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Investigating the policy tools of spatial planning 研究空间规划的政策工具
IF 2.2 4区 管理学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/01442872.2022.2040473
S. Dühr
ABSTRACT Spatial planning is a comprehensive field of public policy and characterized by a considerable diversity of policy tools. Some of these policy tools have a long tradition, but a broadening scope of spatial planning over recent decades in many liberal democracies, accompanied by policy reforms to the way in which spatial planning operates, has altered the nature and type of policy instruments in use. Previous analyses have given limited attention to policy tools for urban and regional planning, yet in this article it is argued that a focus on procedural policy tools can allow a structured assessment of implications of major policy reforms for substantive instruments and societal outcomes. A framework for the study of policy tools according to different stages of the policy cycle is proposed. This is applied to recent planning reform in South Australia to understand changes to procedural tools and how these can influence the effectiveness of substantive policy tools.
空间规划是一个综合性的公共政策领域,其特点是政策工具的多样性。其中一些政策工具有着悠久的传统,但近几十年来,在许多自由民主国家,空间规划的范围不断扩大,伴随着空间规划运作方式的政策改革,改变了所使用的政策工具的性质和类型。以前的分析对城市和区域规划的政策工具给予了有限的关注,但本文认为,关注程序性政策工具可以对重大政策改革对实质性工具和社会结果的影响进行结构化评估。提出了一种基于政策周期不同阶段的政策工具研究框架。这适用于南澳大利亚州最近的规划改革,以了解程序工具的变化以及这些变化如何影响实质性政策工具的有效性。
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引用次数: 2
Policy punctuations and agenda diversity in China: a national level analysis from 1980 to 2019 中国政策标点符号与议程多样性:1980 - 2019年国家层面分析
IF 2.2 4区 管理学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-28 DOI: 10.1080/01442872.2023.2183944
Xiaolei Qin, Jing Huang
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引用次数: 2
Demanding non-programmatic distribution: evidence from local governments in Chile 要求非规划分配:来自智利地方政府的证据
IF 2.2 4区 管理学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-03 DOI: 10.1080/01442872.2023.2172718
Fabián Belmar, Gonzalo Contreras, Mauricio Morales, Camila Troncoso
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引用次数: 2
Women in government: the limits and challenges of a representative bureaucracy for Afghanistan (2001–2021) 政府中的女性:阿富汗代议制官僚的限制与挑战(2001-2021)
IF 2.2 4区 管理学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-29 DOI: 10.1080/01442872.2022.2161499
Parwiz Mosamim, Jean-Patrick Villeneuve
ABSTRACT This article analyses the limits and challenges of positive discrimination policies in the Afghan government (2001–2021). One of the primary objectives of the international community after the fall of the Taliban in 2001 was to bring Afghan women back into public service. The government adopted international and national policy frameworks in this direction, notably positive discrimination policies such as quotas. It set an objective of 30% female participation in civil service by 2020. To analyze these policies’ effectiveness and identify the challenges faced, we analyzed official documents setting the stage for a series of in-depth semi-structured interviews with female civil servants and women’s rights activists. The study shows that the Afghan government failed to meet its objective. This was due to both institutional and non-institutional factors. These factors included the pervasiveness of sexual violence, discrimination, and corruption, and the impact of a traditional and patriarchal culture. These findings contribute to a better understanding of past policies. The article has important lessons for the study of mechanisms to promote women in government more widely.
