Pub Date : 2022-05-25DOI: 10.1080/19331681.2022.2076272
A. Herasimenka, Jonathan Bright, Aleksi Knuutila, P. Howard
ABSTRACT To date, there is little research to measure the scale of misinformation and understand how it spreads on largely unmoderated platforms. Our analysis of 200,000 Telegram posts demonstrates that links to known sources of misleading information are shared more often than links to professional news content, but the former stays confined to relatively few channels. We conclude that, contrary to popular received wisdom, the audience for misinformation is not a general one, but a small and active community of users. Our study strengthens an empirical consensus regarding the spread of misinformation and expands it for the case of Telegram.
{"title":"Misinformation and professional news on largely unmoderated platforms: the case of telegram","authors":"A. Herasimenka, Jonathan Bright, Aleksi Knuutila, P. Howard","doi":"10.1080/19331681.2022.2076272","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2022.2076272","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT To date, there is little research to measure the scale of misinformation and understand how it spreads on largely unmoderated platforms. Our analysis of 200,000 Telegram posts demonstrates that links to known sources of misleading information are shared more often than links to professional news content, but the former stays confined to relatively few channels. We conclude that, contrary to popular received wisdom, the audience for misinformation is not a general one, but a small and active community of users. Our study strengthens an empirical consensus regarding the spread of misinformation and expands it for the case of Telegram.","PeriodicalId":47047,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Technology & Politics","volume":"20 1","pages":"198 - 212"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-05-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48013250","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-18DOI: 10.1080/19331681.2022.2069182
Lindsey Meeks
ABSTRACT Climate change is a consensus issue among US Democrats, yet even within this agreement there can be divergence. Rooted in scholarship on rational choice theory and framing, this study content analyzes how the top four 2020 Democratic presidential candidates differentially framed climate change on Twitter. Results revealed that (a) progressive versus moderate Democrats constructed climate change narratives befitting their intraparty ideologies, (b) candidates created cohesive framing strategies across Entman’s framing functions and a newly proposed function of framing called ”affected publics,” and (c) climate change frames were integrated with the campaign’s overarching themes and issue foci.
{"title":"Blue bird in a coal mine: How 2020 Democratic presidential candidates framed climate change on Twitter","authors":"Lindsey Meeks","doi":"10.1080/19331681.2022.2069182","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2022.2069182","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Climate change is a consensus issue among US Democrats, yet even within this agreement there can be divergence. Rooted in scholarship on rational choice theory and framing, this study content analyzes how the top four 2020 Democratic presidential candidates differentially framed climate change on Twitter. Results revealed that (a) progressive versus moderate Democrats constructed climate change narratives befitting their intraparty ideologies, (b) candidates created cohesive framing strategies across Entman’s framing functions and a newly proposed function of framing called ”affected publics,” and (c) climate change frames were integrated with the campaign’s overarching themes and issue foci.","PeriodicalId":47047,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Technology & Politics","volume":"20 1","pages":"169 - 183"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44276643","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-15DOI: 10.1080/19331681.2022.2076271
Pablo Jost
ABSTRACT The expansion of the Internet, especially social media, enables political actors to address voters directly. However, on social media, where user interactions factor into the algorithmically determined relevance of messages and, in turn, their spread, political actors have to use communication features that entice users to interact with their messages. Taking mediatization theory as a starting point, I transferred assumptions about accommodation into the domain of social media. By conducting a content analysis of Facebook posts made by members of the Bundestag, the German Parliament, from 2010 to 2015, I analyzed whether political actors had adapted their communication to social media logic and more often used message features previously demonstrated to increase the number of interactions. Among the results, politicians had increasingly used message features that had previously raised the number of interactions, including new technical opportunities and social affordances on Facebook, whereas their use of established communication strategies had remained relatively stable. At the individual level, politicians with higher status were more likely to incorporate successful strategies, which suggests that accommodation is constrained by available resources.
