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Symposium Introduction: Exploring the Transformative Possibilities and the Limits of Pedagogy in an Unjust World 研讨会简介:在一个不公正的世界中探索教育变革的可能性和局限性
IF 1 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-10 DOI: 10.1111/edth.12594
Rebecca M. Taylor, Nassim Noroozi

Pedagogy and justice are two central concepts in the study and practice of education. Schools and the societies within which they are situated are characterized by varieties of injustice, including social, racial, and epistemic injustices, and pedagogy is foundational to educational practice. These two concepts can converge in a variety of ways, including when educators and schools are called on to help remedy injustices through pedagogical efforts both within and beyond the classroom.

These calls raise important philosophical questions about our understandings of pedagogy and justice and their relationship to one another. Philosophers have contributed centrally to the development of our understandings of varieties of justice and injustice, from now-classic work on the distributive, representative, and recognition-based dimensions of social justice,1 to understandings of justice rooted in overcoming oppression and domination,2 to the growing exploration of epistemic injustice,3 to the coloniality of the concept of justice in central axes of mainstream political philosophy.4 Contemporary understandings of pedagogy have also been informed by philosophical and theoretical perspectives that have become cornerstones informing the thinking and practice of scholars of education, teachers, and educational leaders.5 And in recent decades, decolonial theory has called for deeper consideration of the ways that both pedagogy and justice are situated within colonial contexts and logics.6 These examinations of both justice and pedagogy ground much contemporary work in philosophy of education, whose scholars are well-positioned to help deepen our understanding of the relationship between pedagogy and justice and the implications of that relationship for educational practice.

Considering the relationship between these two core concepts, this symposium asks whether pedagogy either is necessarily or should be justice-oriented or transformative of unjust conditions. Exploring this conceptual and normative provocation, further questions arise: Is such an understanding of pedagogy too demanding in the nonideal context of schooling in North America (or other contemporary schooling contexts)? If pedagogy is central to justice (either conceptually or normatively), are current dominant understandings of pedagogy in need of revision? Is pedagogy properly understood as justice? Or should pedagogy go beyond the limits of dominant notions of justice? These questions push us to clarify what pedagogy is in practice and what it should be, both in ideal conditions and in the nonideal conditions in which we currently find ourselves.

In contrast to views that pedagogy either is necessarily or should be justice-oriented, two challenges arise. First, consider the challenge that pedagogy is insufficient for justice. If pedagogy cannot deliver justice, expecting pedagogy

