Pub Date : 2021-05-18DOI: 10.1007/s11050-021-09179-x
Brian Buccola, J. Kuhn, David Nicolas
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Pub Date : 2021-05-05DOI: 10.1007/s11050-021-09178-y
Nicolás Lo Guercio
It has been observed (Heim in Semantik: Ein internationales Handbuch der zeitgenössischen Forschung, 487–535, 1991) that when there is competition between alternative sentences with different presuppositional strength, use of the weaker alternative triggers an inference, sometimes called an antipresupposition, to the effect that the presupposition of the stronger alternative is not satisfied. Furthermore, it has been argued that in order to account for antipresuppositions, it is necessary to postulate an independent pragmatic principle called Maximize Presupposition!, which states that the sentence with the stronger presupposition should be preferred whenever its presupposition is satisfied. In parallel, presuppositional theories of slurs (Cepollaro, PhD thesis. https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01508856/document, 2017; Cepollaro and Stojanovic in Grazer Philosophische Studien 93(3): 458–488, 2016; Schlenker in Theoretical Linguistics 33(2): 237–245. https://doi.org/10.1515/TL.2007.017, 2007) maintain that while these expressions encode the same truth-conditional content as their neutral counterparts, they trigger a presupposition that accounts for their derogatory potential. In this article, I argue that presuppositional theories of slurs together with Maximize Presupposition! predict that the use of a neutral counterpart triggers an antipresupposition to the effect that the presupposition of the corresponding slur is not satisfied. As a result, this view incorrectly predicts (i) that it is infelicitous to use the neutral counterpart in contexts where the slur’s presupposition is satisfied, and (ii) that felicitous use of the neutral counterpart in a context that is unspecific w.r.t. the pejorative presupposition typically triggers the inference that the presupposition of the corresponding slur is not satisfied.
据观察(Heim in Semantik: Ein internationales Handbuch der zeitgenössischen Forschung, 487-535, 1991),当具有不同预设强度的替代句子之间存在竞争时,使用较弱的替代会触发一个推理,有时称为反预设,其效果是较强替代的预设不被满足。此外,有人认为,为了解释反预设,有必要假设一个独立的语用原则,称为最大化预设!,即前提条件满足时,具有较强前提条件的句子应被优先选择。同时,诽谤的预设理论(Cepollaro,博士论文)。https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01508856/document, 2017;哲学研究,33 (3):488 - 488,2016;理论语言学,33(2):237-245。https://doi.org/10.1515/TL.2007.017, 2007)认为,虽然这些表达编码了与中性表达相同的真值条件内容,但它们引发了一种预设,这说明了它们的贬损潜力。在这篇文章中,我论证了诽谤的预设理论和最大化预设!预测使用中性对应物会触发反预设,其效果是不满足相应诽谤的预设。因此,这一观点错误地预测了(i)在诽谤性预设得到满足的语境中使用中性对应物是不恰当的,以及(ii)在非特定的语境中恰当地使用中性对应物,例如贬义性预设,通常会引发相应诽谤性预设不被满足的推断。
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Pub Date : 2021-02-09DOI: 10.1007/s11050-020-09172-w
Guillermo Del Pinal
According to the ‘grammatical account’, scalar implicatures are triggered by a covert exhaustification operator present in logical form. This account covers considerable empirical ground, but there is a peculiar pattern that resists treatment given its usual implementation. The pattern centers on odd assertions like #Most lions are mammals and #Some Italians come from a beautiful country, which seem to trigger implicatures in contexts where the enriched readings conflict with information in the common ground. Magri (Nat Language Semant 17(3):245–297. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11050-009-9042-x, 2009; Semant Pragmat 4(6):1–51. https://doi.org/10.3765/sp.4.6, 2011) argues that, to account for these cases, the basic grammatical approach has to be supplemented with the stipulations that exhaustification is obligatory and is based on formal computations which are blind to information in the common ground. In this paper, I argue that accounts of oddness should allow for the possibility of felicitous assertions that call for revision of the common ground, including explicit assertions of unusual beliefs such as Most but not all lions are mammals and Some but not all Italians come from Italy. To adequately cover these and similar cases, I propose that Magri’s version of the Grammatical account should be refined with the novel hypothesis that exhaustification triggers a bifurcation between presupposed (the negated relevant alternatives) and at-issue (the prejacent) content. The explanation of the full oddness pattern, including cases of felicitous proposals to revise the common ground, follows from the interaction between presupposed and at-issue content with an independently motivated constraint on accommodation. Finally, I argue that treating the exhaustification operator as a presupposition trigger helps solve various independent puzzles faced by extant grammatical accounts, and motivates a substantial revision of standard accounts of the overt exhaustifier only.
根据“语法解释”,标量含义是由一个以逻辑形式存在的隐蔽耗尽运算符触发的。这一描述涵盖了相当多的经验基础,但有一种特殊的模式,无法按照通常的执行方式进行处理。这种模式集中在一些奇怪的断言上,比如#大多数狮子是哺乳动物,#一些意大利人来自一个美丽的国家,这似乎会在丰富的阅读材料与共同基础上的信息相冲突的语境中引发暗示。汉语语义[j](3): 245-297。https://doi.org/10.1007/s11050 x - 009 - 9042 - 2009;语义实用学4(6):1-51。https://doi.org/10.3765/sp.4.6, 2011)认为,为了解释这些情况,基本的语法方法必须辅以规定,即穷竭是强制性的,并且是基于对共同基础中的信息视而不见的形式计算。在这篇论文中,我认为对奇怪的描述应该考虑到恰当断言的可能性,这些断言要求对共同点进行修订,包括明确断言不寻常的信仰,如大多数但不是全部的狮子是哺乳动物,一些但不是全部的意大利人来自意大利。为了充分涵盖这些和类似的情况,我建议Magri的语法描述版本应该用新的假设来改进,即耗尽会触发预设(否定的相关替代)和争议(当前)内容之间的分歧。对完整的奇异模式的解释,包括修改共同点的恰当建议的案例,来自预设和争议内容之间的相互作用,以及对迁就的独立动机约束。最后,我认为将穷竭运算符视为预设触发器有助于解决现有语法描述所面临的各种独立难题,并促使对公开穷竭修饰符的标准描述进行实质性修订。
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Pub Date : 2021-01-31DOI: 10.1007/s11050-020-09169-5
Maayan Abenina-Adar, Y. Sharvit
{"title":"On the presuppositional strength of interrogative clauses","authors":"Maayan Abenina-Adar, Y. Sharvit","doi":"10.1007/s11050-020-09169-5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s11050-020-09169-5","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47108,"journal":{"name":"Natural Language Semantics","volume":"29 1","pages":"47 - 90"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1007/s11050-020-09169-5","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46427459","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}