{"title":"How politicians adapt to new media logic. A longitudinal perspective on accommodation to user-engagement on Facebook","authors":"Pablo Jost","doi":"10.1080/19331681.2022.2076271","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2022.2076271","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The expansion of the Internet, especially social media, enables political actors to address voters directly. However, on social media, where user interactions factor into the algorithmically determined relevance of messages and, in turn, their spread, political actors have to use communication features that entice users to interact with their messages. Taking mediatization theory as a starting point, I transferred assumptions about accommodation into the domain of social media. By conducting a content analysis of Facebook posts made by members of the Bundestag, the German Parliament, from 2010 to 2015, I analyzed whether political actors had adapted their communication to social media logic and more often used message features previously demonstrated to increase the number of interactions. Among the results, politicians had increasingly used message features that had previously raised the number of interactions, including new technical opportunities and social affordances on Facebook, whereas their use of established communication strategies had remained relatively stable. At the individual level, politicians with higher status were more likely to incorporate successful strategies, which suggests that accommodation is constrained by available resources.","PeriodicalId":47047,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Technology & Politics","volume":"20 1","pages":"184 - 197"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-05-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47495216","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-03DOI: 10.1080/19331681.2022.2069180
Russell W. Hansen
ABSTRACT This paper investigates the underexplored relationship between norms of inclusivity and civility. It asks whether, in the context of online forums, groups with more exclusionary language in their rules statements will generate more uncivil comments, and whether political orientation of the most exclusive forums will affect incivility in comments. Sidebar data and one month’s worth of comments spanning between June and July of 2020 (n = 4,413,646) were collected from 71 political forums on Reddit. A sample of these comments was analyzed using Google’s Perspective API to assess their toxic incivility. Fitting a multilevel regression model that respects the hierarchical structure of the data shows no significant association between inclusivity and incivility. However, depth of the comment in the reply structure and length of the comment were found to be significant predictors of toxic incivility when controlling for political alignment of the subreddit, with comments at a deeper level being, on average, slightly less toxic. In addition, toxic incivility was found to be associated with an increase in a comment’s upvotes. These results suggest that toxic incivility varies significantly between and within subreddits, submissions, and top-level comments, and that inclusionary language is not a reliable predictor of toxic incivility.
{"title":"You’ve never been welcome here: exploring the relationship between exclusivity and incivility in online forums","authors":"Russell W. Hansen","doi":"10.1080/19331681.2022.2069180","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2022.2069180","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper investigates the underexplored relationship between norms of inclusivity and civility. It asks whether, in the context of online forums, groups with more exclusionary language in their rules statements will generate more uncivil comments, and whether political orientation of the most exclusive forums will affect incivility in comments. Sidebar data and one month’s worth of comments spanning between June and July of 2020 (n = 4,413,646) were collected from 71 political forums on Reddit. A sample of these comments was analyzed using Google’s Perspective API to assess their toxic incivility. Fitting a multilevel regression model that respects the hierarchical structure of the data shows no significant association between inclusivity and incivility. However, depth of the comment in the reply structure and length of the comment were found to be significant predictors of toxic incivility when controlling for political alignment of the subreddit, with comments at a deeper level being, on average, slightly less toxic. In addition, toxic incivility was found to be associated with an increase in a comment’s upvotes. These results suggest that toxic incivility varies significantly between and within subreddits, submissions, and top-level comments, and that inclusionary language is not a reliable predictor of toxic incivility.","PeriodicalId":47047,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Technology & Politics","volume":"20 1","pages":"139 - 153"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-05-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49581734","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-02DOI: 10.1080/19331681.2022.2069181
Evangelia Kartsounidou, Dimitra Papaxanthi, Ioannis Andreadis
ABSTRACT As politicians are increasingly using Twitter for campaigning, a question has been raised over its effectiveness in political communication. The aim of this paper is to study the influence of Twitter on candidates’ electoral performance, in the context of the 2019 Greek Parliamentary election. We are particularly interested in candidates’ Twitter activity and visibility. We apply an innovative method of analysis of each candidate’s potential reach, taking into account the followers and the followers of retweeters for each candidate and the number of tweets they were able to see. In this way, we explore whether the visibility of a candidate on Twitter is related to his/her electoral performance. We also control for other factors, such as intra-party competition, previous political experience, candidates’ name recognition, and so on. Findings suggest that among other factors (e.g. previous parliamentary experience), Twitter visibility has a significant positive effect on candidates’ electoral performance, especially when the candidates are already recognizable by the public.
{"title":"Measuring the impact of candidates’ tweets on their electoral results","authors":"Evangelia Kartsounidou, Dimitra Papaxanthi, Ioannis Andreadis","doi":"10.1080/19331681.2022.2069181","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2022.2069181","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT As politicians are increasingly using Twitter for campaigning, a question has been raised over its effectiveness in political communication. The aim of this paper is to study the influence of Twitter on candidates’ electoral performance, in the context of the 2019 Greek Parliamentary election. We are particularly interested in candidates’ Twitter activity and visibility. We apply an innovative method of analysis of each candidate’s potential reach, taking into account the followers and the followers of retweeters for each candidate and the number of tweets they were able to see. In this way, we explore whether the visibility of a candidate on Twitter is related to his/her electoral performance. We also control for other factors, such as intra-party competition, previous political experience, candidates’ name recognition, and so on. Findings suggest that among other factors (e.g. previous parliamentary experience), Twitter visibility has a significant positive effect on candidates’ electoral performance, especially when the candidates are already recognizable by the public.","PeriodicalId":47047,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Technology & Politics","volume":"20 1","pages":"154 - 168"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-05-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46846958","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-26DOI: 10.1080/19331681.2022.2037118
Lukas Kawerau, Nils B. Weidmann, A. Dainotti
ABSTRACT Online censorship has become a common feature in autocracies. Previous work has investigated different online censorship tactics such as website blocking or cyberattacks independently. In reality, however, autocratic governments rely on a repertoire of censorship techniques to control online communication, which they are likely to use depending on the respective political situation on the ground. In this article, we study the interplay of different online censorship techniques empirically. Focusing on new Internet measurement techniques and large existing datasets, we study the relationship between website blocking and cyberattacks (Denial-of-Service). Our results provide evidence that autocrats select tactics from their censorship repertoire depending on the current level of contention. During quiet times, we find some evidence that governments rely on different censorship tactics in parallel. In weeks with protest, however, website blocking is negatively associated with Denial-of-Service attacks against opposition websites. This shows that when the stakes are high, autocrats become more selective in their use of censorship.