这些作品促使我们重新考虑非殖民化工作中教育学与正义之间的关系,并将我们的注意力吸引到具体案例上,包括在加州大学实施种族研究要求。最后两篇文章考虑了促进两种特殊形式的正义的教育学的局限性和可能性。Caitlin Brust和Rebecca Taylor认为大学教育者在课堂实践中抵制认知不公正的责任,Chrissy Hernandez, Sheeva Sabati和Ethan Chang反思了他们自己的教学实践如何支持他们对正义愿景的承诺,这是一种变革和解放。总之,这些文章提供了不同的观点,教育学和正义之间的关系,以参与实际情况为基础。下面我们将依次详细介绍每篇论文的贡献。在她的论文中,Noroozi将教育学与正义和作为正义的教育学并置于一起。对于Noroozi来说,“教育学”一词并不局限于教育领域,也不被理解为仅仅与教学方法有关。相反,教育学被视为一种解放性概念建筑的具体行为:“一种意义的安排,这样就不可能不再看到不公正了。”在她看来,作为正义的教育学关注的是以变革的方式揭露不公正,因此它是一项伦理事业。诺鲁齐表明,为斗争而进行哲学思考本质上是一种教学,而教学本质上是一种变革。将教育学视为正义,因此认为“安排意义,使他人参与与不公正有关的问题”与写作或思考这些斗争同样重要。她分析了一个她自己反对战争的公共哲学参与的案例,在这个案例中,她描绘了作为正义的教育学的一些核心属性,即它专注于在有争议的历史现实中建立抽象和匿名的概念;它致力于与“概念的不透明”或最终助长痛苦和不公正的“不诚实推理”作斗争;“作为正义的教育学”所固有的不稳定性这种实践的可能谱系可以追溯到苏格拉底自己的公共哲学活动。Noroozi对“教学即正义”的思考促使我们看到这两个概念是密不可分的。沃尔什提出了一种关于教育学和正义的对比观点,质疑正义在非殖民化教育学中的中心地位。她首先承认,社会正义的概念根植于批判教学法,但接着认为,正义是不够的去殖民实践。她探索了一种超越正义的教学法,将其视为一种基于人们的现实、主体性、历史和社会政治、认知和基于存在的斗争背景的方法论。通过对包括保罗·弗莱雷、雅基·亚历山大、胡安·García·萨拉查和弗朗茨·法农在内的一些“教育学指南”的反思,沃尔什以第一人称的方式描述了她通过“思考-理论化-与他人合作”“将教育学作为政治实践”。沃尔什对法农的行动概念的依赖,将教育学定义为行动的(意思是准备在活生生的结构性殖民条件下采取行动),并将法农的工作作为教学的前景,提供了一个至关重要的创造性视角。她通过她(与法农)的论证来接近正义,以强调非殖民化的生活教育学。沃尔什对非殖民化实践的探索邀请读者考虑这些以及他们自己的“教学指南”,以走向非殖民化和变革的可能性。在他们的文章中,Maldonado-Torres, Bañales, Lee-Oliver, Niyogi, Ponce和Radebe也关注了非殖民教育与正义之间的关系。他们关注的是通过高等教育的种族研究项目来体现的非殖民主义教学法与他们认为与殖民主义纠缠不清的正义观念之间的关系。在沃尔什提出的关于教育学和正义之间关系的问题上,他们认为,诉诸正义和社会正义并不足以确保非殖民化的正义,也不足以“优先考虑反对殖民主义的斗争”,事实上,这些呼吁往往有助于加强殖民主义。这些报告主要集中在加州州立大学系统执行种族研究要求的情况,说明了诉诸正义和社会正义往往与非殖民化教学法的价值和非殖民化的要求背道而驰的方式。在这样做的过程中,他们将教育学定位为一种非殖民化的方式,以对抗占主导地位的正义观念,特别是那些维持或支持殖民逻辑的观念。 因此,他们对一种明显的仁慈持怀疑态度,这种仁慈使用正义的语言作为一种工具,阻止更多质疑自由主义和新自由主义秩序合法性的批判性术语和转型项目。Brust和Taylor从不同的角度看待教育学和正义,通过认知不公正的框架探讨了高等教育背景下教育学和正义之间的关系,重点关注了损害人们作为认知主体能力的不公正。基于美国高等教育机构以不公正的条件为特征的证据,他们研究了大学教育者通过他们的教学实践来抵制这些条件下出现的认知不公正的责任。Brust和Taylor承认,这些不公正的根源是结构性的,因此也需要结构性的干预。但是,尽管在他们看来,教育学不足以确保知识公正,但他们确实看到了个体教育者在应对知识不公正方面的作用,特别是在研讨会式教室中。最终,在他们的文章中出现的是一种关于教育学在高等教育背景下促进正义的潜力的合格观点,并警告说,抵制高等教育中的认知不公正也要求教师采取集体行动,寻求更深层次的结构性补救措施。在另一篇考虑高等教育中以正义为导向的教学法的可能性的文章中,Hernandez、Sabati和Chang反思了他们自己的教学实践是如何与他们对正义概念的承诺联系起来的,正义概念是对压迫条件的解放和变革。在一系列的个人反思中,他们在黑人和有色人种女性主义以及致力于解放的教育家和组织者的工作中确定了他们实践的基础。他们提供了通过自己的教学方法促进正义的详细和引人入胜的例子,邀请读者反思他们自己的教学实践及其可能存在的可能性。他们强调,不仅要培养学生对压迫性制度的理解,而且要为学生创造想象解放可能性的空间。本次研讨会的论文共同呼吁我们暂停并考虑我们对教育学的理解及其与各种正义概念的关系-社会正义,变革正义,认识论正义和正义的殖民性,仅举几例。这些作者邀请我们考虑对教育学的一系列理解,反过来,他们呼吁我们质疑正义是否应该是教育学的主要目标,或者它是否不足以指导我们实现更基本的目标,如非殖民化、解放和转型。这些贡献者捍卫、回应或挑战“教育学是正义的核心”这一观点的方式,提供了对教育学本身作为一种反对多种斗争的变革实践的局限性和可能性的见解,因此,他们提供了一场关于在不公正的世界中教育学的变革潜力和局限性的激烈辩论。
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引用次数: 0
Ideas for Mapping Lifeworld and Everyday Life in Practical Social Pedagogy 现实社会教育学中描绘生活世界和日常生活的思路
IF 1 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI: 10.1111/edth.12589
Xavier Úcar

