Pub Date : 2026-01-07DOI: 10.1177/08883254251377095
Mariusz Baranowski, Piotr Jabkowski
This study examines the impact of the Russian invasion of Ukraine on energy transformation and public opinion within the Visegrád Group (V4) countries—Czechia, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia. Employing the Multi-Level Perspective (MLP) framework on sociotechnical transitions, the research investigates how macro-level disruptions, meso-level regime adaptations, and micro-level innovations interact to reshape energy systems. The study focuses on public attitudes toward reducing dependency on Russian energy and investing in renewables, contextualized through the Eurobarometer survey data (Wave 98.2, 2023). Bayesian multilevel logistic regressions were applied to evaluate the relationships between perceptions of war-related consequences (security, economic impacts) and attitudes toward energy policies. Findings reveal strong public support in Poland and Hungary for reducing reliance on Russian hydrocarbons and adopting renewable energy, while Czechia and Slovakia show moderate support. Security concerns were identified as a key driver of pro-renewable sentiments, particularly among younger cohorts and those perceiving war-related threats. The study highlights how geopolitical shocks can catalyze energy policy shifts, though entrenched sociotechnical regimes present challenges. Practical implications include leveraging public support for renewables to accelerate European Union (EU) energy transition goals. This research contributes novel insights into the interplay between energy transformation and geopolitical crises, emphasizing the V4’s pivotal role in Europe’s green transition.
{"title":"The Russian War in Ukraine and the Visegrád Group: What Impact on Energy Transformation?","authors":"Mariusz Baranowski, Piotr Jabkowski","doi":"10.1177/08883254251377095","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254251377095","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines the impact of the Russian invasion of Ukraine on energy transformation and public opinion within the Visegrád Group (V4) countries—Czechia, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia. Employing the Multi-Level Perspective (MLP) framework on sociotechnical transitions, the research investigates how macro-level disruptions, meso-level regime adaptations, and micro-level innovations interact to reshape energy systems. The study focuses on public attitudes toward reducing dependency on Russian energy and investing in renewables, contextualized through the Eurobarometer survey data (Wave 98.2, 2023). Bayesian multilevel logistic regressions were applied to evaluate the relationships between perceptions of war-related consequences (security, economic impacts) and attitudes toward energy policies. Findings reveal strong public support in Poland and Hungary for reducing reliance on Russian hydrocarbons and adopting renewable energy, while Czechia and Slovakia show moderate support. Security concerns were identified as a key driver of pro-renewable sentiments, particularly among younger cohorts and those perceiving war-related threats. The study highlights how geopolitical shocks can catalyze energy policy shifts, though entrenched sociotechnical regimes present challenges. Practical implications include leveraging public support for renewables to accelerate European Union (EU) energy transition goals. This research contributes novel insights into the interplay between energy transformation and geopolitical crises, emphasizing the V4’s pivotal role in Europe’s green transition.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"30 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2026-01-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145908095","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2026-01-07DOI: 10.1177/08883254251394658
Beata Piskorska
The Russian war has impacted not only Ukraine but also the whole European community—the European Union (EU) and especially Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), where the Russian threat has been looming for over three decades ever since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Now, having revisited their aggressive policies of the past, Russia’s actions have detrimental effects on the region not only through active warfare in Ukraine but also due to propaganda and disinformation campaigns in many EU states, as well as energy blackmail. The EU as a whole has also been deeply affected by the war in Ukraine. There was talk of a “paradigm shift” in France, of a “Zeitenwende” (end of an era) in Germany, of an “end to naivety.” The EU has not only emerged from its soft policy in the face of the Russian regime’s policies but also matured in its geopolitical awareness. The war in Ukraine has hit a trajectory that was already favorable to the EU’s geopolitical consolidation. Since 2014, European defense has been revived, at least in terms of capabilities, with joint funding for military research projects and the joint development of defense capabilities (in particular, the European Defense Fund with eight billion euro for 2021–2027). Undoubtedly, resolving the conflict is up to the Ukrainians and the Russians. Still, the process will directly or indirectly involve all actors interested in a global order. The axis of geopolitical world reconstruction is particularly important for Ukraine but is also vital for the future of the EU, CEE, and Poland. Therefore, it must be assumed that the EU’s approach and capabilities must be prepared diplomatically and militarily to respond to any potential future threats to maintain stability and peace in the region.
