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Perpetrators and Victims Blurred in the Soundscape of Wartime Mass Rallies: The Third-Generation Perspective in Marcel Beyer’s The Karnau Tapes and Kateřina Tučková’s Gerta 战时群众集会音景中模糊的犯罪者和受害者:马塞尔-拜尔的《卡瑙录音带》和卡特琳娜-图奇科娃的《格尔塔》中的第三代视角
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/08883254241229738
Marcin Filipowicz
This article investigates the use of sound at mass rallies during World War II, a topic that has not been explored in depth. By using the concepts of sound memory and soundscape, the article examines how contemporary literature represents past war events, specifically focusing on how national groups and individuals are portrayed in relation to other people, places, events, and axiological systems. The analysis centres on the perspectives of third-generation authors, allowing for a deeper understanding of how the identities of perpetrators and victims are constructed and negotiated differently at the collective and individual levels. To achieve this, the article examines two literary works, Marcel Beyer’s German novel The Karnau Tapes and Kateřina Tučková’s Czech novel Gerta, using a combination of sound studies and literary studies. The article argues that the sensory aspects of memory and oblivion can shed light on the soundscape created by mass rallies during wartime and how this has shaped Czech and German cultural memory. However, even the third generation is not immune to the pressure of silence on certain issues, dictated by a collective need to preserve and consolidate a particular image of the nation.
本文研究了第二次世界大战期间群众集会中声音的使用,这是一个尚未被深入探讨的话题。通过使用声音记忆和声音景观的概念,文章研究了当代文学如何表现过去的战争事件,特别关注如何将民族群体和个人与其他人、地点、事件和公理体系联系起来进行描写。分析以第三代作者的视角为中心,从而更深入地了解犯罪者和受害者的身份是如何在集体和个人层面以不同方式构建和协商的。为此,文章结合声音研究和文学研究,对马塞尔-拜尔的德国小说《卡瑙录音带》和凯特琳娜-图奇科娃的捷克小说《格尔塔》这两部文学作品进行了研究。文章认为,记忆和遗忘的感官方面可以揭示战时群众集会所创造的声景,以及这种声景如何塑造了捷克和德国的文化记忆。然而,即使是第三代人也无法避免在某些问题上保持沉默的压力,这是由维护和巩固特定民族形象的集体需要所决定的。
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引用次数: 0
From the Editors 编辑的话
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-03-26 DOI: 10.1177/08883254241236049
James Krapfl, Lavinia Stan
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引用次数: 0
Outcomes, Politicians, or the Institution Itself? Using a Czech Case to Explain Trust Formation in Different Political Institutions and the Implications for Voter Turnout 结果、政治家还是机构本身?用捷克案例解释不同政治体制中信任的形成及其对投票率的影响
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-03-14 DOI: 10.1177/08883254241229730
Jan Hruška, Stanislav Balík
Compared to the scholarship on general political trust, relatively little attention has been paid to institutional trust. Research on the subject tends to treat political institutions as single entities, ignoring the fact that different institutions can enjoy, in the long term, very different levels of trust. This paper builds on the assumption that institutional trust may be formed differently depending on the institution type, and thus aims to explain how trust is formed in different types of democratic institutions. Moreover, it explains how the relationship between trust in a political institution and voter turnout can change depending on how trust is formed. The study is based on the content analysis of 30 semi-structured interviews from the Czech Republic. The study shows that respondents tend to develop trust in a political institution based on their assessment of the institution’s current performance and outcomes rather than their assessment of the institution itself. The study argues that an integral part of the concept of trust in a political institution is the popularity of the politicians who represent the institution. However, how trust is formed depends on the type of institution, which has important implications for measuring this concept. The relationship between institutional trust and turnout may also vary depending on how trust in an institution is formed. Thus, a potential correlation between trust in an institution and electoral participation may exist depending on the type of an institution.
