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Du Bois and Brazil: Reflections on Black Transnationalism and African Diaspora 杜波依斯和巴西:对黑人跨国主义和非洲侨民的思考
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-12-20 DOI: 10.1017/s1742058x2100045x
Juliana Góes

In this article, I discuss Black transnational solidarity and liberation in the Americas by analyzing the historical relationship between W. E. B. Du Bois and Brazil from 1900 to 1940. At the beginning of the twentieth century, Du Bois was studying, writing, and publishing about Brazil. He was interested in creating international solidarity and cooperation among Black people. However, Du Bois (as well as other African Americans) promoted the idea that Brazil was a place without racism, a racial paradise. This idea served as a basis for a theory that oppressed Afro-Brazilians—the myth of racial democracy. In this article, I explore Du Bois’s relationship with Brazil, highlighting possible reasons why Du Bois engaged with the myth of racial democracy. In addition, I argue that this historical event teaches us that an Afro-diasporic liberation project must seriously consider global and material inequalities among Black people.

在这篇文章中,我通过分析1900年到1940年杜波依斯与巴西之间的历史关系来讨论美洲黑人的跨国团结与解放。20世纪初,杜波依斯正在研究、写作和出版有关巴西的书籍。他对在黑人之间建立国际团结与合作很感兴趣。然而,杜波依斯(以及其他非裔美国人)提倡巴西是一个没有种族主义的地方,一个种族天堂。这一想法成为压迫巴西黑人的理论基础——种族民主的神话。在这篇文章中,我探讨了杜波依斯与巴西的关系,强调了杜波依斯参与种族民主神话的可能原因。此外,我认为这一历史事件告诉我们,非洲流散的解放项目必须认真考虑黑人之间的全球和物质不平等。
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引用次数: 0
Reconsidering Group Interests 重新考虑集团利益
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-12-14 DOI: 10.1017/S1742058X21000448
N. Carter, Janelle S. Wong, Lisette Gallarzo Guerrero
Abstract This paper aims to explore attitudes toward immigration among two non-White groups, Asian Americans and Black Americans. For more than a decade, individuals from Asia have comprised the majority of immigrants entering the United States each year. Today, the majority of the Asian American U.S. population remains foreign-born. Yet using data collected from the 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey and the 2016 National Asian American Survey—a time period marked by high levels of saliency with regard to immigration issues—we find that Black Americans, the majority of whom are U.S.-born, exhibit even more progressive attitudes towards immigration, both legal and undocumented, than mostly foreign-born Asian Americans. Our research challenges economic and material theories related to immigration attitudes and suggests that political connections to and “linked fate” with other minorities better explain why Black Americans exhibit more progressive attitudes toward immigration than Asian Americans.
摘要本文旨在探讨亚裔和黑人这两个非白人群体对移民的态度。十多年来,每年进入美国的移民中,亚洲人占大多数。今天,大多数亚裔美国人仍然是在外国出生的。然而,根据2016年多种族选举后合作调查和2016年全国亚裔美国人调查收集的数据(这段时间在移民问题上表现得非常突出),我们发现,大多数在美国出生的美国黑人对移民(包括合法移民和无证移民)的态度比大多数在外国出生的亚裔美国人更进步。我们的研究挑战了与移民态度相关的经济和物质理论,并表明与其他少数民族的政治联系和“命运相连”更好地解释了为什么美国黑人对移民的态度比亚裔美国人更进步。
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引用次数: 1
Lebensraum’s Tropical Turn Lebensraum的热带转向
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-12-09 DOI: 10.1017/S1742058X21000382
Milton Vickerman
Abstract In 1981 the ATF, FBI, and U.S. Customs Service agents arrested a group of American and Canadian White nationalists as they were on their way to overthrow the government of Dominica. Although seemingly improbable, the event is important because it illustrates the hegemonic nature of the relationship between the United States and Caribbean countries and, also, the globalization of White nationalist violence. In this paper I show that extant theory on White nationalism can be used to explain the White nationalist plot. In particular, I invoke the concept of Lebensraum and the fact that White nationalists espouse multiple objectives—in addition to racism—to explain their intent to subvert a Black country and to live there.