Since the 1970s, the concepts of “lifeworld” and “everyday life” have been part of the discourse of social pedagogy and social and educational work in general. Xavier Úcar's objective in this article is to generate and communicate socio-pedagogical knowledge that helps social pedagogues to build socio-educational relationships that are more effective, more sustainable, more satisfactory, and ultimately richer in terms of both experiences and learning for participants. A conceptually oriented, nonsystematic analysis procedure was used to conduct this research. The procedure involved an in-depth investigation of documents that focus on the two target areas of this study: (1) social pedagogy, and (2) lifeworld and everyday life. The results describe the theoretical background of lifeworld and everyday life, discuss the development of the perspective of “lifeworld orientation” within the framework of social pedagogy in Germany, and analyze how everyday life is understood through actions undertaken by social pedagogues. These results provide ideas for mapping the essential dimensions of everyday life from the perspective of social pedagogy.

自20世纪70年代以来,“生活世界”和“日常生活”的概念已经成为社会教育学和社会教育工作话语的一部分。Xavier Úcar在本文中的目标是生成和交流社会教育知识,帮助社会教育者建立更有效、更可持续、更令人满意的社会教育关系,并最终为参与者提供更丰富的经验和学习。本研究采用概念导向的非系统分析程序。这一过程包括对本研究的两个目标领域的文献进行深入调查:(1)社会教育学,(2)生活世界和日常生活。结果描述了生活世界和日常生活的理论背景,讨论了“生活世界取向”视角在德国社会教育学框架下的发展,并分析了如何通过社会教育者的行动来理解日常生活。这些结果为从社会教育学的角度描绘日常生活的基本维度提供了思路。
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引用次数: 0
Educating the Rational Emotions: An Affective Response to Extremism 理性情绪的教育:对极端主义的情感回应
IF 1 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-17 DOI: 10.1111/edth.12579
Laura D'Olimpio

Educating against extremism doesn't just involve seeking to prevent individuals from becoming extremists or radicalized, although that, of course, is a significant concern. There is also an important role for education in teaching the rest of us, the general populace, the best way to react and respond when we learn of a terrorist attack or consider the potential risk of violent extremism in our community, or even worldwide, given we are connected globally via technology. In this article, Laura D'Olimpio argues that educators have a central role to play in teaching young people to respond to the news of violent extremism and the worry about terrorists and terrorism in ways that support our sense of community and personal well-being. Among the ways in which educators may support such aims is by educating the emotions. There are practical and moral reasons to temper our fearful reactions, and it is in our best interest to educate pupils to avoid allowing fear of terrorists or violent extremism to interfere with their daily lives and actions. D'Olimpio claims that our best response to extremism, both representationally and practically, is to refuse to be terrified. By not being overwhelmed by fear or altering our day-to-day activities, we not only better support a well-functioning democracy and our own happiness or flourishing, but we also disempower rather than empower extremists.