本文分析了阿富汗政府(2001-2021)积极歧视政策的局限性和挑战。2001年塔利班倒台后,国际社会的主要目标之一是让阿富汗妇女重返公共服务领域。政府在这方面采取了国际和国家政策框架,特别是配额等积极的歧视政策。它设定了到2020年女性公务员比例达到30%的目标。为了分析这些政策的有效性并确定面临的挑战,我们分析了官方文件,为对女公务员和女权活动家进行一系列深入的半结构化访谈奠定了基础。研究表明,阿富汗政府未能实现其目标。这既有体制因素,也有非体制因素。这些因素包括普遍存在的性暴力、歧视和腐败,以及传统和父权文化的影响。这些发现有助于更好地理解过去的政策。这篇文章对研究更广泛地促进妇女进入政府的机制具有重要的借鉴意义。
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引用次数: 0
Ontological contradictions in the UK’s Universal Credit reforms 英国全民信贷改革中的本体论矛盾
IF 2.2 4区 管理学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-18 DOI: 10.1080/01442872.2023.2168636
J. Newman
ABSTRACT The Universal Credit reforms of the 2010s were a crucial turning point in the UK’s social security system. The reforms have been widely criticized in the literature for placing too much responsibility on welfare recipients, for using cultural explanations of poverty, and for prioritizing incentive-based solutions. This article argues that these common points of criticism actually point to demonstrable contradictions in the formation of Universal Credit, contradictions that are problematic regardless of the strength of the aforementioned criticisms. The focus is on “ontological contradictions”, which derive from fundamental assumptions about how individual agents relate to their material and ideational contexts. To make this argument, a critical realist framework is developed in a dialogue with existing poststructuralist approaches.
2010年代的全民信用改革是英国社会保障体系的一个关键转折点。这些改革在文献中受到了广泛的批评,因为它们把太多的责任放在了福利接受者身上,使用了对贫困的文化解释,并优先考虑了基于激励的解决方案。本文认为,这些共同的批评观点实际上指向了通用信用形成过程中显而易见的矛盾,无论上述批评的力度如何,这些矛盾都是有问题的。重点是“本体论矛盾”,这源于关于个体主体如何与其物质和概念背景相关的基本假设。为了提出这一论点,在与现有的后结构主义方法的对话中发展了一个批判现实主义框架。
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引用次数: 0
Intermediating sustainable finance: a case study of The Aotearoa Circle's Sustainable Finance Forum 中介可持续金融:以奥特罗亚圈可持续金融论坛为例
IF 2.2 4区 管理学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/01442872.2022.2162032
D. Hall, Tong Meng
ABSTRACT Sustainable Finance Roadmaps (SFRs) have emerged internationally as an instrument for sustainable finance reform. However, there is variation among countries over who leads the SFR process. This article focuses on Aotearoa New Zealand where the process was led by an intermediary, the Sustainable Finance Forum, a multistakeholder process which convened stakeholders for SFR development. This case study contributes to the literature on intermediaries in sustainability transitions by showing intermediation in the financial sector. Empirical analysis demonstrates that intermediation functioned as a strategic intervention to overcome regime-level barriers to transition by visioning, convening and coordinating stakeholders, and developing transition pathways, albeit with challenges in terms of Māori representation and government participation. This case study shows how intermediaries adapted to the distinctive demands of early transition phases, especially by a process of reproduction where one intermediary created another.
可持续金融路线图(SFRs)作为可持续金融改革的工具已在国际上兴起。然而,各国在由谁领导SFR进程的问题上存在差异。本文以新西兰奥特罗阿为例,该进程由中介机构可持续金融论坛牵头,这是一个多方利益相关者的进程,召集利益相关者参与可持续金融发展。本案例研究通过展示金融部门的中介,为可持续转型中的中介文献做出了贡献。实证分析表明,尽管在Māori代表和政府参与方面存在挑战,但中介作为一种战略干预手段,通过设想、召集和协调利益相关者以及发展过渡途径,克服了政权层面的过渡障碍。本案例研究展示了中介如何适应早期过渡阶段的独特需求,特别是通过一个中介创造另一个中介的再生产过程。
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引用次数: 2
Blood is thicker than water: local favouritism and inter-local collaborative governance 血浓于水:地方偏袒和地方间合作治理
IF 2.2 4区 管理学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-28 DOI: 10.1080/01442872.2022.2162033
Puyao Xing, Huaizhen Xing
ABSTRACT Exploring the micro-mechanisms of collaborative governance regarding decision-makers’ behavioural and psychological motivations can advance an understanding of governance in fragmented systems. Among these motivations, local favouritism is a common behaviour that has received little attention in inter-local collaboration. Whether and why local government decision-makers engage in local favouritism in inter-local collaboration remains unanswered. This study incorporates social identity theory into the institutional collective action framework to answer these questions and tests our hypotheses using an empirical case of the impact of provincial leadership turnover on inter-provincial watershed environmental collaboration in China. The results show that decision-makers engage in local favouritism in inter-local collaboration and that the reasons for such behaviour are related to decision-makers’ social identity with their hometowns. The social identity of local decision-makers with their hometowns enhances the utility they obtain when engaging in collaboration. This increased individual utility raises the perceived benefits of collaboration and makes decision-makers more likely to collaborate with their hometown jurisdictions.