{"title":"Attack or Block? Repertoires of Digital Censorship in Autocracies","authors":"Lukas Kawerau, Nils B. Weidmann, A. Dainotti","doi":"10.1080/19331681.2022.2037118","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2022.2037118","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Online censorship has become a common feature in autocracies. Previous work has investigated different online censorship tactics such as website blocking or cyberattacks independently. In reality, however, autocratic governments rely on a repertoire of censorship techniques to control online communication, which they are likely to use depending on the respective political situation on the ground. In this article, we study the interplay of different online censorship techniques empirically. Focusing on new Internet measurement techniques and large existing datasets, we study the relationship between website blocking and cyberattacks (Denial-of-Service). Our results provide evidence that autocrats select tactics from their censorship repertoire depending on the current level of contention. During quiet times, we find some evidence that governments rely on different censorship tactics in parallel. In weeks with protest, however, website blocking is negatively associated with Denial-of-Service attacks against opposition websites. This shows that when the stakes are high, autocrats become more selective in their use of censorship.","PeriodicalId":47047,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Technology & Politics","volume":"20 1","pages":"60 - 73"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-04-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42920106","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-19DOI: 10.1080/19331681.2022.2063216
Josephine Lukito, Jon C. W. Pevehouse
ABSTRACT This study explores how Presidential candidates compete for Twitter attention during a televised debate using two datasets of tweets posted during the first 2012 and 2016 U.S. Presidential debates. Using a time series analysis, we find that both debates exhibited zero-sum attention dynamics such that when one candidate gained attention, the other lost attention. However, our error correction models also revealed that the attention dynamics of Romney and Obama in 2012 produced an equilibrium that neither candidate could break from, whereas in 2016, Twitter attention to Trump overwhelmed Clinton. We therefore conclude that social media attention competition in during the 2012 U.S. presidential debate was more tightly contested compared to 2016.
{"title":"Competing for attention on Twitter during the 2012 and 2016 U.S. presidential debates","authors":"Josephine Lukito, Jon C. W. Pevehouse","doi":"10.1080/19331681.2022.2063216","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2022.2063216","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study explores how Presidential candidates compete for Twitter attention during a televised debate using two datasets of tweets posted during the first 2012 and 2016 U.S. Presidential debates. Using a time series analysis, we find that both debates exhibited zero-sum attention dynamics such that when one candidate gained attention, the other lost attention. However, our error correction models also revealed that the attention dynamics of Romney and Obama in 2012 produced an equilibrium that neither candidate could break from, whereas in 2016, Twitter attention to Trump overwhelmed Clinton. We therefore conclude that social media attention competition in during the 2012 U.S. presidential debate was more tightly contested compared to 2016.","PeriodicalId":47047,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Technology & Politics","volume":"20 1","pages":"125 - 138"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-04-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49636149","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-19DOI: 10.1080/19331681.2022.2063215
Elizabeth Stoycheff
ABSTRACT This study builds on previous surveillance and censorship research that has uncovered the chilling effects of these online technologies. It tests the assumption that political chilling occurs through affective heuristics. By manipulating an online privacy policy to include the presence of either website cookies, as a means of surveillance, or content moderation, as a form of censorship, this research indicates that both website features activate negative affect, but only surveillance engenders problematic chilling effects. The additional presence of U.S. national security justifications accompanying the website cookies or content moderation suppressed some feelings of fear, but did not reduce political chilling. These findings prompt a discussion of how website and application cookies impact expression in digital spaces.
