Pub Date : 2015-03-02DOI: 10.1177/0888325415570964
E. Kopczynska, K. Zielińska
Food and eating serve as an expression of social relations and roles as well as a mechanism sustaining or challenging social structure and roles. This also includes marking and reproducing gender roles and identities. With the profound social, cultural, and political changes that have taken place there recently, Poland offers an interesting case study for grasping the changing meaning of both food and gender and the relationship between them. The aim of this article is therefore twofold—to present available data on food choices among men and women (mostly dietary choices) and to offer a socio-cultural interpretation of the data by discussing it in the context of emerging food regimes and recent gender transformations. In other words, we will be interested in finding out how food is incorporated in doing gender in the Polish context and how it can be interpreted in the light of scholarly work on both gender and food.
{"title":"Feeding the Body, Feeding the Gender","authors":"E. Kopczynska, K. Zielińska","doi":"10.1177/0888325415570964","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0888325415570964","url":null,"abstract":"Food and eating serve as an expression of social relations and roles as well as a mechanism sustaining or challenging social structure and roles. This also includes marking and reproducing gender roles and identities. With the profound social, cultural, and political changes that have taken place there recently, Poland offers an interesting case study for grasping the changing meaning of both food and gender and the relationship between them. The aim of this article is therefore twofold—to present available data on food choices among men and women (mostly dietary choices) and to offer a socio-cultural interpretation of the data by discussing it in the context of emerging food regimes and recent gender transformations. In other words, we will be interested in finding out how food is incorporated in doing gender in the Polish context and how it can be interpreted in the light of scholarly work on both gender and food.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"54 1","pages":"147 - 168"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2015-03-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0888325415570964","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65528779","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-11-01DOI: 10.1177/0888325413494773
R. Mahmutčehajić
Andrić’s fiction is closely identified with Bosnia and often taken for a faithful reflection of that country’s culture, social relations, and tragic history. Rather than reflecting Bosnian pluralism, however, his oeuvre undermines its very metaphysical underpinnings, in part because his works are so firmly rooted in the European experience of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. From the perspective of a dominant modernity, certain cultures and peoples came to be presented as un-European, Oriental, and essentially foreign. Bosnia, which had always been a religiously plural society, now became one where ideological models excluded its Muslim inhabitants. In line with long-standing European practice, Andrić drew an image of the Bosnian Muslim as Turk and the Turk as Bosnian Muslim, converting the real content of Bosnian society into a plastic material for the ideologues of homogenous societies to use in modelling external and internal enemies that were essentially identical. This process required as its precondition the destruction of that enemy through a process described as the social and cultural liberation of the Christian subject. Over time, this exclusion took on forms now termed genocide. In creating this image, Andrić deployed narrative techniques whose function may fairly be characterized as the aesthetic dissimulation of our ethical responsibilities towards the other and the different. Such elements from his oeuvre have been used in the nationalist ideologies anti-Muslimism serves as a building block. In this paper, certain aspects of the ideological reading and interpretation of Andrić’s oeuvre are presented.
{"title":"ANDRIĆISM","authors":"R. Mahmutčehajić","doi":"10.1177/0888325413494773","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0888325413494773","url":null,"abstract":"Andrić’s fiction is closely identified with Bosnia and often taken for a faithful reflection of that country’s culture, social relations, and tragic history. Rather than reflecting Bosnian pluralism, however, his oeuvre undermines its very metaphysical underpinnings, in part because his works are so firmly rooted in the European experience of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. From the perspective of a dominant modernity, certain cultures and peoples came to be presented as un-European, Oriental, and essentially foreign. Bosnia, which had always been a religiously plural society, now became one where ideological models excluded its Muslim inhabitants. In line with long-standing European practice, Andrić drew an image of the Bosnian Muslim as Turk and the Turk as Bosnian Muslim, converting the real content of Bosnian society into a plastic material for the ideologues of homogenous societies to use in modelling external and internal enemies that were essentially identical. This process required as its precondition the destruction of that enemy through a process described as the social and cultural liberation of the Christian subject. Over time, this exclusion took on forms now termed genocide. In creating this image, Andrić deployed narrative techniques whose function may fairly be characterized as the aesthetic dissimulation of our ethical responsibilities towards the other and the different. Such elements from his oeuvre have been used in the nationalist ideologies anti-Muslimism serves as a building block. In this paper, certain aspects of the ideological reading and interpretation of Andrić’s oeuvre are presented.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"27 1","pages":"619 - 667"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2013-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0888325413494773","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65528543","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-08-01DOI: 10.1177/0888325412441825
Svetlana Vassileva-Karagyozova, N. Wood
This short essay introduces three articles about Socialist prefabricated apartment buildings in the Czech Republic and Poland. The essay begins by noting the impossibility of replacing the apartment blocks of the Communist bloc after 1989, despite their clear connotation with the undesirable gray uniformity of the old regime, and asks what their legacy has been for their inhabitants in the twenty years since. Based on summaries of the three articles by My Svensson, Adrienne Harris, and Kimberly Zarecor that follow, it draws some conclusions about the prefab neighborhoods. While the first two authors, who consider filmic and literary depiction of life in the blocks, tend to focus on the despair and entrapment people feel there, Zarecor, who notes the pre-socialist origins of prefabricated apartment buildings, uses contemporary surveys and other sources to demonstrate ways that they have proven adaptable to post-socialist life. All three articles suggest that the blocks of the former Communist bloc may be more similar to the “projects” of the West than formerly thought. It seems that the buildings’ gray uniformity has meant that they can serve both as the backdrop for slums and degradation, or, if refurbished and repainted, as an adequate post-socialist living space.
