 U.S. state lawmakers throughout 2020 and 2021. Specifically, we identify the dissemination of URLs linked to unreliable content. Our starkest finding is that Republicans share more misinformation than do Democrats by an order of magnitude. Additionally, we uncover distinct patterns in the temporal trends of tweets and tweets associated with misinformation across party and state lines. Delving into the content of tweets referencing unreliable URLs reveals discussions of election integrity, abortion, COVID-19 policies, and immigration. Furthermore, consistent with the literature on asymmetric polarization, Republicans exhibit a greater inclination toward engaging in partisan attacks. We also find that state lawmakers often tweet about state-specific topics. These findings enhance our understanding of misinformation, political communication, and state politics.KEYWORDS: Misinformationtwitterstate legislatorpolitical communication Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Unlike Facebook accounts, we cannot distinguish between legislators’ official accounts and campaign accounts based on their account verification.2. Among unreliable tweets, 13,420 (99.84%) have ideological labels, and only 22 unknown bias URLs get a weight of 1.Additional informationFundingThis work was supported by the National Science Foundation [2148215].Notes on contributorsYuehong Cassandra TaiYuehong Cassandra Tai is a Postdoctoral Scholar at the Center for Social Data Analytics, Penn State University. Her research spans public opinion, public policy, political communication, and Chinese politics, using Bayesian measurement models, text analysis, and machine learning methods.Roan BumaRoan Buma is a researcher at the Department of Communication Science at Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam. He received a Research Master’s degree in the Social Sciences (cum laude) and a Bachelor’s degree in Political Science (cum laude) from Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam. His research interests include public opinion, political communication, and communication through digital media. Currently, he is part of a cross-national research project analysing the economic and cultural roots of populism; a collaboration of Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, La Sapienza University of Rome, University of Birmingham, Universität Münster, and Exeter University (precede.eu).Bruce A. DesmaraisBruce A. Desmarais is the DeGrandis-McCourtney Early Career Professor in Political Science, Director of the Center for Social Data Analytics, and co-hire in the Institute for Computational and Data Sciences at Pennsylvania State Universit
{"title":"Official yet questionable: examining misinformation in U.S. state legislators’ tweets","authors":"Yuehong Cassandra Tai, Roan Buma, Bruce A. Desmarais","doi":"10.1080/19331681.2023.2257682","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2023.2257682","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTWe study the roles of elected officials in the dissemination of misinformation on Twitter. This is a particularly salient online population since elected officials serve as primary sources of information for many stakeholders in the public, media, government, and industry. We analyze the content of tweets posted from the accounts of over 3,000 U.S. state lawmakers throughout 2020 and 2021. Specifically, we identify the dissemination of URLs linked to unreliable content. Our starkest finding is that Republicans share more misinformation than do Democrats by an order of magnitude. Additionally, we uncover distinct patterns in the temporal trends of tweets and tweets associated with misinformation across party and state lines. Delving into the content of tweets referencing unreliable URLs reveals discussions of election integrity, abortion, COVID-19 policies, and immigration. Furthermore, consistent with the literature on asymmetric polarization, Republicans exhibit a greater inclination toward engaging in partisan attacks. We also find that state lawmakers often tweet about state-specific topics. These findings enhance our understanding of misinformation, political communication, and state politics.KEYWORDS: Misinformationtwitterstate legislatorpolitical communication Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Unlike Facebook accounts, we cannot distinguish between legislators’ official accounts and campaign accounts based on their account verification.2. Among unreliable tweets, 13,420 (99.84%) have ideological labels, and only 22 unknown bias URLs get a weight of 1.Additional informationFundingThis work was supported by the National Science Foundation [2148215].Notes on contributorsYuehong Cassandra TaiYuehong Cassandra Tai is a Postdoctoral Scholar at the Center for Social Data Analytics, Penn State University. Her research spans public opinion, public policy, political communication, and Chinese politics, using Bayesian measurement models, text analysis, and machine learning methods.Roan BumaRoan Buma is a researcher at the Department of Communication Science at Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam. He received a Research Master’s degree in the Social Sciences (cum laude) and a Bachelor’s degree in Political Science (cum laude) from Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam. His research interests include public opinion, political communication, and communication through digital media. Currently, he is part of a cross-national research project analysing the economic and cultural roots of populism; a collaboration of Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, La Sapienza University of Rome, University of Birmingham, Universität Münster, and Exeter University (precede.eu).Bruce A. DesmaraisBruce A. Desmarais is the DeGrandis-McCourtney Early Career Professor in Political Science, Director of the Center for Social Data Analytics, and co-hire in the Institute for Computational and Data Sciences at Pennsylvania State Universit","PeriodicalId":47047,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Technology & Politics","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136235480","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-22DOI: 10.1080/19331681.2023.2168818
Venetia Papa, M. Ioannou
ABSTRACT This study provides a comparative analysis of collective meaning-making processes by unpacking activists’ discourses (within and in relation to their polis) and online (on Facebook) during the financial, post-financial, and COVID-19 crises in Greece (2011–2021). By analyzing 71 semi-structured interviews with activists and 14,475 Facebook posts, we first evaluate actors’ identity progression, then identify the differences and commonalities between activists’ discourses attached to their collectivity, by investigating the role of Facebook therein. Our findings indicate that activists’ efforts to delimitate their identity, primarily around the detachment of citizens from their polis, paved the way for the (re)invention of the meaning-making practices of each collectivity. Thus, the formation of an overarching identity of the citizen as an activist-subject unites subjects over power struggles, despite their political differences.