反对极端主义的教育不仅仅包括试图防止个人成为极端分子或激进分子,尽管这当然是一个重要的问题。教育也扮演着重要的角色,教导我们其他人,普通民众,当我们得知恐怖袭击或考虑到我们社区甚至世界范围内暴力极端主义的潜在风险时,最好的反应和应对方式,因为我们通过技术在全球范围内联系在一起。在这篇文章中,Laura D’olimpio认为,教育工作者在教导年轻人以支持我们的社区意识和个人福祉的方式应对暴力极端主义的新闻和对恐怖分子和恐怖主义的担忧方面发挥着核心作用。教育者支持这一目标的方法之一就是培养情感。我们有现实的和道德的理由来缓和我们的恐惧反应,教育学生避免让对恐怖分子或暴力极端主义的恐惧干扰他们的日常生活和行动,这符合我们的最佳利益。德·奥林皮奥声称,我们对极端主义的最佳回应,无论是在代表性上还是在实践上,都是拒绝恐惧。通过不被恐惧压倒或改变我们的日常活动,我们不仅能更好地支持一个运转良好的民主和我们自己的幸福或繁荣,而且还能削弱而不是增强极端分子的权力。
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引用次数: 0
Education, Extremism, and Aversion to Compromise 教育、极端主义和对妥协的厌恶
IF 1 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-09 DOI: 10.1111/edth.12582
Michael Hand

Schools plausibly have a role to play in countering radicalization by taking steps to prevent the acquisition of extremist beliefs, dispositions, and attitudes. A core component of the extremist mindset is aversion to compromise. Michael Hand inquires here into the possibility, desirability, and means of educating against this attitude. He argues that aversion to compromise is demonstrably undesirable and readiness to compromise demonstrably desirable, so discursive teaching of these attitudes should guide pupils toward these verdicts. And he identifies three methods of formative teaching by which readiness to compromise can be cultivated in pupils.

通过采取措施防止极端主义信仰、倾向和态度的获得,学校在对抗激进化方面似乎可以发挥作用。极端主义心态的一个核心组成部分是对妥协的厌恶。迈克尔·汉德在这里探讨了反对这种态度的教育的可能性、可取性和方法。他认为,厌恶妥协显然是不可取的,而愿意妥协显然是可取的,因此,这些态度的话语教学应该引导学生做出这些判断。他还确定了三种形成性教学方法,通过这些方法可以培养学生的妥协意愿。
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引用次数: 0
Learning to Avoid Extremism 学会避免极端主义
IF 1 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-09 DOI: 10.1111/edth.12587
Sigal Ben-Porath

Democracies are calling on schools to respond to a rise in extremist ideologies and actions. In this article Sigal Ben-Porath situates the rise in extremism within the broader context of political polarization. She suggests that the latter is a more appropriate target for school intervention than the former. She further suggests that addressing polarization can result in a reduction in extremism, and that polarization can be addressed by refocusing the use of existing teaching and learning tools, rather than by instituting new forms of intervention such as the Prevent strategy used in the UK. Tackling polarization through media literacy and the development of democratic habits can help rectify false beliefs, which contribute both to broad political polarization and to individuals' slide toward extremism. Focusing on strengthening knowledge as well as social ties can fortify individuals' and communities' resilience against extremism, as well as build bridges and connect people to a sense of shared fate across political divides. These practices are more effective and more justified than targeting individual students who are suspected of holding radical beliefs.

民主国家呼吁学校对极端主义意识形态和行为的上升做出反应。在这篇文章中,signal Ben-Porath将极端主义的崛起置于政治两极分化的大背景下。她认为后者比前者更适合作为学校干预的目标。她进一步建议,解决两极分化可以减少极端主义,而两极分化可以通过重新集中使用现有的教学和学习工具来解决,而不是通过制定新的干预形式,如英国使用的预防战略。通过媒体素养和民主习惯的发展来解决两极分化问题,可以帮助纠正错误的信念,这些错误的信念既会导致广泛的政治两极分化,也会导致个人滑向极端主义。注重加强知识和社会联系,可以加强个人和社区抵御极端主义的能力,并建立桥梁,使人们跨越政治分歧,实现命运共同体。这些做法比针对那些被怀疑持有激进信仰的学生更有效、更合理。
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引用次数: 1
Recasting “Fundamental ‘British’ Values”: Education, Justice, and Preventing Violent Extremism 反思“英国的基本价值观”:教育、正义与预防暴力极端主义
IF 1 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-09 DOI: 10.1111/edth.12584
David Stevens

