Pub Date : 2023-10-18DOI: 10.1177/08883254231194262
Blendi Kajsiu
This article argues that while nationalist discourses construct “the people” through positive identity practices, populist discourses articulate it through negative identity practices. Nationalism emphasizes who “the people” are, by identifying a number of core positive characteristics that they share, such as ethnicity, language, culture, history, religion, or political rights and civic traditions. Populism, on the other hand, defines “the people” primarily in a negative fashion in opposition to the elites. Here, “the people” do not share any positive characteristics beyond their oppression, exclusion, and marginalization by the elites. In order to empirically demonstrate the above distinction, I compare the political discourse of Rafael Correa in Ecuador during his first term in office (2007–2012) with that of Victor Orbán in Hungary, primarily during his second term in office (2010–2014). The comparison between these two political projects not only spells out important differences between populist and nationalist articulations of “the people” but also highlights different types of anti-system politics that have emerged in Latin America and Eastern Europe.
{"title":"Nationalist versus Populist Constructions of “the People”: Eastern Europe and Latin America in Comparative Perspective","authors":"Blendi Kajsiu","doi":"10.1177/08883254231194262","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254231194262","url":null,"abstract":"This article argues that while nationalist discourses construct “the people” through positive identity practices, populist discourses articulate it through negative identity practices. Nationalism emphasizes who “the people” are, by identifying a number of core positive characteristics that they share, such as ethnicity, language, culture, history, religion, or political rights and civic traditions. Populism, on the other hand, defines “the people” primarily in a negative fashion in opposition to the elites. Here, “the people” do not share any positive characteristics beyond their oppression, exclusion, and marginalization by the elites. In order to empirically demonstrate the above distinction, I compare the political discourse of Rafael Correa in Ecuador during his first term in office (2007–2012) with that of Victor Orbán in Hungary, primarily during his second term in office (2010–2014). The comparison between these two political projects not only spells out important differences between populist and nationalist articulations of “the people” but also highlights different types of anti-system politics that have emerged in Latin America and Eastern Europe.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"65 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135882988","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-17DOI: 10.1177/08883254231203331
Simona Guglielmi, Arianna Piacentini
The article aims to offer a contribution to a better understanding of the mechanisms underpinning the intertwining of national and religious identity at the individual level in (some) European former communist and socialist countries. It starts by retracing from a historical perspective the place religion occupied during the regimes, then paying attention to how, once politicized and ethnicized by the hand of a new class of ethnopolitical entrepreneurs, religion has become “the hallmark of nationhood.” This excursus allows us to better contextualize both the theoretical argument and findings. The intertwining of national and religious identity is investigated from two main theoretical sources. The first is the debate within sociology and political science on the different ideas of nationhood, while the second consists of socio-psychological models of intergroup relations. The empirical investigation is based on survey data from the European values study (EVS, 2017). A comparative approach is used which includes four countries having Catholic large majorities (Poland, Slovenia, Croatia, and Hungary) and, as a benchmark, Romania having an Orthodox majority. To test the hypotheses, a structural equation model is specified. The causal model seeks to unravel to what extent different conceptions of nationhood (ethno-religious vs. civil), together with national attachment, influence the intergenerational transmission of religious values and distrust of people of another religion/nationality. The research results are in line with the current European trends pointing in the direction of a stronger overlap between the religious and the national in tailoring collective identities.