与有关一般政治信任的学术研究相比,对机构信任的关注相对较少。对这一主题的研究往往将政治机构视为单一实体,忽视了不同的机构在长期内可能享有非常不同的信任度这一事实。本文基于机构信任的形成可能因机构类型而异这一假设,旨在解释信任是如何在不同类型的民主机构中形成的。此外,本文还解释了政治机构信任与选民投票率之间的关系如何随着信任的形成而变化。本研究基于对捷克共和国 30 个半结构式访谈的内容分析。研究表明,受访者倾向于根据他们对政治机构当前表现和成果的评估,而不是对政治机构本身的评估来建立对该机构的信任。研究认为,政治机构信任概念的一个组成部分是代表该机构的政治家的受欢迎程度。然而,信任是如何形成的取决于机构的类型,这对衡量这一概念具有重要意义。机构信任与投票率之间的关系也可能因机构信任的形成方式而异。因此,机构信任与选举参与之间可能存在的相关性取决于机构的类型。
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引用次数: 0
Historical Legacies and Their Impact on Human Capital: Comparing Regions within Romania 历史遗产及其对人力资本的影响:罗马尼亚国内各地区的比较
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-02-20 DOI: 10.1177/08883254231219015
Gabriel Bădescu, Daniela Angi, Jozsef Benedek, Sorana Constantinescu
This article asks if the measures of human capital, ethnic diversity, and gender equality from 1930 explain current levels of human capital in Romania, while also assessing the role of macro-regional differences in the manifestation of historical legacies. We focus on human capital, measured by educational attainment and by conscientiousness, a personality trait we estimate using a behavioral measure. The analysis is based on a recent large-scale national survey from 2019–2020 and census data from 1930. We find that contemporary human capital levels are influenced by a combination of factors, including historical human capital levels, ethnic diversity, and gender equality. Additionally, we show that the long-term impact of these factors can vary by region. Specifically, our study identifies four distinct long-term effects within the historical region of Transylvania and two in the rest of the country. In Transylvania, the present educational attainment is shaped by both the 1930 literacy rate and gender equality, while in the other regions, only the literacy rate exerts a statistically significant influence. Similarly, when it comes to current levels of conscientiousness, Transylvania’s levels are affected by both the 1930 literacy rate and ethnolinguistic fractionalization, whereas in the rest of the country, only ethnolinguistic fractionalization has a statistically significant impact.
本文探讨了 1930 年以来的人力资本、种族多样性和性别平等衡量标准能否解释罗马尼亚当前的人力资本水平,同时还评估了宏观地区差异在历史遗留问题中的作用。我们的重点是人力资本,以教育程度和自觉性来衡量,自觉性是一种人格特质,我们用行为测量法来估算。分析基于 2019-2020 年的最新大规模全国调查和 1930 年的人口普查数据。我们发现,当代人力资本水平受到多种因素的影响,包括历史人力资本水平、种族多样性和性别平等。此外,我们还表明,这些因素的长期影响会因地区而异。具体来说,我们的研究发现了特兰西瓦尼亚历史地区的四种不同的长期影响,以及该国其他地区的两种长期影响。在特兰西瓦尼亚,目前的教育程度受 1930 年识字率和性别平等的影响,而在其他地区,只有识字率在统计上有显著影响。同样,就当前的自觉性水平而言,特兰西瓦尼亚的自觉性水平受 1930 年识字率和民族语言分裂的影响,而在该国其他地区,只有民族语言分裂在统计上有显著影响。
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引用次数: 0
Inherent Attitudes or Misplaced Policies? Explaining COVID-19 Vaccine Hesitancy in Romania 固有态度还是错误政策?解释罗马尼亚对 COVID-19 疫苗的犹豫态度
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-02-19 DOI: 10.1177/08883254231198886
Tibor Toró, István Gergő Székely, Tamás Kiss, Réka Geambașu
hesitancy toward COVID-19 vaccines was not particularly high in Romania at the beginning of the vaccination campaign. Nevertheless, the country became one of the laggards in the European Union in terms of vaccination rates. We aim to provide an empirical explanation for this phenomenon based on a representative survey conducted in November–December 2021. We test the influence of various factors on vaccine hesitancy, such as personal experiences with the disease, trust in relevant institutions, general worldviews, and the contact with certain institutions, such as the Romanian Orthodox Church, and general practitioners. Furthermore, we find that three COVID-specific cognitive factors played a crucial role in this respect, namely the evaluation of anti-COVID state measures, belief in COVID-related conspiracy theories, and, especially, fears of negative effects of COVID-19 vaccines. The high explanatory power of these three factors also shows that low vaccination rates were not inevitable consequences of some “inherent” attitudinal characteristics widespread in the Romanian society; on the contrary, vaccine hesitancy has developed as an unfortunate side effect of weak crisis management, as the government and relevant state institutions failed to properly utilize key organizational resources, such as the national network of general practitioners, and proved to be unable to dissipate fears and countervail the spread of conspiracy theories, while emergency measures did not resonate enough among the Romanian public.