1981年,ATF、FBI和美国海关逮捕了一群美国和加拿大白人民族主义者,当时他们正准备推翻多米尼加政府。虽然看起来不太可能,但这件事很重要,因为它说明了美国和加勒比国家之间关系的霸权性质,以及白人民族主义暴力的全球化。在本文中,我证明了现有的白人民族主义理论可以用来解释白人民族主义情节。特别是,我引用了“生存空间”的概念,以及白人民族主义者除了种族主义外还支持多重目标的事实,来解释他们颠覆黑人国家并在那里生活的意图。
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引用次数: 0
The Civilizing Mission Persists 文明使命依然存在
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-12-03 DOI: 10.1017/S1742058X21000394
Timothy M. Gill
Abstract U.S. government leaders have long considered Latin America their proverbial backyard and have recurrently intervened in the region. In earlier periods of U.S. imperialism, U.S. government leaders justified such intervention with reference to allegedly scientific racial hierarchies, which placed White, Anglo-Saxon Protestants (WASPs) at the top of this artificial hierarchy. In more recent episodes of U.S. imperialism leading into the twenty-first century, however, U.S. leaders have publicly used the language of democracy and human rights to justify intervention. In the instance of contemporary Venezuela, while U.S leaders indeed use the language of human rights and democracy, they also draw on racist tropes of Latin Americans to justify their intervention. Through interviews with U.S. foreign policymakers and analysis of U.S. government documents, I find that U.S. leaders depict former Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez as an irrational, uncivilized, and beastly leader, who manipulates ideas of racial inequality to maintain power. In addition, U.S. leaders understand him as manipulating an uncritical mass of Venezuelans who cannot think for themselves. U.S. leaders believe it thus their duty to intervene in order to promote democracy and show Venezuelans their true political-economic interests. I connect these dynamics with a history of U.S. intervention into the region and a history of racist and imperial thinking that continues to shape the logic of U.S. foreign policymaking into the present.
摘要美国政府领导人长期以来一直认为拉丁美洲是他们众所周知的后院,并一再干预该地区。在美帝国主义早期,美国政府领导人根据所谓的科学种族等级制度为这种干预辩护,这些制度将白人盎格鲁撒克逊新教徒(WASP)置于这种人为等级制度的顶端。然而,在最近进入21世纪的美帝国主义事件中,美国领导人公开使用民主和人权的语言来为干预辩护。以当代委内瑞拉为例,尽管美国领导人确实使用了人权和民主的语言,但他们也利用拉丁美洲人的种族主义比喻来为他们的干预辩护。通过对美国外交政策制定者的采访和对美国政府文件的分析,我发现美国领导人将委内瑞拉前总统乌戈·查韦斯描绘成一个非理性、不文明和野蛮的领导人,他操纵种族不平等的思想来维持权力。此外,美国领导人将他理解为操纵了一群无法独立思考的委内瑞拉人。因此,美国领导人认为,他们有责任进行干预,以促进民主,并向委内瑞拉人展示他们真正的政治经济利益。我将这些动态与美国干预该地区的历史以及种族主义和帝国主义思想的历史联系起来,这些思想一直在塑造美国外交政策的逻辑。
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引用次数: 0
Truth and Reparation for the U.S. Imprisonment and Policing Regime 美国监禁与警察制度的真相与补偿
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-11-16 DOI: 10.1017/S1742058X21000357
Jennifer M. Page, Desmond King
Abstract In the literature on transitional justice, there is disagreement about whether countries like the United States can be characterized as transitional societies. Though it is widely recognized that transitional justice mechanisms such as truth commissions and reparations can be used by Global North nations to address racial injustice, some consider societies to be transitional only when they are undergoing a formal democratic regime change. We conceptualize the political situation of low-income Black communities under the U.S. imprisonment and policing regime in terms of three criteria for identifying transitional contexts: normalized collective and political wrongdoing, pervasive structural inequality, and the failure of the rule of law. That these criteria are met, however, does not necessarily mean that a transition is taking place. Drawing on the American political development and abolition democracy literatures, we discuss what it would mean for the United States to transition out of its present imprisonment and policing regime. A transitional justice perspective shows the importance of not only pushing for truth and reparation, but for an actual transition.