{"title":"The Socialist Prefabs after Utopia","authors":"Svetlana Vassileva-Karagyozova, N. Wood","doi":"10.1177/0888325412441825","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0888325412441825","url":null,"abstract":"This short essay introduces three articles about Socialist prefabricated apartment buildings in the Czech Republic and Poland. The essay begins by noting the impossibility of replacing the apartment blocks of the Communist bloc after 1989, despite their clear connotation with the undesirable gray uniformity of the old regime, and asks what their legacy has been for their inhabitants in the twenty years since. Based on summaries of the three articles by My Svensson, Adrienne Harris, and Kimberly Zarecor that follow, it draws some conclusions about the prefab neighborhoods. While the first two authors, who consider filmic and literary depiction of life in the blocks, tend to focus on the despair and entrapment people feel there, Zarecor, who notes the pre-socialist origins of prefabricated apartment buildings, uses contemporary surveys and other sources to demonstrate ways that they have proven adaptable to post-socialist life. All three articles suggest that the blocks of the former Communist bloc may be more similar to the “projects” of the West than formerly thought. It seems that the buildings’ gray uniformity has meant that they can serve both as the backdrop for slums and degradation, or, if refurbished and repainted, as an adequate post-socialist living space.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"10 1","pages":"447 - 453"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2012-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81263555","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-08-01DOI: 10.1177/0888325412436842
Shawn Clybor
This article considers how Adolf Hoffmeister and E.F. Burian, influential members of the interwar avant-garde, struggled to define themselves as socialist realists in Czechoslovakia 1948-1956, even as they engaged in a parallel struggle to create works consistent with their artistic legacy. It argues that their ideas emerged both in cooperation with and in opposition to the increasingly repressive post-1948 communist regime, whose broader ideals they enthusiastically shared. Using these two intellectuals as case studies, the goal is thus to reframe our understanding of “complicity” under the 1950s Stalinist regime as a complex series of responses to the political, social, and intellectual questions of the era. Neither vacuous mouthpieces of the regime nor political dissidents, Hoffmeister and Burian stood at a critical historical juncture that linked the legacy of the interwar avant-garde to the cultural flowering of the 1960s Prague Spring. The article comprises three sections: The first offers a brief overview of the Stalinist era in Czechoslovakia, taking into account recent historical scholarship that recasts our understanding of the period. The second section examines the art and politics of Adolf Hoffmeister, who played a key role in the Stalinization of the Czechoslovak Fine Arts Union in 1952, revealing his attempts to both criticize and employ the violent rhetoric of the communist Terror. The third section considers E.F. Burian’s desperate attempt to save his interwar Theater D from nationalization, which ironically forced him into a relationship with the Ministry of Defense under the arch-Stalinist Alexej Čepička.