{"title":"Religion and National Identity in Central and Eastern European Countries: Persisting and Evolving Links","authors":"Simona Guglielmi, Arianna Piacentini","doi":"10.1177/08883254231203331","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254231203331","url":null,"abstract":"The article aims to offer a contribution to a better understanding of the mechanisms underpinning the intertwining of national and religious identity at the individual level in (some) European former communist and socialist countries. It starts by retracing from a historical perspective the place religion occupied during the regimes, then paying attention to how, once politicized and ethnicized by the hand of a new class of ethnopolitical entrepreneurs, religion has become “the hallmark of nationhood.” This excursus allows us to better contextualize both the theoretical argument and findings. The intertwining of national and religious identity is investigated from two main theoretical sources. The first is the debate within sociology and political science on the different ideas of nationhood, while the second consists of socio-psychological models of intergroup relations. The empirical investigation is based on survey data from the European values study (EVS, 2017). A comparative approach is used which includes four countries having Catholic large majorities (Poland, Slovenia, Croatia, and Hungary) and, as a benchmark, Romania having an Orthodox majority. To test the hypotheses, a structural equation model is specified. The causal model seeks to unravel to what extent different conceptions of nationhood (ethno-religious vs. civil), together with national attachment, influence the intergenerational transmission of religious values and distrust of people of another religion/nationality. The research results are in line with the current European trends pointing in the direction of a stronger overlap between the religious and the national in tailoring collective identities.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"26 5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135994623","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-15DOI: 10.1177/08883254231196317
András Bíró-Nagy, Áron József Szászi
This article investigates the perceptions of the European Union’s policy impact by revealing the Hungarian public’s awareness of the European Union’s domestic policy influence and its attitudes towards Europeanisation. The study is based on descriptive and regression analyses of cross-sectional survey data. With respect to general knowledge about the European Union, as well as knowledge about the competences of the European Union and the member states, we found that slightly more than a third of the respondents can be classified as well-informed. We observed indications of “wishful thinking” about Europeanisation, as there was a significant correlation between the perceived and desired levels of policy integration. Respondents were more likely to support the EU integration of those policies that are in fact Europeanised to a larger extent. Pro-government supporters and voters of right-wing identity have a lower probability of supporting EU integration of policies. Although the classic “referendum question” suggests that the public support of Hungary’s EU membership is stable, our results demonstrate that there are major limitations to the willingness of Hungarian society to support further integration and a policy favouring national sovereignty has strong roots in society. The divisions in society we found with respect to the distribution of policy competences between the European Union and Hungary lead us to conclude that the debates about the future of the European Union will likely continue to polarise Hungarian public opinion in the future.
{"title":"Perceptions of the European Union’s Policy Impact: Europeanisation of Public Attitudes in Hungary","authors":"András Bíró-Nagy, Áron József Szászi","doi":"10.1177/08883254231196317","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254231196317","url":null,"abstract":"This article investigates the perceptions of the European Union’s policy impact by revealing the Hungarian public’s awareness of the European Union’s domestic policy influence and its attitudes towards Europeanisation. The study is based on descriptive and regression analyses of cross-sectional survey data. With respect to general knowledge about the European Union, as well as knowledge about the competences of the European Union and the member states, we found that slightly more than a third of the respondents can be classified as well-informed. We observed indications of “wishful thinking” about Europeanisation, as there was a significant correlation between the perceived and desired levels of policy integration. Respondents were more likely to support the EU integration of those policies that are in fact Europeanised to a larger extent. Pro-government supporters and voters of right-wing identity have a lower probability of supporting EU integration of policies. Although the classic “referendum question” suggests that the public support of Hungary’s EU membership is stable, our results demonstrate that there are major limitations to the willingness of Hungarian society to support further integration and a policy favouring national sovereignty has strong roots in society. The divisions in society we found with respect to the distribution of policy competences between the European Union and Hungary lead us to conclude that the debates about the future of the European Union will likely continue to polarise Hungarian public opinion in the future.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"26 4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136184530","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-10DOI: 10.1177/08883254231194274
Jolita Buzaitytė-Kašalynienė, Birutė Švedaitė-Sakalauskė, Vaidas Kalpokas, Gintautas Sakalauskas
This article aims to assess the Lithuanian population’s punitive attitudes towards juvenile delinquents, to discuss them from the perspective of authoritarianism and to connect them to Lithuania’s communist past. This study was a cross-sectional population-based study, administered in 2021. Multistage stratified sampling techniques were used to create a representative sample of 1,508 Lithuanian residents aged eighteen years and older. A measurement of attitudes was created by the authors based on the ideas about the tripartite attitude structure: measuring multiple attributes from the areas of affect (feelings towards juvenile offenders), cognition (explanations of the causes of juvenile offending), and action (measures for reduction of juvenile delinquency). The study revealed that almost half of Lithuanians hold punitive attitudes towards juvenile delinquents. These punitive attitudes correlate with negative feelings towards juvenile delinquents related to common stereotypes and inaccurate explanations of the causes of juvenile delinquency. Punitiveness was also connected with fears of “bad” Western influences such as the perceived overvaluing of children’s rights and disapproval of violence against children and authoritarian parenting. The statement “Is juvenile delinquency in Lithuania increasing because of the bad influence of the West” divided the Lithuanian population into two almost equal groups: “Pro-Westerners” and “Anti-Westerners.” “Anti-Westerners” were more likely to hold authoritarian views, while “Anti-Western” attitudes were more prevalent among older, less-educated, and lower-income citizens.