Societies concerned with preventing acts of violent extremism often target the ideas that are thought to motivate such acts. The state's use of educational institutions is one mechanism by which those ideas are subjected to challenge. Teaching liberal democratic values to students is one method. Here, David Stevens argues that this model is misguided. First, commitment to violent methods is not primarily driven by the attractiveness of radical ideas themselves, but by material facts and circumstances. Second, an education that ignores the teaching of various socioeconomic values, such as a commitment to a certain degree of material equality and welfare provision, is inadequate as a conception of citizenship. These criticisms are related. Citizens are owed certain resources and commitments as citizens, and grounds for dissatisfaction and violence are reduced when citizens receive the holdings to which they are entitled, and when their fellow citizens recognize and endorse this. Consequently, it is the role of education to teach directively toward the adoption of such socioeconomic values and commitments.

关注防止暴力极端主义行为的社会往往把被认为是激发这种行为的思想作为目标。国家对教育机构的利用是这些观念受到挑战的一种机制。向学生传授自由民主价值观是一种方法。大卫•史蒂文斯(David Stevens)认为,这种模式是错误的。首先,对暴力方法的承诺主要不是由激进思想本身的吸引力驱动的,而是由物质事实和环境驱动的。其次,忽视各种社会经济价值观的教育,比如对一定程度的物质平等和福利提供的承诺,作为公民概念是不充分的。这些批评是相互关联的。作为公民,公民有一定的资源和义务,当公民得到他们有权得到的财产,当他们的同胞承认并支持这一点时,不满和暴力的理由就会减少。因此,教育的作用就是直接教导人们接受这样的社会经济价值观和承诺。
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引用次数: 0
A Whole-School Approach to Address Youth Radicalization 解决青年激进化的全校方法
IF 1 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-09 DOI: 10.1111/edth.12581
Dianne Gereluk

Schools are increasingly being asked to identify and monitor youth who may be susceptible to recruitment toward radical groups. Rather than asking teachers to identify at-risk behaviors, Dianne Gereluk argues here that a whole-school approach may help to foster belonging and connection among youth that is not additive, but a central component of safe and inclusive schools. Whole-school approaches attend to the different power relationships that occur within the school community, focusing on the classroom environment, the school organization, and the broader school environment. Insofar as radicalization is partly a response to the perception of exclusion and oppression, these factors may go some way toward mitigating the appeal of extremism.

越来越多的学校被要求识别和监控那些容易被激进组织招募的年轻人。Dianne Gereluk并没有要求教师识别危险行为,而是认为,采用全校制的方法可能有助于培养青少年之间的归属感和联系,这不是附加的,而是安全和包容性学校的核心组成部分。全校方法关注学校社区内发生的不同权力关系,重点关注课堂环境、学校组织和更广泛的学校环境。就激进化在一定程度上是对排斥和压迫的反应而言,这些因素可能会在某种程度上减轻极端主义的吸引力。
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引用次数: 0
(DIS)Locating Meaning: Toward a Hermeneutical Response in Education to Religiously Inspired Extremism (DIS)定位意义:走向教育对宗教启发的极端主义的解释学回应
IF 1 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-09 DOI: 10.1111/edth.12585
Farid Panjwani

A key epistemological assumption in the ideologies of many of the groups termed extremist is that there is an unmediated access to a Divine Will. Driven by this assumption, and facilitated by several other factors, a range of coercive actions (including violence) to force others into submission to the perceived Will of God are seen as justified by some of these groups. A consideration of how religion is discussed in various contexts, from seminaries and schools to media and policy discourses, shows that this assumption about unmediated access to Divine Will is widely shared and that most children grow up socialized into it. In this paper, Farid Panjwani argues that challenging this assumption through educational settings can help young people acquire critical capacities that may lead to a critique of extremist narratives, thereby decreasing their attractions. In this regard, the paper draws upon a range of theoretical ideas, for example, the hermeneutical tradition (in particular the work of Hans-Georg Gadamer), as well as historical and textual examples, to make a case for a rethinking of religious education to develop more critical capacities among the students.