{"title":"The 10-year anniversary of intense protest in Greece and the role of Facebook","authors":"Venetia Papa, M. Ioannou","doi":"10.1080/19331681.2023.2168818","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2023.2168818","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study provides a comparative analysis of collective meaning-making processes by unpacking activists’ discourses (within and in relation to their polis) and online (on Facebook) during the financial, post-financial, and COVID-19 crises in Greece (2011–2021). By analyzing 71 semi-structured interviews with activists and 14,475 Facebook posts, we first evaluate actors’ identity progression, then identify the differences and commonalities between activists’ discourses attached to their collectivity, by investigating the role of Facebook therein. Our findings indicate that activists’ efforts to delimitate their identity, primarily around the detachment of citizens from their polis, paved the way for the (re)invention of the meaning-making practices of each collectivity. Thus, the formation of an overarching identity of the citizen as an activist-subject unites subjects over power struggles, despite their political differences.","PeriodicalId":47047,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Technology & Politics","volume":"20 1","pages":"484 - 502"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2023-01-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44751385","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-03DOI: 10.1080/19331681.2022.2163735
Samit Tripathy, A. Sengupta, Amalendu Jyotishi
ABSTRACT Cloud computing has become relevant due to the increasing need for computing, storage, and communication over the internet. This growth, however, is not same across the geographies. While developed economies have adopted cloud-based services, emerging economies are still lagging. As digitization has become core to policy-level strategies, a slow adoption of cloud-based Information and Communications Technology (ICT) may impact growth. The adoption and growth of cloud-based services depends on the readiness of the broader ecosystem. This study evaluates the factors influencing the cloud computing readiness of selected countries. In the process, the study extends the existing understanding of the ranking system by providing additional insights into the countries’ performances against their potentials by using technical efficiency analysis. The study identifies and categorizes countries into four groups: aspirants, initiators, performers, and achievers. Results suggest that political-regulatory-business environment, investing in research and development, tertiary education, and knowledge-worker significantly impact cloud computing readiness.
{"title":"Where do countries stand in cloud computing readiness? A country-level analysis of capacity and potential","authors":"Samit Tripathy, A. Sengupta, Amalendu Jyotishi","doi":"10.1080/19331681.2022.2163735","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2022.2163735","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Cloud computing has become relevant due to the increasing need for computing, storage, and communication over the internet. This growth, however, is not same across the geographies. While developed economies have adopted cloud-based services, emerging economies are still lagging. As digitization has become core to policy-level strategies, a slow adoption of cloud-based Information and Communications Technology (ICT) may impact growth. The adoption and growth of cloud-based services depends on the readiness of the broader ecosystem. This study evaluates the factors influencing the cloud computing readiness of selected countries. In the process, the study extends the existing understanding of the ranking system by providing additional insights into the countries’ performances against their potentials by using technical efficiency analysis. The study identifies and categorizes countries into four groups: aspirants, initiators, performers, and achievers. Results suggest that political-regulatory-business environment, investing in research and development, tertiary education, and knowledge-worker significantly impact cloud computing readiness.","PeriodicalId":47047,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Technology & Politics","volume":"20 1","pages":"469 - 483"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2023-01-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48295115","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-16DOI: 10.1080/19331681.2022.2157360
A. Ceron, Giovanni Pagano, Margherita Bordignon
ABSTRACT This paper investigates how parties spread news from traditional media on their social network accounts to engage followers. In particular, we address why parties would choose to include in the ‘media digest’ they carefully craft for their followers also content from ‘hostile’ media outlets and journalists. We analyze 4,586 Facebook posts published by the main Italian parties during the 2019 European election campaign, assessing the impact on readers’ engagement of counter-attitudinal and pro-attitudinal content from either hostile or friendly media. Our results show that parties skillfully exploit friendly and hostile sources alike to alternatively engage or outrage their followers.