从决策者的行为和心理动机出发,探索协同治理的微观机制,有助于我们更好地理解碎片化系统中的治理。在这些动机中,地方偏袒是一种常见的行为,但在地方间合作中很少受到关注。地方政府决策者是否以及为什么会在地方间合作中偏袒地方仍然没有答案。本研究将社会认同理论纳入制度性集体行动框架来回答这些问题,并使用省级领导更替对中国省际流域环境合作影响的实证案例来检验我们的假设。研究结果表明,决策者在地方间合作中存在地方偏好行为,其原因与决策者对家乡的社会认同有关。地方决策者与家乡的社会认同增强了他们在合作中获得的效用。这种增加的个人效用提高了合作的感知效益,并使决策者更有可能与他们家乡的司法管辖区合作。
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引用次数: 1
Policy transfer during the COVID era 新冠疫情期间的政策转移
IF 2.2 4区 管理学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-05 DOI: 10.1080/01442872.2023.2153431
Toby S. James
The close interconnectivity of political systems has long been the reality. Although states have never been entirely disconnected from one another, cultural, political, economic and technological ties were commonly thought to have rapidly increased as the twentieth century progressed and societal relations were increasingly described as an era of “globalisation”. The recognition of this interconnectivity led to a growth of interest in policy transfer several decades ago. Policy transfer was commonly taken to be “a process in which knowledge about policies, administrative arrangements, institutions, etc. in one time and/or place is used in the development of policies, administrative arrangements and institutions in another time and/or place” (Dolowitz and Marsh 1996, 344). As the challenges facing societies evolve, however, there are opportunities for the theory and praxis of policy transfer to revisited. Policy transfer has often been a focus of analysis which has been advanced in Policy Studies (Evans 2009; Marsh and Evans 2012; Gauja 2016) and articles in this issue follow in this tradition – with some focussing on the particular challenge posed by COVID. The pandemic laid bare the extent of another axis global interconnectedness, one which had not been as widely considered: the epidemiological.
政治制度的紧密联系早已成为现实。尽管各国之间从未完全隔绝,但人们普遍认为,随着20世纪的发展,文化、政治、经济和技术联系迅速增加,社会关系越来越多地被描述为“全球化”时代。几十年前,对这种相互联系的认识导致了对政策转移的兴趣的增长。政策转移通常被认为是“一个时间和/或地点的政策、行政安排、制度等知识被用于另一个时间和/或地点的政策、行政安排和制度发展的过程”(Dolowitz和Marsh 1996, 344)。然而,随着社会面临的挑战不断演变,政策转移的理论和实践有机会得到重新审视。政策转移通常是政策研究中提出的分析焦点(Evans 2009;Marsh and Evans 2012;Gauja 2016)和本期的文章遵循了这一传统,其中一些文章侧重于COVID带来的特殊挑战。大流行暴露了另一个全球相互联系轴心的程度,这一轴心没有得到广泛考虑:流行病学。
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引用次数: 1
Presidents and intermediaries: insights from clean energy policy processes in Mexico 总统和中间商:墨西哥清洁能源政策进程的见解
IF 2.2 4区 管理学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-29 DOI: 10.1080/01442872.2022.2149724
I. Solorio, J. Tosun
ABSTRACT We assess whether different presidents have different “styles” of involving intermediary organizations such as trade unions or business associations in the policy process. Given that temporal variation in the relationship between presidents and intermediaries can be observed, to what extent can the intermediaries included in the policy process be explained by the respective president’s leadership style and/or political ideology? We concentrate on the process by which clean energy policies were formulated under three Mexican presidents between 2006 and 2022. We draw on original data collected through 18 semi-structured interviews carried out with intermediaries between January and July 2022. Our findings show that the different presidents had different policy styles and therefore varied in how they included climate intermediaries in the policy process. This finding has important implications for research on policy styles as well as climate intermediation. Regarding policy styles the results presented call for theorizing of the dynamics observed. As concerns climate intermediaries the corresponding literature is invited to pay more attention to the political context in which they operate.