在许多被称为极端主义的团体的意识形态中,一个关键的认识论假设是,存在一种直接通往神的意志的途径。在这种假设的推动下,再加上其他几个因素的推动,这些群体中的一些人认为,一系列强迫他人服从上帝意志的强制行动(包括暴力)是正当的。从神学院和学校到媒体和政策话语,在各种背景下讨论宗教的方式表明,这种关于无中介地获得神的意志的假设是广泛共享的,大多数孩子在成长过程中都融入了这种假设。在本文中,Farid Panjwani认为,通过教育环境挑战这一假设可以帮助年轻人获得批判能力,从而可能导致对极端主义叙事的批判,从而降低其吸引力。在这方面,本文借鉴了一系列理论思想,例如,解释学传统(特别是汉斯-乔治·伽达默尔的作品),以及历史和文本的例子,以重新思考宗教教育,以培养学生更多的批判能力。
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引用次数: 0
Symposium Introduction: Education Against Extremism 研讨会简介:反极端主义教育
IF 1 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-06 DOI: 10.1111/edth.12580
Laura D'Olimpio, Michael Hand

Do schools have a role to play in counter-radicalization? Insofar as extremism and terrorism represent a clear and present danger to public safety, are there steps educators can reasonably be asked to take to mitigate the threat? And if so, what does a defensible program of education against extremism look like?

In the UK, schools already have a statutory duty to “have due regard to the need to prevent people from being drawn into terrorism,”1 and the Department for Education (DfE) has issued advice on how this duty should be fulfilled.2 Schools are charged, first, with identifying and referring to the police “children at risk of radicalization” and, second, with providing learning opportunities that “build pupils' resilience to radicalization.”3 Among the resilience-building measures recommended by the DfE are “providing a safe environment for debating controversial issues,” equipping pupils to “understand and manage difficult situations,” teaching “effective ways of resisting pressures,” and cultivating “positive character traits.”4

The UK Prevent duty is by no means unproblematic. The identifying-and-referring part of the duty casts teachers in the role of informants, undermining trust in teacher-pupil relationships and inhibiting open discussion in the classroom. The stipulated definition of extremism — “vocal or active opposition to fundamental British values”5 — is strikingly inadequate. And the recommended resilience-building measures are excessively vague and diffuse.

Still, it is not absurd to think that certain kinds of educational intervention might reduce young people's susceptibility to extremist ideas, attitudes, and thinking styles. While it is possible that the causes of extremism lie wholly beyond the reach of education, it is also possible that, armed with a more adequate account of extremism and a more focused set of resilience-building measures, schools may be in a position to do something about them. We think the latter possibility is at least worth exploring.

In 2021 we convened a group of scholars with an interest in these matters for an Educational Theory Summer Institute. We had planned to meet in person at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign, but the COVID-19 pandemic pushed our gathering online (and, with participants stretched across the globe from Karachi to Calgary, added some interesting time zone challenges). Over three days we workshopped draft versions of the seven papers collected here, and in the weeks that followed we revised and refined them in light of our conversations. As convenors, we would like to extend sincere thanks to our fellow participants for their fine papers and constructive engagement with one another's work, and to Nicholas Burbules for his judicious chairing of the discussions and his editorial support in bringing this symposium for Educational Theory to fruition.