{"title":"Facebook as a media digest: user engagement and party references to hostile and friendly media during an election campaign","authors":"A. Ceron, Giovanni Pagano, Margherita Bordignon","doi":"10.1080/19331681.2022.2157360","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2022.2157360","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper investigates how parties spread news from traditional media on their social network accounts to engage followers. In particular, we address why parties would choose to include in the ‘media digest’ they carefully craft for their followers also content from ‘hostile’ media outlets and journalists. We analyze 4,586 Facebook posts published by the main Italian parties during the 2019 European election campaign, assessing the impact on readers’ engagement of counter-attitudinal and pro-attitudinal content from either hostile or friendly media. Our results show that parties skillfully exploit friendly and hostile sources alike to alternatively engage or outrage their followers.","PeriodicalId":47047,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Technology & Politics","volume":"20 1","pages":"454 - 468"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41777000","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-30DOI: 10.1080/19331681.2022.2150737
Tom Galipeau
ABSTRACT Can political memes on social media change citizens’ political attitudes? I show with an experimental method that exposing individuals to outgroup memes increases polarization, especially among strong party identifiers. Existing observational research demonstrates that political memes have a few functions: building discourse around leaders, forming a common identity, and influencing political opinions. The current literature on political memes does not address whether political memes have a measurable effect in a natural environment. This article employs a pre-post experimental design (n = 192) deployed through Facebook to fill this gap and assess whether political memes have a persuasive or polarizing effect on individuals. Experimental participants were randomly assigned to ideological groups on Facebook. Then, they were exposed to one political meme every other day for three months to simulate a natural environment. Results suggest that memes have, in general, minimal effect but can have a backlash effect, particularly among strong party identifiers. This article contributes to the political communication field by better understanding social media dynamics and, more precisely, the literature on political memes by experimentally assessing their effects on ideology and intergroup feelings.
{"title":"The Impact of Political Memes: a Longitudinal Field Experiment","authors":"Tom Galipeau","doi":"10.1080/19331681.2022.2150737","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2022.2150737","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Can political memes on social media change citizens’ political attitudes? I show with an experimental method that exposing individuals to outgroup memes increases polarization, especially among strong party identifiers. Existing observational research demonstrates that political memes have a few functions: building discourse around leaders, forming a common identity, and influencing political opinions. The current literature on political memes does not address whether political memes have a measurable effect in a natural environment. This article employs a pre-post experimental design (n = 192) deployed through Facebook to fill this gap and assess whether political memes have a persuasive or polarizing effect on individuals. Experimental participants were randomly assigned to ideological groups on Facebook. Then, they were exposed to one political meme every other day for three months to simulate a natural environment. Results suggest that memes have, in general, minimal effect but can have a backlash effect, particularly among strong party identifiers. This article contributes to the political communication field by better understanding social media dynamics and, more precisely, the literature on political memes by experimentally assessing their effects on ideology and intergroup feelings.","PeriodicalId":47047,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Technology & Politics","volume":"20 1","pages":"437 - 453"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47981978","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-14DOI: 10.1080/19331681.2022.2144978
A. Russell, Heather K. Evans, Bryan T. Gervais
ABSTRACT Persistent gender stereotypes portray women as pleasant and polite, but in the wake of the #MeToo movement and polarized politics, female candidates are turning to Twitter and they aren’t hiding their frustration. Congressional candidates use Twitter to connect with voters, but political stalemates over health care, reproductive rights, and pay equity are the fodder for female candidates’ emotionally charged rhetoric on Twitter. Women are running and winning at rates comparable to men, but female candidates are relying on emotional appeals in distinct ways from their male counterparts. We use a dataset of tweets by candidates for the U.S. House from 2016–2020 to evaluate gender-based differences in the emotional appeals candidates make on Twitter. We find that women running for office adopt a unique style of angry emotional appeals on Twitter, as female candidates defy stereotypes by incorporating more angry rhetoric in their tweets. These differences persist after accounting for differences in party, electoral success, district competitiveness, and other potential confounds. Our research demonstrates that women seeking congressional office act differently than men in their self-presentation online, and offers insight into how anger has become central to online messaging.