{"title":"A Paradigm Shift: The Geopolitical Awakening of the European Union and Central and Eastern Europe States as Full-Fledged Security Actors in the Context of Russia’s War in Ukraine","authors":"Beata Piskorska","doi":"10.1177/08883254251394658","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254251394658","url":null,"abstract":"The Russian war has impacted not only Ukraine but also the whole European community—the European Union (EU) and especially Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), where the Russian threat has been looming for over three decades ever since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Now, having revisited their aggressive policies of the past, Russia’s actions have detrimental effects on the region not only through active warfare in Ukraine but also due to propaganda and disinformation campaigns in many EU states, as well as energy blackmail. The EU as a whole has also been deeply affected by the war in Ukraine. There was talk of a “paradigm shift” in France, of a “Zeitenwende” (end of an era) in Germany, of an “end to naivety.” The EU has not only emerged from its soft policy in the face of the Russian regime’s policies but also matured in its geopolitical awareness. The war in Ukraine has hit a trajectory that was already favorable to the EU’s geopolitical consolidation. Since 2014, European defense has been revived, at least in terms of capabilities, with joint funding for military research projects and the joint development of defense capabilities (in particular, the European Defense Fund with eight billion euro for 2021–2027). Undoubtedly, resolving the conflict is up to the Ukrainians and the Russians. Still, the process will directly or indirectly involve all actors interested in a global order. The axis of geopolitical world reconstruction is particularly important for Ukraine but is also vital for the future of the EU, CEE, and Poland. Therefore, it must be assumed that the EU’s approach and capabilities must be prepared diplomatically and militarily to respond to any potential future threats to maintain stability and peace in the region.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"338 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2026-01-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145920171","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-12-24DOI: 10.1177/08883254251401748
Aurelian Craiutu
This article shows that moderation played an important role in the reconstruction of Europe after 1945. It focuses on a group of thinkers affiliated with the Ordoliberal school, founded by Walter Eucken, who played a key role in the creation of the social market economy in post-war Germany. As pragmatic liberals and moderates, they were critics and defenders of the free market economy. In their economic and sociological writings, Walter Eucken, Alexander Rüstow, and Wilhelm Röpke insisted that the free market needs an adequate business ethics, morality, and a complex set of values in addition to a strong but limited state, the rule of law, healthy families, and vibrant local associations. As such, Ordoliberalism was predicated on an original form of economic and political moderation and eclecticism, as illustrated by Alfred Müller-Armack’s essay “Social Irenics” (1950). Eighty years after the end of the war, we are called again to rediscover the virtue of moderation by finding new ways to reconcile freedom, equality, justice, the state, and the market.
本文表明，在1945年后的欧洲重建中，温和主义发挥了重要作用。该书关注的是沃尔特•欧肯（Walter Eucken）创立的自由主义学派（ordolliberal school）的一群思想家，他在战后德国社会市场经济的创立中发挥了关键作用。作为务实的自由主义者和温和派，他们是自由市场经济的批评者和捍卫者。在他们的经济学和社会学著作中，Walter Eucken, Alexander r stow和Wilhelm Röpke坚持认为，除了强大但有限的国家，法治，健康的家庭和充满活力的地方协会之外，自由市场还需要适当的商业伦理，道德和一套复杂的价值观。因此，秩序自由主义是建立在经济和政治温和和折衷主义的原始形式之上的，正如阿尔弗雷德·梅勒-阿马克（Alfred miller - armack）的文章《社会经济学》（Social Irenics, 1950）所阐述的那样。战争结束80年后，我们再次被要求通过寻找新的途径来调和自由、平等、正义、国家和市场，从而重新发现节制的美德。
{"title":"Moderation Amidst Ruins","authors":"Aurelian Craiutu","doi":"10.1177/08883254251401748","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254251401748","url":null,"abstract":"This article shows that moderation played an important role in the reconstruction of Europe after 1945. It focuses on a group of thinkers affiliated with the Ordoliberal school, founded by Walter Eucken, who played a key role in the creation of the social market economy in post-war Germany. As pragmatic liberals and moderates, they were critics and defenders of the free market economy. In their economic and sociological writings, Walter Eucken, Alexander Rüstow, and Wilhelm Röpke insisted that the free market needs an adequate business ethics, morality, and a complex set of values in addition to a strong but limited state, the rule of law, healthy families, and vibrant local associations. As such, Ordoliberalism was predicated on an original form of economic and political moderation and eclecticism, as illustrated by Alfred Müller-Armack’s essay “Social Irenics” (1950). Eighty years after the end of the war, we are called again to rediscover the virtue of moderation by finding new ways to reconcile freedom, equality, justice, the state, and the market.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"118 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2025-12-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145812764","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-12-24DOI: 10.1177/08883254251399847
Aleksandra Fila
The article explores gendered and class-based aspects of creativity through the perspective of value creation, attribution, and appropriation. It traces the ways in which creativity discourses were mobilized in the Polish “long ‘90s to reinforce the gendered division of labor. The transformation of labor in the industry is discussed against the backdrop of privatizations, managerial turn, denying particularly “unskilled workers” (women and peasants) creativity, policies of “cuts,” and deindustrialization. Identical processes also profoundly transformed reproduction, as its feminization in the ‘90s is characterized by the ultimate desubjectification, privatization, and devaluation of reproductive labor. This was achieved by liquidating common spaces of everyday creativity available to working-class women and by discursive reconstruction of reproduction as utterly uncreative. Drawing on these considerations, the article explains the mutual interdependence of the two figures populating the gendered and class-based imaginarium of the Polish “long ‘90s”—the “domestic hen,” and the “young wolf.” Masculinization of creativity, manifesting itself in the figure of competitive, creative, risk-taking entrepreneurs, was characteristic of a new, highly hierarchical and exclusionary model of creativity, which emerged during the formation of new upper classes. Consequently, the feminization of what was constructed as a “lack of creativity” should be understood as related to the dispossessions of the many (unequal along the lines of gender divisions), which created conditions for the enfranchisement of the few.