Needless to say, our contri

学校在反激进化中发挥作用吗?既然极端主义和恐怖主义对公共安全构成了明确而现实的威胁,那么教育工作者是否可以合理地采取措施来减轻这种威胁?如果是这样的话,反对极端主义的教育项目应该是什么样的呢?在英国,学校已经有了“适当考虑防止人们被卷入恐怖主义”的法定义务,教育部(DfE)已经就如何履行这一义务发布了建议首先,学校有责任识别并告知警方“有激进化风险的儿童”;其次,学校有责任提供学习机会,“培养学生对激进化的适应能力”。教育部推荐的恢复力建设措施包括“为辩论有争议的问题提供一个安全的环境”,让学生“理解和处理困难的情况”,教授“有效的抵抗压力的方法”,培养“积极的性格特征”。“英国的预防关税绝非没有问题。责任的识别和参考部分使教师扮演了举报人的角色,破坏了师生关系的信任,抑制了课堂上的公开讨论。对极端主义的规定定义——“公开或积极地反对英国的基本价值观”——明显不够充分。建议的恢复力建设措施过于模糊和分散。尽管如此,认为某些教育干预可能会减少年轻人对极端主义思想、态度和思维方式的易感性,这种想法并不荒谬。虽然极端主义的根源可能完全超出了教育的范围,但也有可能,学校有了更充分的极端主义解释和更集中的恢复力建设措施,学校可能会对此做些什么。我们认为后一种可能性至少值得探索。2021年,我们召集了一批对这些问题感兴趣的学者,成立了一个教育理论暑期学院。我们原计划在伊利诺伊大学厄巴纳-香槟分校见面,但COVID-19大流行将我们的聚会推到了网上(而且,参与者遍布全球,从卡拉奇到卡尔加里,增加了一些有趣的时区挑战)。在三天的时间里,我们对这里收集的七篇论文的草稿进行了研讨,在接下来的几个星期里,我们根据我们的谈话对它们进行了修改和完善。作为召集人,我们衷心感谢各位与会者的精彩论文和对彼此工作的建设性参与,并感谢Nicholas Burbules明智地主持讨论,并在编辑方面提供支持,使这次《教育理论》研讨会取得成果。不用说,我们的投稿人并不是一个声音。细心的读者会注意到,在极端主义的原因和特征以及预防极端主义的教育措施的形式和重点方面,意见存在分歧,或者至少重点存在分歧。但我们认为,我们对这些问题提出的不同观点总体上是互补的。我们普遍认为,极端主义(或者可能是某些类型的极端主义)对公共安全、政治稳定和受其控制的人的福祉构成了真正的威胁;极端主义的根源和驱动因素中至少有一部分容易受到教育的影响;对于专业教育工作者来说,针对极端主义的教育应该采取什么样的形式,这是有可能的。在第一篇文章“教育、极端主义和对妥协的厌恶”中,Michael Hand关注了极端主义心态的一个核心组成部分——对妥协的厌恶态度——并探讨了反对妥协的教育的可能性、可取性和方法。他认为,厌恶妥协显然是不可取的,而愿意妥协显然是可取的,因此,这些态度的话语教学应该引导学生做出这些判断。他还确定了三种形成性教学方法,通过这些方法可以培养学生的妥协意愿。在《重塑英国的“基本”价值观:教育、正义和防止暴力极端主义》一书中,大卫·史蒂文斯挑战了思想是激进化和极端主义的主要驱动因素的观点。相反,他提出,处于社会经济不公正环境中的人们被极端主义团体所提供的“密集一揽子”社会福利所吸引,这些福利包括友谊、团结和自我价值。因此,教育工作者可以为解决极端主义做出的最重要贡献是促进社会经济正义的价值观和承诺,从而创造人人都能获得友谊、团结和自我价值的社会条件。 Sigal Ben-Porath的《学会避免极端主义》将最近对极端主义思想和事业的热情置于政治两极分化的更广泛背景下。本-波拉斯认为,当我们把自己分类为越来越孤立和不信任的政治认同群体时,“极端主义的许可结构正在扩大。”适当的教育对策不是针对那些尝试极端思想的学生进行特殊对待,而是培养所有学生的批判性思维、媒体素养和民主习惯,这些都是引导和修复我们两极分化的政治格局所必需的。劳拉·德·奥林皮奥将注意力从防止极端主义转向了管理其后果。在《教育理性情绪:对极端主义的情感反应》一书中,她认为教育在帮助年轻人应对恐怖主义威胁引发的恐惧和焦虑方面发挥着重要作用。她提倡一种教育情绪的方法,使学生能够评估他们情绪反应的原因,并将他们的恐惧与威胁的严重程度相匹配。她还考虑了社交媒体和24小时新闻循环加剧恐怖主义焦虑的方式,以及教育工作者可以做些什么来缓和这些影响。在《创建关怀和公正的民主学校以防止极端主义》一书中,多雷特·德·鲁特和斯泰因·西克林克将激进化解释为“对意义和身份的细致追求”。他们认为,学校应该为探索意义和发展身份提供安全和支持性的环境。具体来说,学校应该是让学生感到自己是被人接受的地方,在那里他们可以表达对他们重要的东西,在那里他们清楚地知道有些想法在道德上是不可接受的,在那里他们学会考虑他人的利益。Dianne Gereluk在《解决青少年激进化的全校方法》一书中,对需要识别有风险学生的反激进化项目提出了异议。相反,她认为,教育工作者应该支持一种包含四个关键组成部分的全校方法:政治审议应该是课程的核心;学生应该学会认识并质疑自己的偏见和假设;教师应该创造多样化和包容性的空间,让所有学生都感到受到重视;应该有一种以言论自由和民主价值观为特征的学校风气。最后,在《(不)定位意义:对宗教激发的极端主义教育的解释学回应》一书中,法里德·潘杰瓦尼(Farid Panjwani)考察了宗教形式的极端主义的一个核心思想:不经中介地接近上帝的意志。他认为,在伊斯兰教的背景下,对这种观点的敏感性可以部分解释为对现代解释学理论见解的忽视。他提出,学校可以也应该通过帮助学生认识到人类在宗教意义创造中的作用,来阻止对神圣文本的本质主义解读。最后,让我们强调,我们的所有撰稿人都没有这样的印象,即处理极端主义问题的责任可以完全或甚至主要地归咎于教育工作者。极端主义现象深深植根于政治和宗教、贫困和不公正、社会排斥和心理脆弱等方面,因此,要对这一现象作出适当反应,需要多个机构在若干不同方面开展工作。我们的想法很简单,教育工作者可能对这一努力有所贡献。在这里收集的论文中,我们希望在阐明这种贡献可能是什么的任务方面取得一些进展。
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引用次数: 0
The Educational Promises and Perils of Existential Self-Doubt 教育的承诺和存在自我怀疑的危险
IF 1 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-06 DOI: 10.1111/edth.12586
Mordechai Gordon