{"title":"Good and pissed: gendered emotional appeals on Twitter","authors":"A. Russell, Heather K. Evans, Bryan T. Gervais","doi":"10.1080/19331681.2022.2144978","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2022.2144978","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Persistent gender stereotypes portray women as pleasant and polite, but in the wake of the #MeToo movement and polarized politics, female candidates are turning to Twitter and they aren’t hiding their frustration. Congressional candidates use Twitter to connect with voters, but political stalemates over health care, reproductive rights, and pay equity are the fodder for female candidates’ emotionally charged rhetoric on Twitter. Women are running and winning at rates comparable to men, but female candidates are relying on emotional appeals in distinct ways from their male counterparts. We use a dataset of tweets by candidates for the U.S. House from 2016–2020 to evaluate gender-based differences in the emotional appeals candidates make on Twitter. We find that women running for office adopt a unique style of angry emotional appeals on Twitter, as female candidates defy stereotypes by incorporating more angry rhetoric in their tweets. These differences persist after accounting for differences in party, electoral success, district competitiveness, and other potential confounds. Our research demonstrates that women seeking congressional office act differently than men in their self-presentation online, and offers insight into how anger has become central to online messaging.","PeriodicalId":47047,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Technology & Politics","volume":"20 1","pages":"422 - 436"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-11-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44065105","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-19DOI: 10.1080/19331681.2022.2136321
Andreas Jungherr
{"title":"Outside the Bubble: social media and political participation in western democracies","authors":"Andreas Jungherr","doi":"10.1080/19331681.2022.2136321","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2022.2136321","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47047,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Technology & Politics","volume":"20 1","pages":"503 - 504"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44816862","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-22DOI: 10.1080/19331681.2022.2123878
J. Cronin, J. Gonçalves, Magdalena E. Wojcieszak, Bernhard Clemm von Hohenberg, Ericka Menchen-Trevino
ABSTRACT Scholars and observers attribute many democratic benefits to local news media. This paper examines exposure to local and national news media websites, side-by-side in one model, testing their over-time effects on political participation, knowledge, and affective and attitude polarization. We test whether traditionally disengaged or disadvantaged groups (i.e., racial minorities, those with low education levels, politically disinterested, and those who do not consume national news), may particularly benefit from local news consumption. To this end, we combine three-wave panel surveys (final N = 740) with 9 months worth of web browsing data submitted by the same participants (36 million visits). We identify exposure to local and national news sites using an extensive list of news domains. The results offer a robust pattern of null findings. Actual online exposure to local news has no over-time effects on the tested outcomes. Also, exposure to local news sites does not exert especially strong effects among the tested sub-groups. We attribute these results to the fact that news visits account for a small fraction of citizens’ online activities, less than 2% in our trace data. Our project suggests the need to evaluate the effects of local news consumption on the individual level.