{"title":"Laughter and Hatred Are Neighbors","authors":"Shawn Clybor","doi":"10.1177/0888325412436842","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0888325412436842","url":null,"abstract":"This article considers how Adolf Hoffmeister and E.F. Burian, influential members of the interwar avant-garde, struggled to define themselves as socialist realists in Czechoslovakia 1948-1956, even as they engaged in a parallel struggle to create works consistent with their artistic legacy. It argues that their ideas emerged both in cooperation with and in opposition to the increasingly repressive post-1948 communist regime, whose broader ideals they enthusiastically shared. Using these two intellectuals as case studies, the goal is thus to reframe our understanding of “complicity” under the 1950s Stalinist regime as a complex series of responses to the political, social, and intellectual questions of the era. Neither vacuous mouthpieces of the regime nor political dissidents, Hoffmeister and Burian stood at a critical historical juncture that linked the legacy of the interwar avant-garde to the cultural flowering of the 1960s Prague Spring. The article comprises three sections: The first offers a brief overview of the Stalinist era in Czechoslovakia, taking into account recent historical scholarship that recasts our understanding of the period. The second section examines the art and politics of Adolf Hoffmeister, who played a key role in the Stalinization of the Czechoslovak Fine Arts Union in 1952, revealing his attempts to both criticize and employ the violent rhetoric of the communist Terror. The third section considers E.F. Burian’s desperate attempt to save his interwar Theater D from nationalization, which ironically forced him into a relationship with the Ministry of Defense under the arch-Stalinist Alexej Čepička.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"75 1","pages":"589 - 615"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2012-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86075810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-08-01DOI: 10.1177/0888325412456998
{"title":"EEPS_Ad for ACLS_EE Fellowships_2012-2013","authors":"","doi":"10.1177/0888325412456998","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0888325412456998","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"1 1","pages":"665 - 665"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2012-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78865732","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-08-01DOI: 10.1177/0888325411429820
A. M. Harris
This article uses the medium of film to analyze masculinities at the intersection of the regionally specific with the typical: the peripheral factory town with the universalizing panelák, or apartment block. This article addresses how the private spaces in industrial regions achieve new meaning when the role of the factory or public space, idealized in communist propaganda, has undergone a dramatic transformation. After the narratives that made spaces “great” became irrelevant in 1989 and the paneláky and factories lost their metaphorical meanings, they became simply apartment buildings and privately owned worksites. Within these spaces, many working-class men in industrial regions have faced more difficult transitions than women because they, as idealized workers under socialism, were more invested in the system and lost more from its collapse. Through an analysis of common themes in films released roughly fifteen years after the Velvet Revolution, the author asks how these men relate to the panelák, or private space, when excluded from the masculine, public space of the factory. How does the employment situation impact the family unit? What solutions do directors present to these men who find themselves ill-equipped for life in the industrial periphery after the post-1989 transition? This article draws from and contributes to recent work in the field of Czech gender studies and functions as a Czech case study on the relationship between gender and space in the former Eastern Bloc.
{"title":"“Something like Happiness”","authors":"A. M. Harris","doi":"10.1177/0888325411429820","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0888325411429820","url":null,"abstract":"This article uses the medium of film to analyze masculinities at the intersection of the regionally specific with the typical: the peripheral factory town with the universalizing panelák, or apartment block. This article addresses how the private spaces in industrial regions achieve new meaning when the role of the factory or public space, idealized in communist propaganda, has undergone a dramatic transformation. After the narratives that made spaces “great” became irrelevant in 1989 and the paneláky and factories lost their metaphorical meanings, they became simply apartment buildings and privately owned worksites. Within these spaces, many working-class men in industrial regions have faced more difficult transitions than women because they, as idealized workers under socialism, were more invested in the system and lost more from its collapse. Through an analysis of common themes in films released roughly fifteen years after the Velvet Revolution, the author asks how these men relate to the panelák, or private space, when excluded from the masculine, public space of the factory. How does the employment situation impact the family unit? What solutions do directors present to these men who find themselves ill-equipped for life in the industrial periphery after the post-1989 transition? This article draws from and contributes to recent work in the field of Czech gender studies and functions as a Czech case study on the relationship between gender and space in the former Eastern Bloc.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"44 1","pages":"454 - 468"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2012-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76246920","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-08-01DOI: 10.1177/0888325411428968
Kimberly E Zarecor
The Czech Republic’s socialist-era neighborhoods are largely intact twenty years after the end of Communist Party rule. These buildings will be rehabilitated, but not replaced, because of financial and logistical constraints. In the context of the country’s accession to the European Union in 2004 and the recent global economic crisis, this essay questions what can and should be done in an effort to make these neighborhoods better places to live in the present and the future. It starts with a brief history of postwar housing construction and socialist-era design methodologies, exploring postwar architectural practice and innovations in construction technology that were connected to the industrialization of housing production. The role of the Baťa Company in the development of panelák technology is described. In the context of post-socialist rehabilitation efforts, the discussion addresses current housing policy including regulated rents and the shift in emphasis from renting to ownership. Government subsidies and grant programs are considered, as well as problems such as physical degradation and social segregation. The essay proposes that for the future the social and spatial ideas that were part of the original designs may be more important than the architectural style of individual buildings.
