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Quantifier Raising out of Mandarin relative clauses 从普通话关系从句中引出量词
IF 1.1 1区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1007/s11050-023-09202-3
Huilei Wang
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引用次数: 0
Superlative displacement in ‘sandwich’ scenarios “三明治”场景中的超相对位移
IF 1.1 1区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1007/s11050-023-09201-4
Peter Hallman
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引用次数: 0
Experimenting with every American king. 用每一位美国国王做实验。
IF 1.1 1区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 Epub Date: 2023-10-26 DOI: 10.1007/s11050-023-09211-2
Poppy Mankowitz

The standard contemporary semantics for 'every' predict the truth of occurrences of sentences with restrictors that denote the empty set, such as 'Every American king lives in New York'. The literature on empty restrictors has been concerned with explaining a particular violation of this prediction: many assessors consider empty-restrictor sentences to be odd rather than valued, and they are apparently more likely to do so when such sentences include determiners like 'every' as opposed to those like 'no'. Empirical investigation of this issue is overdue, and I present the results of three experimental surveys. The first unexpected outcome is that there is no evidence of a contrast in assessors' tendencies to judge sentences to be odd based on determiner type. An additional surprising result is that those assessors who assign a truth value to sentences where 'every' combines with an empty restrictor overwhelmingly assign the value false. The full results do not fit straightforwardly with any existing account.

“every”的标准当代语义学预测句子出现的真实性,并使用限制符表示空集,例如“每个美国国王都住在纽约”。关于空限定词的文献一直关注于解释对这一预测的特殊违反:许多评估者认为空限定词的句子是奇数而不是有价值的,而且当这些句子包含像“every”这样的限定词而不是像“no”这样的限定词时,他们显然更有可能这样做。这个问题的实证调查是逾期的,我提出了三个实验调查的结果。第一个意想不到的结果是,没有证据表明评估者在基于限定词类型判断句子为奇数的倾向上存在差异。另一个令人惊讶的结果是,那些给“every”与空限制符组合的句子赋真值的评估器绝大多数赋值为假。完整的结果与任何现有的说法都不完全吻合。
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引用次数: 0
On the scalar antonymy of only and even 关于only和偶数的标量反义
IF 1.1 1区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2022-12-09 DOI: 10.1007/s11050-022-09200-x
Y. Greenberg
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引用次数: 1
Isn’t there more than one way to bias a polar question? 难道没有不止一种方法可以使一个极性问题产生偏见吗?
IF 1.1 1区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2022-12-05 DOI: 10.1007/s11050-022-09198-2
Daniel Goodhue
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引用次数: 1
Relativized Exhaustivity: mention-some and uniqueness 相对穷竭性:提及某些与唯一性
IF 1.1 1区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2022-05-25 DOI: 10.1007/s11050-022-09197-3
Yimei Xiang
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引用次数: 4
Finding the force: How children discern possibility and necessity modals 寻找力量:儿童如何辨别可能性和必要性情态
IF 1.1 1区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2022-05-19 DOI: 10.1007/s11050-022-09196-4
Anouk Dieuleveut, Annemarie van Dooren, Ailís Cournane, V. Hacquard
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引用次数: 4
Polymorphic distributivity 多态分布性
IF 1.1 1区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2022-04-29 DOI: 10.1007/s11050-022-09195-5
Dylan Bumford
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引用次数: 0
Challenges for independence-driven and context-repair responses to the proviso problem 对附带条件问题的独立驱动和情境修复反应的挑战
IF 1.1 1区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2022-04-27 DOI: 10.1007/s11050-022-09194-6
A. Silk
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引用次数: 1
Zero N: Number features and ⊥ 零 N:数字特征,⊥
IF 1.1 1区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2022-04-22 DOI: 10.1007/s11050-022-09193-7
Luisa Martí

In this paper I demonstrate that there is an explanation of the number marking we see on nouns when they combine with the numeral zero which combines Martí’s (Semant. Pragmat., 2020a, https://doi.org/10.3765/sp.13.3) account of the morphosyntax and semantics of the numeral-noun construction with Bylinina and Nouwen’s (Glossa 3(1):98, 2018) semantics for zero and which does not need to appeal to any further principles (e.g., agreement).

在本文中,我证明了当名词与数字 "0 "结合时,我们在名词上看到的数字标记是可以解释的,这种解释结合了马蒂(Semant. Pragmat., 2020a, https://doi.org/10.3765/sp.13.3)对数字-名词结构的形态语法和语义的解释,以及比利尼纳和努文(Glossa 3(1):98, 2018)对 "0 "的语义的解释,而且不需要诉诸任何进一步的原则(如一致原则)。
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引用次数: 0
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Natural Language Semantics
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