{"title":"“Is Juvenile Delinquency in Lithuania Increasing because of the Bad Influence of the West”? Punitive Attitudes of the Lithuanian Population towards Juvenile Offenders","authors":"Jolita Buzaitytė-Kašalynienė, Birutė Švedaitė-Sakalauskė, Vaidas Kalpokas, Gintautas Sakalauskas","doi":"10.1177/08883254231194274","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254231194274","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to assess the Lithuanian population’s punitive attitudes towards juvenile delinquents, to discuss them from the perspective of authoritarianism and to connect them to Lithuania’s communist past. This study was a cross-sectional population-based study, administered in 2021. Multistage stratified sampling techniques were used to create a representative sample of 1,508 Lithuanian residents aged eighteen years and older. A measurement of attitudes was created by the authors based on the ideas about the tripartite attitude structure: measuring multiple attributes from the areas of affect (feelings towards juvenile offenders), cognition (explanations of the causes of juvenile offending), and action (measures for reduction of juvenile delinquency). The study revealed that almost half of Lithuanians hold punitive attitudes towards juvenile delinquents. These punitive attitudes correlate with negative feelings towards juvenile delinquents related to common stereotypes and inaccurate explanations of the causes of juvenile delinquency. Punitiveness was also connected with fears of “bad” Western influences such as the perceived overvaluing of children’s rights and disapproval of violence against children and authoritarian parenting. The statement “Is juvenile delinquency in Lithuania increasing because of the bad influence of the West” divided the Lithuanian population into two almost equal groups: “Pro-Westerners” and “Anti-Westerners.” “Anti-Westerners” were more likely to hold authoritarian views, while “Anti-Western” attitudes were more prevalent among older, less-educated, and lower-income citizens.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136294382","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-09DOI: 10.1177/08883254231156557
Łukasz Bertram
The aim of this article is to analyse the archival collection of the memoirs of officers of the Polish security forces (Security Office and Citizens’ Militia) on their service in the Warsaw voivodeship in the late 1940s and early 1950s. Entangled in political violence, they were chief actors of the top-down “revolution in the county” and bottom-up “county revolution” that overlapped in Central Europe after the Second World War. This article presents their accounts as examples of fulfilment of a “narrative command” to present a vision of the past in line with the official ideological scripts of the Polish People’s Republic. At the same time, though, the approach employed here does not deprive the authors of their authorial subjectivity, and highlights their agency in attempting to express their individual agendas, interpretations, and emotions. This article distinguishes two types of accounts with reference to their perspective, structure, and language: “from a bird’s-eye view” and “a frog’s-eye” narrative, as well as one peculiar case of “an aspiring writer.” Then, in its main part, the article analyses how veterans reconstructed and interpreted various experiences related to their service in the 1940s and 1950s. The issues are the following: becoming an officer and transformation from “peasant” to “guardsman,” participation in violence and coercion, alcohol drinking, and possible fields of political criticism expressed by the officers.