在疫苗接种活动开始时,罗马尼亚对 COVID-19 疫苗的犹豫态度并不特别严重。然而,罗马尼亚却成为欧盟国家中疫苗接种率落后的国家之一。我们的目的是根据 2021 年 11 月至 12 月进行的一项代表性调查为这一现象提供经验性解释。我们检验了各种因素对疫苗接种犹豫不决的影响,如个人疾病经历、对相关机构的信任、一般世界观以及与某些机构(如罗马尼亚东正教会)和全科医生的接触。此外,我们还发现三个针对 COVID 的认知因素在这方面发挥了关键作用,即对反 COVID 国家措施的评估、对 COVID 相关阴谋论的信仰,尤其是对 COVID-19 疫苗负面影响的恐惧。这三个因素的高解释力也表明,疫苗接种率低并不是罗马尼亚社会中普遍存在的某些 "固有 "态度特征的必然结果;相反,疫苗接种犹豫不决是危机管理薄弱的一个不幸的副作用,因为政府和相关国家机构未能正确利用关键的组织资源,如全国全科医生网络,也未能消除恐惧和抵制阴谋论的传播,同时应急措施也未能在罗马尼亚公众中产生足够的共鸣。
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引用次数: 0
Taming Transylvania: Paramilitaries Building State and Peace after World War I 驯服特兰西瓦尼亚:第一次世界大战后准军事组织建立国家与和平
4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-27 DOI: 10.1177/08883254231203336
Manuel Mireanu
This text is a political analysis of the events surrounding the demise of the Austro–Hungarian administration in Transylvania and its replacement by the Romanian one at the end of World War I. It focuses on the months of November and December 1918. In particular, the text looks at the Romanian paramilitary groups called the National Guards. I argue that in Transylvania in November and December 1918, the National Guards played a pacifying and state-building role, through their repressive and anti-communist function. Unlike the paramilitary phenomenon in the rest of Europe, in Transylvania it was the very counter-revolutionary function of the paramilitary troops that produced constructive and constitutive effects. At the same time, unlike the Romanian historiography, which almost unanimously has seen the role of these troops as only a positive one, I underline the repressive function of the National Guards, which made them act violently against any alternative political projects of that period in the region. The revolutionary state of the province in those days had to be calmed down for Transylvania’s autonomy to be ensured under the control of the local Romanian authorities. The Romanian elite’s state-building project needed security to gain legitimacy. To this end, this elite took control of the various paramilitary forces of the region and monopolized them under the National Guards umbrella. These groups were crucial in the repression against the republican movement and the perceived Bolshevik threat.
这篇文章是对第一次世界大战结束时围绕特兰西瓦尼亚奥匈帝国政府灭亡并被罗马尼亚政府取代的事件的政治分析,主要集中在1918年11月和12月。文中特别提到了罗马尼亚被称为国民警卫队的准军事组织。我认为,在1918年11月和12月的特兰西瓦尼亚,国民自卫军通过镇压和反共的功能,起到了安抚和建设国家的作用。与欧洲其他地方的准军事现象不同,在特兰西瓦尼亚,准军事部队的反革命作用产生了建设性和建设性的影响。与此同时,与几乎一致认为这些部队的作用只是积极作用的罗马尼亚史学不同,我强调国民自卫军的镇压功能,这使他们对该地区当时的任何其他政治项目采取暴力行动。为了确保特兰西瓦尼亚在罗马尼亚地方当局的控制下实现自治,当时该省的革命状态必须平息下来。罗马尼亚精英的国家建设计划需要安全保障来获得合法性。为此目的,这一精英控制了该地区的各种准军事部队,并在国民自卫军的保护伞下垄断了这些部队。这些团体在镇压共和运动和察觉到的布尔什维克威胁中发挥了关键作用
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引用次数: 0
Expression of Dissidence: NOW-a Publishing House as a Social Movement Campaign under an Authoritarian Regime 异见的表达:现在——一个出版社作为专制政权下的社会运动
4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-25 DOI: 10.1177/08883254231203333
Paweł Sowiński
The research article (Expression of Dissidence) analyses Polish underground publishing during the late Cold War using the NOW-a publishing house as an example. The innovation of my approach lies in an attempt to bring closer Western and Eastern studies on various aspects of resistance. The subject of Polish resistance has already been studied but not with reference to the concept of everyday resistance. The protest sites are examined more closely with the question of how urban and rural geography can play a role in bringing a movement together. More broadly, what my contribution offers is to revive Charles Tilly’s concepts to study Polish resistance and to see historical developments from a social movement perspective.