摘要本文评估了不同总统在政策制定过程中涉及工会或商业协会等中介组织的“风格”是否不同。既然可以观察到总统和中间人之间关系的时间变化,那么政策过程中包括的中间人在多大程度上可以用各自总统的领导风格和/或政治意识形态来解释?我们将重点关注2006年至2022年期间三位墨西哥总统制定清洁能源政策的过程。我们利用在2022年1月至7月期间与中介机构进行的18次半结构化访谈收集的原始数据。我们的研究结果表明,不同的总统有不同的政策风格,因此他们在政策过程中纳入气候中介机构的方式也各不相同。这一发现对政策风格和气候中介的研究具有重要意义。关于政策风格,提出的结果要求对观察到的动态进行理论化。至于气候中介机构,请相应的文献更多地关注它们运作的政治背景。
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引用次数: 4
Metagoverning through intermediaries: the role of the Norwegian “Klimasats” Fund in translating national climate goals to local implementation 通过中介机构进行元治理:挪威“Klimasats”基金在将国家气候目标转化为地方实施方面的作用
IF 2.2 4区 管理学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-06 DOI: 10.1080/01442872.2022.2142205
F. Farstad, Anders Tønnesen, I. Christensen, Bård Sødal Grasbekk, Kristiane Brudevoll
ABSTRACT There is little knowledge of how policymakers manage governance networks (“metagovern”) within climate policy and especially at non-executive levels of public management. One strategy to metagovern is through using intermediary actors such as funding bodies. However, as novel actors within climate governance, such “climate intermediaries” are under-researched. We address these gaps by exploring the metagovernance through an intermediary actor, namely the Norwegian “Klimasats” Fund. We find that the logic of funding bodies lends itself to “carrots” as opposed to “sticks”, weakening the potential for transformation. Funding bodies can also increase existing differences in climate action between larger and smaller local authorities. However, funding bodies have a beneficial bi-directional functionality, incentivising local innovation whilst feeding lessons both up to and across government. Funding bodies also have the power to make local actors into intermediaries in their own right and can influence policy discourses. Thus, in assessing metagovernance at the non-executive level and using intermediary actors such as funding bodies, we reveal significant challenges, but also surprising opportunities, for the low-carbon transition.
关于政策制定者如何管理气候政策中的治理网络(“元治理”),特别是在公共管理的非执行层面,人们知之甚少。元治理的一种策略是使用中介行为者,如资助机构。然而,作为气候治理中的新参与者,这些“气候中介机构”的研究还很不足。我们通过中介行为者(即挪威“Klimasats”基金)探索元治理来解决这些差距。我们发现,资助机构的逻辑倾向于“胡萝卜”而不是“大棒”,削弱了转型的潜力。资助机构还可以扩大规模较大和较小的地方当局在气候行动方面的现有差异。然而,资助机构具有有益的双向功能,既激励地方创新,又向政府内部和整个政府提供经验教训。资助机构也有权力使地方行为者本身成为中介,并可以影响政策话语。因此,在评估非执行层面的元治理和使用融资机构等中介行为者时,我们发现了低碳转型面临的重大挑战,但也有令人惊讶的机遇。
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引用次数: 6
期刊
Policy Studies
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