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Pub Date : 2012-08-01DOI: 10.1177/0888325411429330
My Svensson
Beginning approximately a decade after the fall of the Berlin Wall, a cultural wave of various artistic representations of the socialist housing projects (blokowisko in Polish) arose in Poland. Three such works, Krzysztof Bizio’s short story collection Zresztą latem wszystkie kwiaty są takie piękne [Besides, in Summer All Flowers are Beautiful] (2003), Robert Gliński’s feature film Cześć, Tereska [Hi, Tereska] (2001), and Sylwester Latkowski’s documentary Blokersi (2001), well illustrate this new cultural trend. A common feature of these works is the complete absence of cultural or national landmarks; the life of the protagonists revolves around the housing projects and the non-places of supermodernity. The atmosphere in the stories ranges from gloom to darkness and their endings are usually unresolved or tragic. However, despite the despair and even fatalism surrounding especially the young female characters, all of the protagonists manage to find spaces of refuge, where they can unlock their imagination. Drawing on Marc Auge’s study of the non-places of supermodernity and Michel Foucault’s concept of heterotopia, while comparing the works to the contemporaneous Swedish film Lilya 4-Ever (2001), this article emphasizes the transnational character of the blokowisko and its universal meaning as a non-place.
从柏林墙倒塌大约十年后开始，波兰出现了社会主义住房项目(波兰语blokowisko)的各种艺术表现形式的文化浪潮。Krzysztof Bizio的短篇小说集zresztolatem wszystkie kwiaty szotakie piękne[此外，在夏天所有的花都是美丽的](2003)，罗伯特Gliński的故事片Cześć， Tereska[你好，Tereska](2001)和Sylwester Latkowski的纪录片Blokersi(2001)，很好地说明了这种新的文化趋势。这些作品的一个共同特点是完全没有文化或国家地标;主人公们的生活围绕着住房项目和超现代性的非场所展开。故事的气氛从阴郁到黑暗，结局通常是悬而未决或悲惨的。然而，尽管绝望甚至宿命论围绕着尤其是年轻的女性角色，所有的主角都设法找到了避难所，在那里他们可以释放他们的想象力。本文借鉴了马克·奥格对超现代性的非场所的研究和米歇尔·福柯的异托邦概念，并将这些作品与同时期的瑞典电影《Lilya 4-Ever》(2001)进行了比较，强调了blokowisko的跨国特征及其作为非场所的普遍意义。
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Pub Date : 2012-08-01DOI: 10.1177/0888325411428969
Mihail Chiru, Sergiu Gherghina
This article is the first systematic exploration of the leadership selection process in the Romanian party system. We use process-tracing and qualitative tools, using data from party statutes and documents of the national conventions. We focus on the parliamentary political parties throughout the entire post-communist period. The analysis shows that nothing has changed at the level of centralization of decision, and inclusiveness with the members’ involvement remaining marginal in all parties. The competitiveness of the internal elections presents a more diverse and dynamic picture. We propose a novel typology for cross-case comparisons that illustrates the association between informal decentralization and increased competitiveness. Second, we advance explanations for the persistence of the “exclusiveness” status quo that take into account intraorganizational, institutional, and exogenous factors.
{"title":"Keeping the Doors Closed","authors":"Mihail Chiru, Sergiu Gherghina","doi":"10.1177/0888325411428969","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0888325411428969","url":null,"abstract":"This article is the first systematic exploration of the leadership selection process in the Romanian party system. We use process-tracing and qualitative tools, using data from party statutes and documents of the national conventions. We focus on the parliamentary political parties throughout the entire post-communist period. The analysis shows that nothing has changed at the level of centralization of decision, and inclusiveness with the members’ involvement remaining marginal in all parties. The competitiveness of the internal elections presents a more diverse and dynamic picture. We propose a novel typology for cross-case comparisons that illustrates the association between informal decentralization and increased competitiveness. Second, we advance explanations for the persistence of the “exclusiveness” status quo that take into account intraorganizational, institutional, and exogenous factors.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"22 1","pages":"510 - 537"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2012-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83729298","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-08-01DOI: 10.1177/0888325412441493
R. King, Cosmin Marian
Approximately 32 nations currently use reservation of legislative seats for minority voices, whether by race, ethnicity, language, religion, or territory. Romania has among the most extensive and complicated arrangement of reserved seats, with 18 different ethnic minorities currently provided special parliamentary representation. This paper addresses two key political issues: how is it determined that there exists a valid ethnic minority deserving of recognition with a reserved seat? What are the political consequences from the broad allocation of reserved seats? The paper understands a reserved legislative seat as a distributive good over which rival claimants assert contested title. The state has incentive to avoid controversial choices although this is not always possible. Incumbent interests have incentive to restrict competitive entry without appearing to violate the principles of open inclusion. As seen through the Romanian case, the regime consequence from this dynamic tends to be clientele politics, in which minority organizations emerge segmented, dependent, and relatively powerless, yet simultaneously satisfied that they can guarantee by means of state subsidies the foundations for group identity.
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