摘要在关于过渡时期司法的文献中,对于像美国这样的国家是否可以被定性为过渡社会存在分歧。尽管人们普遍认识到,全球北方国家可以利用真相委员会和赔偿等过渡司法机制来解决种族不公正问题,但一些国家认为,只有在正式民主政权更迭时,社会才是过渡社会。我们根据确定过渡背景的三个标准,对美国监禁和治安制度下低收入黑人社区的政治状况进行了概念化:正常化的集体和政治不法行为、普遍存在的结构性不平等以及法治的失败。然而,满足这些标准并不一定意味着正在进行过渡。借鉴美国政治发展和废除民主的文献,我们讨论了美国摆脱目前的监禁和治安制度意味着什么。过渡时期司法的观点表明,不仅推动真相和赔偿,而且推动实际过渡的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Elitism in Democracy 民主中的精英主义
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-11-15 DOI: 10.1017/S1742058X21000369
Stephen B. Graves
Abstract The concept of the common good represents those resources that are good for an entire group as a whole, or what preserves what the people or inhabitants of the national community have in common. The “good” are those things that benefit the community as a whole; lead to the protection, sustainment, and improvement of the community. Theorists agree that it is the ultimate end of government; the good of all its citizens and void of special interests. Theories of the common good are discussed in this paper with implications regarding the shortcomings of democratic political institutions and structures. The theoretical framework provided by the political thought of W. E. B. Du Bois and Friedrich Nietzsche are used to critically examine the idea of the common good in contemporary democratic societies. Du Bois sought an objective truth that could dispel once and for all the irrational prejudices and ignorances that stood in the way of a just social order for African Americans. Nietzsche’s political theory was primarily concerned with disdain for democracy and the need for Aristocratic forms and social ordering. He was skeptical that with the demise of religion, it would be possible to achieve an effective normative consensus in society at large which is needed to legitimize government authority. Both theorists agree that the exceptional and great individuals are few in society and should govern in favor of the masses. Based on their example, this paper argues that both authors are suggesting an Epistocratic form of government where those with political knowledge are privileged.
公共利益的概念代表了那些对整个群体有益的资源,或者是保护国家社区的人民或居民的共同之处的资源。“好”是指那些对整个社区有益的东西;促进社区的保护、维持和改善。理论家们一致认为,这是政府的最终目的;所有公民的利益,没有特殊利益。共同利益理论在本文中讨论了有关民主政治制度和结构的缺点的含义。杜波依斯和尼采的政治思想所提供的理论框架被用来批判性地审视当代民主社会的共同利益理念。杜波依斯寻求一种客观的真理,可以一劳永逸地消除非理性的偏见和无知,这些偏见和无知阻碍了非裔美国人建立公正的社会秩序。尼采的政治理论主要关注对民主的蔑视,以及对贵族形式和社会秩序的需要。他怀疑,随着宗教的消亡,是否有可能在整个社会达成有效的规范共识,而这是使政府权威合法化所需要的。两位理论家都认为,社会上杰出和伟大的个人是少数的,他们应该为大众服务。基于他们的例子,本文认为两位作者都在建议一种具有政治知识的人享有特权的民主形式的政府。
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引用次数: 0
Foreshadowing the Civil Rights Counter-Revolution 为民权反革命埋下伏笔
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-11-15 DOI: 10.1017/S1742058X21000370
J. Jenkins, J. Peck
Abstract After overseeing the adoption of two landmark civil rights proposals in 1964 and 1965, the Johnson administration and its allies in Congress sought to implement the third item of its broader agenda: a legal prohibition on racial discrimination in the sale and rental of housing. Enacting fair housing legislation, however, proved to be a vexing process. Advocates had to win support from northern White Democrats skeptical of the policy, as well as Republicans who were often (and increasingly) unreliable allies. Fair housing legislation failed in 1966 (89th Congress) but passed two years later, during the 90th Congress. We provide a legislative policy history detailing how, after three tumultuous years, Congress came to enact the fair housing provision of the Civil Rights Act of 1968. Overall, the battle to enact fair housing legislation presaged a dynamic that would take hold as the Great Society gave way to the Nixon years: once federal civil rights policies started to bear directly on the lives of White northerners, they became much harder to pass and implement. It also showcased the moment at which the Republican Party in Congress first moved to the right on civil rights and explicitly adopted a position of racial conservatism.