This essay describes what it means to live with existential self-doubt, explores how such doubt emerges in educational encounters, and examines some educational benefits and challenges of uncertainty and doubt. Mordechai Gordon begins his analysis by describing the type of self-doubt that Paul Cézanne embodied, that is, of an artist who painted throughout his entire life yet was still consumed by existential uncertainty. Drawing on Cézanne's example, as well as poet Rainer Maria Rilke's life and his own experience, Gordon sheds light on what it means to live with existential doubt. Following the discussion of existential uncertainty, he revisits the epistemic self-doubt displayed by Socrates and René Descartes and compares it to existential self-doubt. In the third part of this essay, Gordon draws on the examples of some veteran teachers in order to illustrate how educators have approached the challenge of living with existential self-doubt. The final part of the essay considers both the promises and perils of existential self-doubt in the context of education.

这篇文章描述了生活在存在的自我怀疑中意味着什么,探讨了这种怀疑是如何在教育遭遇中出现的,并考察了不确定性和怀疑的一些教育益处和挑战。Mordechai Gordon在他的分析开始时,描述了Paul c赞恩所体现的自我怀疑类型,也就是说,作为一个艺术家,他一生都在画画,但仍然被存在的不确定性所消耗。以csamzanne为例,以及诗人Rainer Maria Rilke的生活和他自己的经历,Gordon阐明了生活在存在怀疑中意味着什么。在讨论了存在的不确定性之后,他重新审视了苏格拉底和笛卡尔所表现出的认识论的自我怀疑,并将其与存在的自我怀疑进行了比较。在这篇文章的第三部分,戈登引用了一些资深教师的例子,以说明教育工作者如何应对存在自我怀疑的挑战。文章的最后一部分考虑了在教育背景下存在的自我怀疑的承诺和危险。
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引用次数: 0
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EDUCATIONAL THEORY
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