{"title":"Remembering on Command: Autobiographical Narratives of the Officers of the Polish Security Forces, 1944–1956","authors":"Łukasz Bertram","doi":"10.1177/08883254231156557","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254231156557","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this article is to analyse the archival collection of the memoirs of officers of the Polish security forces (Security Office and Citizens’ Militia) on their service in the Warsaw voivodeship in the late 1940s and early 1950s. Entangled in political violence, they were chief actors of the top-down “revolution in the county” and bottom-up “county revolution” that overlapped in Central Europe after the Second World War. This article presents their accounts as examples of fulfilment of a “narrative command” to present a vision of the past in line with the official ideological scripts of the Polish People’s Republic. At the same time, though, the approach employed here does not deprive the authors of their authorial subjectivity, and highlights their agency in attempting to express their individual agendas, interpretations, and emotions. This article distinguishes two types of accounts with reference to their perspective, structure, and language: “from a bird’s-eye view” and “a frog’s-eye” narrative, as well as one peculiar case of “an aspiring writer.” Then, in its main part, the article analyses how veterans reconstructed and interpreted various experiences related to their service in the 1940s and 1950s. The issues are the following: becoming an officer and transformation from “peasant” to “guardsman,” participation in violence and coercion, alcohol drinking, and possible fields of political criticism expressed by the officers.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"4 1","pages":"1204 - 1226"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77385022","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-09DOI: 10.1177/08883254221148485
Tanya Bagashka, Samantha Chapa, Lydia Tiede
In what ways do amicus curiae or friend of the court briefs shape the decisions of constitutional courts outside of the United States? Using a unique data set of more than nine hundred briefs from ...
法庭之友或法庭之友简报如何影响美国以外的宪法法院的裁决?使用一组独特的数据，其中包括来自……
{"title":"Influenced by Power or Reasons? The Role of Amicus Curiae Briefs in Constitutional Court Decision-Making","authors":"Tanya Bagashka, Samantha Chapa, Lydia Tiede","doi":"10.1177/08883254221148485","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254221148485","url":null,"abstract":"In what ways do amicus curiae or friend of the court briefs shape the decisions of constitutional courts outside of the United States? Using a unique data set of more than nine hundred briefs from ...","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"60 35","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50167191","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-09DOI: 10.1177/08883254231163184
Boštjan Udovič, Janž Snoj, Tanja Žigon
The aim of this article is to study the translation of Polish literature into Slovene to shed light on Polish literary (and cultural) diplomacy in Slovenia. Being acquainted with the culture of ano...
{"title":"“Forgotten Friend(s)”: Polish Literary Diplomacy in Slovenia","authors":"Boštjan Udovič, Janž Snoj, Tanja Žigon","doi":"10.1177/08883254231163184","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254231163184","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this article is to study the translation of Polish literature into Slovene to shed light on Polish literary (and cultural) diplomacy in Slovenia. Being acquainted with the culture of ano...","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"60 33","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50167193","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-09DOI: 10.1177/08883254231163183
Andrzej Paczkowski
The phenomenon of transitional justice appears when authoritarian regimes transform into democracies—a topic that has been studied for many years. One main focus has been the question of the responsibility of the former ruling elite and their subordinates, and in particular, criminal responsibility. After the collapse of communism in Europe, secret police informers were perceived as sharing responsibility, alongside the regime’s functionaries. The first steps toward bringing them to justice were taken in March 1990 in Czechoslovakia. The process was called “lustration,” harking back to an ancient tradition of cleansing newborns of evil. In the jargon of the Czechoslovak security apparatus, “lustrace” meant checking an individual’s secret police records. The best known example of lustration took place in Germany, but the basic idea was carried out in all post-communist Central European countries. This kind of transitional justice was not associated with criminal responsibility, and—except in Poland—the courts were not involved in lustration, which was conceived of as a purely administrative procedure. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, only the Baltic states adopted lustration legislation; in other post-Soviet states, such initiatives failed. A similar situation emerged when Yugoslavia disintegrated, where the ethnic wars overshadowed society’s memories of communist wrongdoing. Lustration was unique to post-communist states and was not seen in any other transitional context.