摘要在1964年和1965年监督通过了两项具有里程碑意义的民权提案后,约翰逊政府及其国会盟友试图实施其更广泛议程的第三项:从法律上禁止住房买卖中的种族歧视。然而,事实证明,制定公平住房立法是一个令人烦恼的过程。支持者必须赢得对该政策持怀疑态度的北方白人民主党人以及经常(而且越来越)不可靠盟友的共和党人的支持。公平住房立法在1966年(第89届国会)失败,但在两年后的第90届国会期间通过。我们提供了一份立法政策历史,详细说明了在经历了三年的动荡之后,国会是如何制定1968年《民权法案》中的公平住房条款的。总的来说,制定公平住房立法的斗争预示着一种动态,这种动态将随着伟大社会让位给尼克松时代而发生:一旦联邦民权政策开始直接影响北方白人的生活,它们就变得更难通过和实施。它还展示了国会共和党首次在民权问题上右倾并明确采取种族保守主义立场的时刻。
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引用次数: 0
THE BLACK MODEL MINORITY 黑人模范少数民族
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-09-21 DOI: 10.1017/S1742058X21000345
Bayley J. Marquez
Abstract This paper interrogates the fundamental anti-Blackness of model minority discourses and how they are embedded in structures of anti-Blackness and settler colonialism through a genealogical examination of the contradictory history of the “Black model minority” within the Hampton Normal and Agricultural Institute’s Indian Program. This program educated both Black and Indigenous students throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and purposefully made racialized comparisons between groups. I read this history through present day scholarship on the model minority myth in relation to anti-Blackness and settler colonialism. I argue that the “Black model minority” at Hampton was predicated on upholding slavery through defining it as an educational project and that slavery and settler colonialism are intimately linked through pedagogy. This narrative of the Black model minority demonstrates that slavery and land dispossession were framed as pedagogic by industrial education institutions. Ultimately, this work questions the idea of “valuing education,” which is present in model minority discourses across many contexts, and how it is complicated by this history.
摘要本文通过对汉普顿师范学院和农业学院印度项目中“黑人模范少数民族”矛盾历史的系谱研究,质疑模范少数民族话语的根本反黑人性,以及它们是如何嵌入反黑人和定居者殖民主义的结构中的。该项目在整个十九世纪末和二十世纪初对黑人和土著学生进行了教育,并有目的地对不同群体进行种族化比较。我通过今天关于反黑人和定居者殖民主义的模范少数民族神话的学术来阅读这段历史。我认为,汉普顿的“黑人模范少数民族”是基于通过将奴隶制定义为一个教育项目来维护奴隶制,奴隶制和定居者殖民主义通过教育学密切联系在一起。这种对黑人模范少数民族的叙述表明,奴隶制和土地剥夺被工业教育机构视为教育学。最终,这项工作质疑了“重视教育”的理念,这一理念存在于许多背景下的模范少数民族话语中,以及它是如何因这段历史而变得复杂的。
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引用次数: 0
FRIENDSHIP IS SKIN (COLOR) DEEP 友谊是肤浅的
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-09-13 DOI: 10.1017/S1742058X21000291
Emilce Santana
Abstract Friendships between members of different ethnoracial groups can help to reduce prejudice and ease tensions across ethnoracial groups. A large body of literature has explored possible determinants for the formation of these friendships. One unexplored factor is the role of an individual’s skin color in influencing their opportunities to befriend members of other ethnoracial groups. This study seeks to answer two questions: For ethnoracial minorities, how is an individual’s skin color associated with the likelihood that they will engage in a cross-ethnoracial friendship? Does the role of skin color depend on the ethnoracial combination of the two groups that befriend one another? Using waves 1, 2, and 3 of the National Longitudinal Survey of Freshmen and a series of multinomial logit models, the results suggest that the role of skin color is a function of the relative levels of social status of the two ethnoracial groups that befriend one another. I argue that lighter-skinned members of lower status ethnoracial groups have a greater likelihood of having close friendships with members of higher status ethnoracial groups. There is also limited evidence that darker-skinned members of a higher status group, specifically Asians, have a greater likelihood of having close friends from a lower status group.