{"title":"Cookies and content moderation: affective chilling effects of internet surveillance and censorship","authors":"Elizabeth Stoycheff","doi":"10.1080/19331681.2022.2063215","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2022.2063215","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study builds on previous surveillance and censorship research that has uncovered the chilling effects of these online technologies. It tests the assumption that political chilling occurs through affective heuristics. By manipulating an online privacy policy to include the presence of either website cookies, as a means of surveillance, or content moderation, as a form of censorship, this research indicates that both website features activate negative affect, but only surveillance engenders problematic chilling effects. The additional presence of U.S. national security justifications accompanying the website cookies or content moderation suppressed some feelings of fear, but did not reduce political chilling. These findings prompt a discussion of how website and application cookies impact expression in digital spaces.","PeriodicalId":47047,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Technology & Politics","volume":"20 1","pages":"113 - 124"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-04-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41523309","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-31DOI: 10.1080/19331681.2022.2054484
A. Triantafillidou, G. Lappas
ABSTRACT Using an actor-center approach, the present study sheds light on the intersection between populist communication and Facebook campaigns in the context of the 2019 general elections in Greece. Specifically, the study focuses on how populist actors in Greece campaigned on Facebook and examines their communicative performance in terms of user engagement in comparison with that of their opponents. For this purpose, a quantitative content analysis was performed by analyzing the Facebook posts published by populist and non-populist candidates over one week preceding the July 7 elections. Results suggest that candidates from populist parties, such as SYRIZA (Coalition of the Radical Left) and EL (Greek Solution), were outpaced by the mainstream New Democracy party that won the election. Moreover, significant differences are observed between populist and non-populist actors regarding the communication strategies utilized. Results suggest that different communication strategies have varying effects on user engagement depending on the populist identity of candidates, as well as their position in the left-right political spectrum. Several practical implications are proposed regarding the effective orchestration of Facebook campaigns by populist and non-populist actors.
{"title":"Depersonalize and attack: facebook campaigns of populist candidates in Greece during the 2019 Greek national elections","authors":"A. Triantafillidou, G. Lappas","doi":"10.1080/19331681.2022.2054484","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2022.2054484","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Using an actor-center approach, the present study sheds light on the intersection between populist communication and Facebook campaigns in the context of the 2019 general elections in Greece. Specifically, the study focuses on how populist actors in Greece campaigned on Facebook and examines their communicative performance in terms of user engagement in comparison with that of their opponents. For this purpose, a quantitative content analysis was performed by analyzing the Facebook posts published by populist and non-populist candidates over one week preceding the July 7 elections. Results suggest that candidates from populist parties, such as SYRIZA (Coalition of the Radical Left) and EL (Greek Solution), were outpaced by the mainstream New Democracy party that won the election. Moreover, significant differences are observed between populist and non-populist actors regarding the communication strategies utilized. Results suggest that different communication strategies have varying effects on user engagement depending on the populist identity of candidates, as well as their position in the left-right political spectrum. Several practical implications are proposed regarding the effective orchestration of Facebook campaigns by populist and non-populist actors.","PeriodicalId":47047,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Technology & Politics","volume":"20 1","pages":"74 - 91"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47196747","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-17DOI: 10.1080/19331681.2021.2016542
Jörg Matthes, Melanie Hirsch, Marlis Stubenvoll, Alice Binder, S. Kruikemeier, S. Lecheler, L. Otto
ABSTRACT With the increasing availability of big digital voter data, there are rising concerns that online political micro-targeting (PMT) may be harmful for democratic societies. However, PMT may also be beneficial to democracy because it targets voters with content that matches with their predispositions, potentially increasing political interest. For both, harmful and beneficial outcomes of PMT, we lack empirical evidence on the side of citizens. In a two-wave panel survey study, we tested the reciprocal relationships over time between perceived online PMT, trust in democracy, and political interest. We found that perceived online PMT leads to a decrease of trust in democracy, but also to an increase in political interest. The effect on political interest was independent from age. No reciprocal effects of trust in democracy and political interest on perceived PMT were observed. Overall, the results suggest that the democratic implications of PMT are more nuanced than previously assumed.
{"title":"Understanding the democratic role of perceived online political micro-targeting: longitudinal effects on trust in democracy and political interest","authors":"Jörg Matthes, Melanie Hirsch, Marlis Stubenvoll, Alice Binder, S. Kruikemeier, S. Lecheler, L. Otto","doi":"10.1080/19331681.2021.2016542","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2021.2016542","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT With the increasing availability of big digital voter data, there are rising concerns that online political micro-targeting (PMT) may be harmful for democratic societies. However, PMT may also be beneficial to democracy because it targets voters with content that matches with their predispositions, potentially increasing political interest. For both, harmful and beneficial outcomes of PMT, we lack empirical evidence on the side of citizens. In a two-wave panel survey study, we tested the reciprocal relationships over time between perceived online PMT, trust in democracy, and political interest. We found that perceived online PMT leads to a decrease of trust in democracy, but also to an increase in political interest. The effect on political interest was independent from age. No reciprocal effects of trust in democracy and political interest on perceived PMT were observed. Overall, the results suggest that the democratic implications of PMT are more nuanced than previously assumed.","PeriodicalId":47047,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Technology & Politics","volume":"19 1","pages":"435 - 448"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43565982","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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