{"title":"Lustration: A Post-Communist Phenomenon","authors":"Andrzej Paczkowski","doi":"10.1177/08883254231163183","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254231163183","url":null,"abstract":"The phenomenon of transitional justice appears when authoritarian regimes transform into democracies—a topic that has been studied for many years. One main focus has been the question of the responsibility of the former ruling elite and their subordinates, and in particular, criminal responsibility. After the collapse of communism in Europe, secret police informers were perceived as sharing responsibility, alongside the regime’s functionaries. The first steps toward bringing them to justice were taken in March 1990 in Czechoslovakia. The process was called “lustration,” harking back to an ancient tradition of cleansing newborns of evil. In the jargon of the Czechoslovak security apparatus, “lustrace” meant checking an individual’s secret police records. The best known example of lustration took place in Germany, but the basic idea was carried out in all post-communist Central European countries. This kind of transitional justice was not associated with criminal responsibility, and—except in Poland—the courts were not involved in lustration, which was conceived of as a purely administrative procedure. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, only the Baltic states adopted lustration legislation; in other post-Soviet states, such initiatives failed. A similar situation emerged when Yugoslavia disintegrated, where the ethnic wars overshadowed society’s memories of communist wrongdoing. Lustration was unique to post-communist states and was not seen in any other transitional context.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"7 1","pages":"1139 - 1179"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81897536","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-09DOI: 10.1177/08883254231156554
Vitalii Borymskyi
This article examines Polish underground publications (samizdat) interpreting Ukraine’s role in the Polish–Soviet war of 1920. The research analyzes a large number of underground journals, newspape...
{"title":"Underestimated Ally: Ukraine during the Polish–Soviet War of 1920 in Polish Underground Publications (1976–1989)","authors":"Vitalii Borymskyi","doi":"10.1177/08883254231156554","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254231156554","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines Polish underground publications (samizdat) interpreting Ukraine’s role in the Polish–Soviet war of 1920. The research analyzes a large number of underground journals, newspape...","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"60 34","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50167192","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-09DOI: 10.1177/08883254231156553
Piotr Osęka
The secret police, along with the political apparatus of a ruling party or administration, created the backbone of communist regimes and constituted the main tool of State violence. The state of the art within studies on the Polish security apparatus—albeit extremely rich—is entirely focused on archival documents. What is missing from the research on the secret police in Poland is an oral history approach. This article is a pioneer attempt at revealing the operative methods of the Służba Bezpieczeństwa (SB) through interviews with former officers. It aims at reconstructing the mechanism that led the officers to victimize dissidents and how they created moral justifications for their deeds. Asking about their career track, successes and failures, relationships with other officers, private life, and details of daily duty, I tried to glean what made the interviewees become perpetrators.
秘密警察与执政党或行政当局的政治机器一起构成了共产主义政权的支柱，并构成了国家暴力的主要工具。对波兰安全机构的最新研究——尽管极其丰富——完全集中在档案文件上。关于波兰秘密警察的研究缺少的是口述历史的方法。这篇文章是通过对前警官的采访，揭示Służba Bezpieczeństwa (SB)的操作方法的开创性尝试。它旨在重建导致官员迫害持不同政见者的机制，以及他们如何为自己的行为创造道德理由。询问他们的职业轨迹、成功与失败、与其他军官的关系、私人生活以及日常工作细节，我试图收集是什么让受访者成为犯罪者。
{"title":"“Secret Services Are Meant To Serve”: State Violence in the Autobiographic Memory of Secret Police Officers in Communist Poland","authors":"Piotr Osęka","doi":"10.1177/08883254231156553","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254231156553","url":null,"abstract":"The secret police, along with the political apparatus of a ruling party or administration, created the backbone of communist regimes and constituted the main tool of State violence. The state of the art within studies on the Polish security apparatus—albeit extremely rich—is entirely focused on archival documents. What is missing from the research on the secret police in Poland is an oral history approach. This article is a pioneer attempt at revealing the operative methods of the Służba Bezpieczeństwa (SB) through interviews with former officers. It aims at reconstructing the mechanism that led the officers to victimize dissidents and how they created moral justifications for their deeds. Asking about their career track, successes and failures, relationships with other officers, private life, and details of daily duty, I tried to glean what made the interviewees become perpetrators.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"1 1","pages":"1227 - 1248"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90684277","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：