{"title":"“Domestic Hens” and “Young Wolves” in the Polish “Long ’90s”: Toward a Feminist Political Economy of Creativity","authors":"Aleksandra Fila","doi":"10.1177/08883254251399847","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254251399847","url":null,"abstract":"The article explores gendered and class-based aspects of creativity through the perspective of value creation, attribution, and appropriation. It traces the ways in which creativity discourses were mobilized in the Polish “long ‘90s to reinforce the gendered division of labor. The transformation of labor in the industry is discussed against the backdrop of privatizations, managerial turn, denying particularly “unskilled workers” (women and peasants) creativity, policies of “cuts,” and deindustrialization. Identical processes also profoundly transformed reproduction, as its feminization in the ‘90s is characterized by the ultimate desubjectification, privatization, and devaluation of reproductive labor. This was achieved by liquidating common spaces of everyday creativity available to working-class women and by discursive reconstruction of reproduction as utterly uncreative. Drawing on these considerations, the article explains the mutual interdependence of the two figures populating the gendered and class-based imaginarium of the Polish “long ‘90s”—the “domestic hen,” and the “young wolf.” Masculinization of creativity, manifesting itself in the figure of competitive, creative, risk-taking entrepreneurs, was characteristic of a new, highly hierarchical and exclusionary model of creativity, which emerged during the formation of new upper classes. Consequently, the feminization of what was constructed as a “lack of creativity” should be understood as related to the dispossessions of the many (unequal along the lines of gender divisions), which created conditions for the enfranchisement of the few.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"45 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2025-12-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145812763","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-12-24DOI: 10.1177/08883254251394653
Andrew Flachs, Ashley Glenn
Outside formal supply chains, Bosnian gardens provide meaningful contributions to food security through calories and culturally understood “good” food. Much of this food is ultimately sold, gifted, bartered, or paid in kind in a rural economy where labor is skilled and people have some means to produce, but cash is rare. Amid state failures to provide work and safety nets, garden networks of exchange, debt, and caregiving revive and transform the remains of Yugoslav village sociality in the 2020s. Yet in cash-poor and labor-squeezed rural communities, maintaining the ecological diversity of these montane environments presents a paradox: while providing nourishing and socially desired foods, these gardens cannot offer a desirable future to families who abandon homes to outmigration and work abroad. Food self-provisioning in northern Bosnia lays bare the aftermath of social and economic violence for environmental stewardship and rural belonging: while providing an important source of food security and sustaining networks of labor and exchange, Bosnian gardens are also a reverberation of profound socioeconomic gaps and unmet aspirations for economic growth. Even as they provide the physical means for social reproduction through food that is both culturally and culinarily nourishing, these gardens also represent deep ambiguities about rural futures in a mountainous region with high biodiversity, uncertain formal economies, and a desire to maintain a sense of home despite outmigration. Recognizing these tensions across gender, generation, and class demands a vision of agricultural sustainability centered around farmer labor, knowledge, and valuation.