研究文章《异见的表达》以NOW-a出版社为例,分析了冷战后期波兰的地下出版。我的研究方法的创新之处在于,我试图将西方和东方对耐药性各个方面的研究结合起来。波兰抵抗的主题已经被研究过,但没有参考日常抵抗的概念。对抗议地点进行了更密切的研究,探讨城市和农村的地理位置如何在将一场运动聚集在一起方面发挥作用。更广泛地说,我的贡献是恢复查尔斯·蒂利的概念来研究波兰抵抗,并从社会运动的角度看待历史发展。
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引用次数: 0
Opening, Polling, Counting: Deterring Election-Day Fraud 开票、投票、计票:阻止选举日舞弊
4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-25 DOI: 10.1177/08883254231203337
Marta Regalia
International election observation has been scrutinized over the past two decades by scholars trying to explain its aim, scope, and consequences. As it is now a standard practice in democratizing countries, scholarly literature has almost reached a consensus on the ability of observers to deter election-day fraud, one of the most positive unintended consequences of election observation. Using data from the 2004 Ukraine presidential election, this article extends our knowledge through a natural experiment on polling station-level election results. I will show that observation during counting does not have a stronger effect than observation during opening and/or polling. Results support previous studies showing the usefulness of election observation in reducing election-day fraud but add an important finding that deserves further scholarly attention.
过去二十年来,学者们一直在仔细研究国际选举观察,试图解释其目的、范围和后果。由于现在这是民主化国家的标准做法,学术文献几乎就观察员阻止选举日欺诈的能力达成共识,这是选举观察最积极的意想不到的后果之一。本文使用2004年乌克兰总统选举的数据,通过对投票站级别的选举结果进行自然实验来扩展我们的知识。我将说明,在计票期间的观察并不比在开始和/或投票期间的观察具有更强的影响。结果支持先前的研究,表明选举观察在减少选举日欺诈方面有用,但增加了一个重要的发现,值得进一步的学术关注。
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引用次数: 0
In the Shadows of the Commonwealth: Catholicism, Religious Tolerance, and Nineteenth-Century Polish Independence 《在联邦的阴影下:天主教、宗教宽容与19世纪波兰独立
4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-20 DOI: 10.1177/08883254231203332
Jared N. Warren
Polish intellectuals in the first half of the nineteenth century defended Polish independence in the European public sphere through the conscious invention of a tradition of religious tolerance. Because defenses of Polish independence in this period were often designed for a European public, the multi-religious heritage of Poland-Lithuania’s past provided resources to shape Polish politics for a variety of audiences and their differing political and religious values. European and Polish publics saw the Russian empire as religiously intolerant, and therefore Poles crafted histories of Poland that offered an explicit counterpoint to this perception of Russia: a Polish tradition of religious co-existence. As long as these international geopolitical appeals remained a dominant part of their political imaginations, Polish intellectuals conceived of Poland in a multi-confessional manner. Polish intellectuals in the first half of the nineteenth century did not conflate Polish national identity with Roman Catholicism but framed their ideas against the multi-religious legacy of the Polish- Lithuanian Commonwealth. However, by tying the question of Polish independence so strongly to the religious sphere, the figures in this article laid the groundwork for future developments in Polish nationalism in later (and more confessionally rigid) periods.
十九世纪上半叶的波兰知识分子通过有意识地创造一种宗教宽容的传统,在欧洲公共领域捍卫波兰的独立。由于这一时期对波兰独立的捍卫通常是为欧洲公众设计的,波兰-立陶宛过去的多宗教遗产为各种受众及其不同的政治和宗教价值观塑造波兰政治提供了资源。欧洲和波兰公众认为俄罗斯帝国在宗教上是不宽容的,因此波兰人精心编写了波兰的历史,为这种对俄罗斯的看法提供了一个明确的对照:波兰的宗教共存传统。只要这些国际地缘政治诉求仍然是他们政治想象的主要部分,波兰知识分子就以一种多元忏悔的方式构想波兰。19世纪上半叶的波兰知识分子并没有将波兰的民族认同与罗马天主教混为一谈,而是将他们的思想与波兰立陶宛联邦的多宗教遗产相抵触。然而,通过将波兰独立问题如此强烈地与宗教领域联系在一起,本文中的人物为后来波兰民族主义的未来发展奠定了基础。
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引用次数: 0
From the Editors and From the Translator 来自编辑和译者
4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-20 DOI: 10.1177/08883254231209472
Wendy Bracewell, Krzysztof Jasiewicz, Andrzej Tymowski
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引用次数: 0
期刊
East European Politics and Societies
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