不同种族群体成员之间的友谊有助于减少偏见,缓解种族群体之间的紧张关系。大量文献探讨了这些友谊形成的可能决定因素。一个尚未探索的因素是个人的肤色在影响他们与其他种族群体成员交朋友的机会方面的作用。这项研究试图回答两个问题:对于少数民族来说,个人的肤色如何与他们建立跨种族友谊的可能性联系在一起?肤色的作用是否取决于彼此成为朋友的两个群体的种族组合?使用全国新生纵向调查的第1、2和3波以及一系列多项logit模型,结果表明,肤色的作用是两个相互友好的种族群体社会地位相对水平的函数。我认为,肤色较浅的低地位种族群体成员更有可能与地位较高的种族群体成员建立亲密友谊。也有有限的证据表明,地位较高群体中肤色较深的成员,特别是亚洲人,更有可能拥有地位较低群体的亲密朋友。
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引用次数: 0
‘DIFFERENT THAN A REGULAR WHITE’ “不同于普通的白色”
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-09-09 DOI: 10.1017/S1742058X21000333
Caroline R. Efird
Abstract Qualitative research can clarify how the racialized social system of Whiteness influences White Americans’ health beliefs in ways that are not easily captured through survey data. This secondary analysis draws upon oral history interviews (n=24) conducted in 2019 with Whites in a rural region of Appalachian western North Carolina. Interviewees discussed personal life history, community culture, health beliefs, and experiences with healthcare systems and services. Thematic analysis conveyed two distinct orientations toward health and healthcare: (1) bootstraps perspective, and (2) structural perspective. Whiteness did not uniformly shape interviewees’ perceptions of health and healthcare, rather, individual experiences throughout their life course and the racialized social system contributed to these Appalachian residents’ assessments of who is responsible for health and healthcare. Dissatisfaction with the Affordable Care Act was salient among interviewees whose life stories reflected meritocratic ideals, regardless of education level, age, or gender identity. They apprised strong work ethic as a core community value, assuming that personal contributions to the social system match the rewards that one receives in return for individual effort. Conversely, interviewees who were primarily socialized outside of rural Appalachia acknowledged some macro-level social determinants of health and expressed support for universal healthcare models. Findings suggest that there is not one uniform type of “rural White” within this region of Appalachia. Interventions designed to increase support for health equity promoting policies and programs should consider how regional and place-based factors shape White Americans’ sense of identity and subsequent health beliefs, attitudes, and voting behaviors. In this Appalachian region, some White residents’ general mistrust of outsiders indicates that efforts to garner more political will for health-promoting social programs should be presented by local, trusted residents who exhibit a structural perspective of health and healthcare.
摘要定性研究可以阐明白人的种族化社会制度是如何影响美国白人的健康信念的,而这些影响是通过调查数据很难捕捉到的。这项二次分析借鉴了2019年对北卡罗来纳州阿巴拉契亚西部农村地区白人进行的口述历史采访(n=24)。受访者讨论了个人生活史、社区文化、健康信念以及医疗系统和服务的经验。专题分析传达了健康和医疗保健的两个不同方向:(1)自主视角和(2)结构视角。白人并没有统一塑造受访者对健康和医疗保健的看法,相反,他们一生中的个人经历和种族化的社会制度有助于这些阿巴拉契亚居民对谁负责健康和医疗的评估。受访者对《平价医疗法案》的不满情绪突出,他们的生活故事反映了精英主义的理想,无论教育水平、年龄或性别认同如何。他们认为强烈的职业道德是社区的核心价值观,假设个人对社会体系的贡献与个人努力所获得的回报相匹配。相反,主要在阿巴拉契亚农村以外社会化的受访者承认健康的一些宏观层面的社会决定因素,并表示支持全民医疗模式。研究结果表明,在阿巴拉契亚地区,没有一种统一的“农村白人”。旨在增加对促进健康公平政策和项目支持的干预措施应考虑地区和地方因素如何影响美国白人的身份感以及随后的健康信念、态度和投票行为。在这个阿巴拉契亚地区,一些白人居民对外来者的普遍不信任表明,为促进健康的社会项目争取更多政治意愿的努力应该由表现出健康和医疗保健结构性视角的当地值得信赖的居民提出。
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