{"title":"“We Are Just Surviving”: The Paradox of Robust Homegardens in Northern Bosnia and Herzegovina","authors":"Andrew Flachs, Ashley Glenn","doi":"10.1177/08883254251394653","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254251394653","url":null,"abstract":"Outside formal supply chains, Bosnian gardens provide meaningful contributions to food security through calories and culturally understood “good” food. Much of this food is ultimately sold, gifted, bartered, or paid in kind in a rural economy where labor is skilled and people have some means to produce, but cash is rare. Amid state failures to provide work and safety nets, garden networks of exchange, debt, and caregiving revive and transform the remains of Yugoslav village sociality in the 2020s. Yet in cash-poor and labor-squeezed rural communities, maintaining the ecological diversity of these montane environments presents a paradox: while providing nourishing and socially desired foods, these gardens cannot offer a desirable future to families who abandon homes to outmigration and work abroad. Food self-provisioning in northern Bosnia lays bare the aftermath of social and economic violence for environmental stewardship and rural belonging: while providing an important source of food security and sustaining networks of labor and exchange, Bosnian gardens are also a reverberation of profound socioeconomic gaps and unmet aspirations for economic growth. Even as they provide the physical means for social reproduction through food that is both culturally and culinarily nourishing, these gardens also represent deep ambiguities about rural futures in a mountainous region with high biodiversity, uncertain formal economies, and a desire to maintain a sense of home despite outmigration. Recognizing these tensions across gender, generation, and class demands a vision of agricultural sustainability centered around farmer labor, knowledge, and valuation.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"39 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2025-12-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145812765","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-12-24DOI: 10.1177/08883254251403412
Nina Djukanović
This article is concerned with the multiple forms of attachments that emerge in the wake of lithium mining efforts in Serbia and expanding green extractivism in the Balkans more broadly. The Jadar Project was set to become one of the first and the biggest lithium mines in Europe, a metallic element widely understood as crucial to the so-called green transition. However, the mining plans attracted widespread resistance, led by the local community of the Jadar Valley, many of whom are farmers and agricultural workers. The government was ultimately forced to cancel the project in January 2022 following months of protests, yet the cancellation was nullified two and a half years later. Based on a close ethnographic engagement with the affected communities and their allies, I describe the local relationships with the soil, land, history, and memory and their reverberation and remobilization. What emerges is a particular sense of peripheralization and Balkanization, of being designated a colony or a sacrifice zone, a forgotten corner of Europe where lithium mining is to take place. Crucially, however, as this article shows, what also becomes possible is the formation of solidarities across the Global North and the Global South based on common struggles and shared experiences of attachment to the land. This article thus focuses on the forms of attachments that lay behind mass resistance, becoming a fundamental challenge to the logic of green extractivism.
{"title":"Between Peripheries and Solidarities: Resisting Green Extractivism in Serbia","authors":"Nina Djukanović","doi":"10.1177/08883254251403412","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254251403412","url":null,"abstract":"This article is concerned with the multiple forms of attachments that emerge in the wake of lithium mining efforts in Serbia and expanding green extractivism in the Balkans more broadly. The Jadar Project was set to become one of the first and the biggest lithium mines in Europe, a metallic element widely understood as crucial to the so-called green transition. However, the mining plans attracted widespread resistance, led by the local community of the Jadar Valley, many of whom are farmers and agricultural workers. The government was ultimately forced to cancel the project in January 2022 following months of protests, yet the cancellation was nullified two and a half years later. Based on a close ethnographic engagement with the affected communities and their allies, I describe the local relationships with the soil, land, history, and memory and their reverberation and remobilization. What emerges is a particular sense of peripheralization and Balkanization, of being designated a colony or a sacrifice zone, a forgotten corner of Europe where lithium mining is to take place. Crucially, however, as this article shows, what also becomes possible is the formation of solidarities across the Global North and the Global South based on common struggles and shared experiences of attachment to the land. This article thus focuses on the forms of attachments that lay behind mass resistance, becoming a fundamental challenge to the logic of green extractivism.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"22 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2025-12-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145812766","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-12-24DOI: 10.1177/08883254251397670
Branko Banović, Marko Milenković, Miloš Milenković
This article explores the interplay between environmentalism, nationalism, and clientelism in the town of Pljevlja, Northern Montenegro. The environmental and economic transformations driven by European Union integration have placed Pljevlja at the center of both ecological degradation and political struggles. Using an interdisciplinary approach that combines political anthropology, mining studies, and legal analysis, the study examines the rise of “econativism,” where environmental and nationalist discourses merge to form powerful local movements. Through ethnographic research conducted in two phases between 2015 and 2023, the article highlights how environmental issues, especially air pollution, are intertwined with identity politics, ethnic clientelism, and shifting political dynamics. The findings reveal that opposition parties successfully used environmental concerns in the lead-up to Montenegro’s 2020 political changes, only for environmental activism to decline after their ascent to power. The case study of Pljevlja offers critical insights into the potential and limitations of econativism as a political force, emphasizing that identity-driven narratives can co-opt ecological activism which dissipates when political goals are achieved.