{"title":"The (null) over-time effects of exposure to local news websites: Evidence from trace data","authors":"J. Cronin, J. Gonçalves, Magdalena E. Wojcieszak, Bernhard Clemm von Hohenberg, Ericka Menchen-Trevino","doi":"10.1080/19331681.2022.2123878","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2022.2123878","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Scholars and observers attribute many democratic benefits to local news media. This paper examines exposure to local and national news media websites, side-by-side in one model, testing their over-time effects on political participation, knowledge, and affective and attitude polarization. We test whether traditionally disengaged or disadvantaged groups (i.e., racial minorities, those with low education levels, politically disinterested, and those who do not consume national news), may particularly benefit from local news consumption. To this end, we combine three-wave panel surveys (final N = 740) with 9 months worth of web browsing data submitted by the same participants (36 million visits). We identify exposure to local and national news sites using an extensive list of news domains. The results offer a robust pattern of null findings. Actual online exposure to local news has no over-time effects on the tested outcomes. Also, exposure to local news sites does not exert especially strong effects among the tested sub-groups. We attribute these results to the fact that news visits account for a small fraction of citizens’ online activities, less than 2% in our trace data. Our project suggests the need to evaluate the effects of local news consumption on the individual level.","PeriodicalId":47047,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Technology & Politics","volume":"20 1","pages":"407 - 421"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47875065","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-20DOI: 10.1080/19331681.2022.2119320
Katharina Heger, C. Hoffmann
ABSTRACT Citizens in modern democracies have a continuously expanding set of tools at their disposal through which they seek to exercise influence on politics, including digital modes of participation. However, the usage of these tools is still gendered to the disadvantage of women. Feminist attitudes have been shown to have a positive impact on women’s political participation, yet this effect is deeply interwoven with the empowering effect of a feminist identity. Based on an online survey of more than 300 German female Internet users self-labeling as feminists, we develop a comprehensive measure of a feminist identity and analyze the interplay of three distinct sets of feminist attitudes and a feminist identity on online political participation. To gain a fine-grained understanding of the impact of feminist cognitions on online political participation, we differentiate general political online behaviors from those geared toward women’s rights and feminist objectives. We find a feminist identity to be a strong predictor of both types of online political participation, with a stronger effect on feminist online participation. Our findings provide important insights into the empowering role of a feminist identity on women’s political behavior on the Internet.
{"title":"Feminist women’s online political participation: empowerment through feminist political attitudes or feminist identity?","authors":"Katharina Heger, C. Hoffmann","doi":"10.1080/19331681.2022.2119320","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2022.2119320","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Citizens in modern democracies have a continuously expanding set of tools at their disposal through which they seek to exercise influence on politics, including digital modes of participation. However, the usage of these tools is still gendered to the disadvantage of women. Feminist attitudes have been shown to have a positive impact on women’s political participation, yet this effect is deeply interwoven with the empowering effect of a feminist identity. Based on an online survey of more than 300 German female Internet users self-labeling as feminists, we develop a comprehensive measure of a feminist identity and analyze the interplay of three distinct sets of feminist attitudes and a feminist identity on online political participation. To gain a fine-grained understanding of the impact of feminist cognitions on online political participation, we differentiate general political online behaviors from those geared toward women’s rights and feminist objectives. We find a feminist identity to be a strong predictor of both types of online political participation, with a stronger effect on feminist online participation. Our findings provide important insights into the empowering role of a feminist identity on women’s political behavior on the Internet.","PeriodicalId":47047,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Technology & Politics","volume":"20 1","pages":"393 - 406"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41874384","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-01DOI: 10.1080/19331681.2022.2115598
Paweł Baranowski, S. Kruschinski, U. Russmann, J. Haßler, M. Magin, Bene Márton, A. Ceron, D. Jackson, D. Lilleker
ABSTRACT Focusing on the 2019 European Parliament campaign, we investigate parties’ engagement in negative campaigning on Facebook and the relationship to a parties’ ideology and their status as governing versus opposition party at the national level. Manual coding of 8,153 Facebook posts of parties from twelve European countries shows parties create less negative posts than positive and neutral ones. However, these negative posts attract more shares than positive, neutral, and balanced statements, which increases their prominence on the platform. Hence, users and algorithms create a negative campaign environment on Facebook to a greater extent than parties.
{"title":"Patterns of Negative Campaigning during the 2019 European Election: Political Parties’ Facebook Posts and Users’ Sharing Behaviour across Twelve Countries","authors":"Paweł Baranowski, S. Kruschinski, U. Russmann, J. Haßler, M. Magin, Bene Márton, A. Ceron, D. Jackson, D. Lilleker","doi":"10.1080/19331681.2022.2115598","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2022.2115598","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Focusing on the 2019 European Parliament campaign, we investigate parties’ engagement in negative campaigning on Facebook and the relationship to a parties’ ideology and their status as governing versus opposition party at the national level. Manual coding of 8,153 Facebook posts of parties from twelve European countries shows parties create less negative posts than positive and neutral ones. However, these negative posts attract more shares than positive, neutral, and balanced statements, which increases their prominence on the platform. Hence, users and algorithms create a negative campaign environment on Facebook to a greater extent than parties.","PeriodicalId":47047,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Technology & Politics","volume":"20 1","pages":"375 - 392"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46521259","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：