{"title":"Nationalism, Clientelism, and Green Transition: Econativism and Environmental Politics in Pljevlja, Montenegro","authors":"Branko Banović, Marko Milenković, Miloš Milenković","doi":"10.1177/08883254251397670","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254251397670","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the interplay between environmentalism, nationalism, and clientelism in the town of Pljevlja, Northern Montenegro. The environmental and economic transformations driven by European Union integration have placed Pljevlja at the center of both ecological degradation and political struggles. Using an interdisciplinary approach that combines political anthropology, mining studies, and legal analysis, the study examines the rise of “econativism,” where environmental and nationalist discourses merge to form powerful local movements. Through ethnographic research conducted in two phases between 2015 and 2023, the article highlights how environmental issues, especially air pollution, are intertwined with identity politics, ethnic clientelism, and shifting political dynamics. The findings reveal that opposition parties successfully used environmental concerns in the lead-up to Montenegro’s 2020 political changes, only for environmental activism to decline after their ascent to power. The case study of Pljevlja offers critical insights into the potential and limitations of econativism as a political force, emphasizing that identity-driven narratives can co-opt ecological activism which dissipates when political goals are achieved.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"8 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2025-12-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145812767","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-11-17DOI: 10.1177/08883254251381837
Iskra de Vries, Marta Gospodarczyk
This article examines cultural hierarchies in practices of knowledge production using Robert Kulpa’s concept of leveraged pedagogy. Engaging with the work of Stanley Bill and Jennifer Ramme on Poland’s progressive organizing, conceptions of Polishness and patriotism, we challenge the binaries of the transnational and the national, and national and exclusionary, by entering into a scholarly polemic guided by the Fanonian notion of national consciousness which proposes that ideas related to the nation may also lead to visions of national liberation. Ultimately, we argue that the debate over abortion in Poland must be seen as a reflection of broader national, political and historical struggles, deeply entangled with issues of independence, gender, and cultural identity. By emphasizing Second World contextuality, we argue that leveraged pedagogy is a valuable sense-making tool for addressing the inadequate representations and misinterpretations of local struggles.
{"title":"Polemics on Polish Progressiveness and Patriotism: A Fanonian Reading of National Consciousness","authors":"Iskra de Vries, Marta Gospodarczyk","doi":"10.1177/08883254251381837","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254251381837","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines cultural hierarchies in practices of knowledge production using Robert Kulpa’s concept of leveraged pedagogy. Engaging with the work of Stanley Bill and Jennifer Ramme on Poland’s progressive organizing, conceptions of Polishness and patriotism, we challenge the binaries of the transnational and the national, and national and exclusionary, by entering into a scholarly polemic guided by the Fanonian notion of national consciousness which proposes that ideas related to the nation may also lead to visions of national liberation. Ultimately, we argue that the debate over abortion in Poland must be seen as a reflection of broader national, political and historical struggles, deeply entangled with issues of independence, gender, and cultural identity. By emphasizing Second World contextuality, we argue that leveraged pedagogy is a valuable sense-making tool for addressing the inadequate representations and misinterpretations of local struggles.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"3 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2025-11-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145531468","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-09-26DOI: 10.1177/08883254251382015
{"title":"Erratum to “Volume 38 Issue 4, November 2024”","authors":"","doi":"10.1177/08883254251382015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254251382015","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"91 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2025-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145154092","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-08-23DOI: 10.1177/08883254251364876
Quinn O’Dowd
In the last fifteen years, hosting on Airbnb has largely shifted from work done by individuals to work done by organizations. While this fact is well established in both academic and popular literature, relatively little is known about the organization of labor in such companies. Although it has been argued that this is a platform-driven phenomenon, using participant observation from a case study of one property-management company operating on Airbnb in Prague called SmartStay, I demonstrate how success is contingent not only upon company leaders’ competence of the platform but also upon their capacity to foster relationships with those in the community. In this way, building residents and property owners become agents in the process by which housing is transformed into short-term rentals. Thus, in this paper, I both critique and expand upon previous work on formalized hosting that centers the platform as the key to an entrepreneur’s success. Accordingly, in this case study from Eastern Europe, I show how platformization is not merely a process in which the global uniformly transforms the local, but rather one which is shaped by certain Airbnb entrepreneurs’ ability to navigate specific local constellations of legal, material, and relational powers to expand their businesses.
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