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Federal Constitutional Values and Citizen Attitudes to Government: Explaining Federal System Viability and Reform Preferences in Eight Countries 联邦宪法价值观与公民对政府的态度——解读八国联邦制度的可行性和改革偏好
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-24 DOI: 10.1093/publius/pjab031
A. Brown, Jacob Deem, J. Kincaid
This study presents a measure of federal constitutional values as a dimension of federal political culture derived from four key features of federal systems. Tested in six federal and two non-federal countries, we find the measure is stable and taps enduring values, including confirmation that citizens who support devolutionary reform have stronger federal constitutional values. Defining federalism success as a system where citizens have strong federal constitutional values and high satisfaction with their current polycentric system, our results find Switzerland and Canada being the most viable, followed by the United States, Australia, and Germany, while Belgium is not very successful. In the non-federal countries, substantial support for devolution and possibly federalism is found in France, but devolution is more contested in the United Kingdom. The results affirm the importance of public attitudes and political culture in understanding the performance of federal political systems and public support for federalist-type reforms.
本研究将联邦宪法价值观作为联邦政治文化的一个维度,从联邦制度的四个关键特征中得出。在六个联邦和两个非联邦国家进行了测试,我们发现该措施是稳定的,并具有持久的价值观,包括确认支持权力下放改革的公民具有更强的联邦宪法价值观。将联邦制的成功定义为一种公民具有强大的联邦宪法价值观并对其当前的多中心体系高度满意的体系,我们的研究结果发现,瑞士和加拿大是最可行的,其次是美国、澳大利亚和德国,而比利时则不太成功。在非联邦国家,法国大力支持权力下放,可能支持联邦制,但英国对权力下放的争议更大。研究结果肯定了公众态度和政治文化在理解联邦政治制度表现和公众支持联邦制改革方面的重要性。
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引用次数: 1
Subnational Politics and Redistribution in a Federal System: Determinants of Progressive Social Spending in Brazilian States 联邦制度下的次国家政治和再分配:巴西各州渐进社会支出的决定因素
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-16 DOI: 10.1093/publius/pjab030
Claire Dunn
What role do subnational governments play in shaping a country’s redistributive efforts? Existing literature suggests that federalism can be a hindrance to redistribution. Such negative effects may be particularly true of Latin America’s federations due to high levels of regional inequality and malapportioned political institutions. However, in order to fully understand redistribution in federal systems in Latin America, we need to examine not only how subnational governments affect centralized redistributive efforts, but also what efforts these subnational governments are making themselves. In this article, I contribute to our understanding of subnational social spending in Latin America’s largest federation, Brazil. My results suggest that, in Brazil, state governments are constrained actors, but they do pursue different levels of redistributive social spending with higher levels being more likely under left parties.
地方政府在塑造一个国家的再分配努力中扮演什么角色?现有文献表明,联邦制可能会阻碍再分配。这种负面影响对拉丁美洲的联邦来说可能尤其如此,因为区域不平等程度很高,政治体制也不合理。然而,为了充分理解拉丁美洲联邦制度下的再分配,我们不仅需要研究地方政府如何影响中央再分配的努力,还需要研究这些地方政府自己在做什么努力。在这篇文章中,我对拉丁美洲最大的联邦——巴西的地方社会支出有所了解。我的研究结果表明,在巴西,州政府是受约束的行为者,但它们确实追求不同水平的再分配社会支出,左翼政党更有可能实现更高水平的社会支出。
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引用次数: 0
Dissecting Public Opinion on Regional Authority: Four Types of Regionalists Based on Citizens’ Preferences for Self-Rule and Shared Rule 区域权威民意剖析:基于公民自治偏好和共治偏好的四类区域主义者
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-14 DOI: 10.1093/publius/pjab020
A. Schakel, A. J. Brown
Although regional governments play vital roles in most political systems, citizens’ perceptions regarding regional authority are only rarely studied. Relying on the International Constitutional Values Survey held among more than 6,000 respondents from 142 regions in eight countries, we develop measures to tap into citizens’ preferences for self-rule—i.e., for autonomy for their region—and citizens’ preferences for shared rule—i.e., for regional engagement in national decision-making. A majority of citizens prefer their regional governments to have some level of both self-rule and shared rule, but around a quarter of the citizens prefer their region to have more self-rule and less shared rule or vice versa. The analysis reveals these varying preferences are associated with a region’s actual authority and regional identity. These results are important because they indicate that most citizens do not presume increased self-rule to be the main or only path to a strong regional authority.
尽管地区政府在大多数政治制度中发挥着至关重要的作用,但公民对地区权威的看法很少被研究。根据对来自八个国家142个地区的6000多名受访者进行的国际宪法价值观调查,我们制定了一些措施,以利用公民对自治的偏好,即对所在地区的自治,以及公民对共同统治的偏好,如对地区参与国家决策的偏好。大多数公民更喜欢所在地区的政府既有一定程度的自治又有共同统治,但约四分之一的公民更喜欢该地区有更多的自治和更少的共同统治,反之亦然。分析表明,这些不同的偏好与一个地区的实际权威和地区身份有关。这些结果很重要,因为它们表明,大多数公民并不认为加强自治是建立强大地区权威的主要或唯一途径。
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引用次数: 3
How We Vote: Innovation in American Elections, by Kathleen Hale and Mitchell Brown 我们如何投票:美国选举中的创新,凯瑟琳·黑尔和米切尔·布朗
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-05 DOI: 10.1093/publius/pjab032
Daniel J. Palazzolo
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引用次数: 5
Indirect Federal Subsidy and Tax Exportation through State and Local Tax Deduction: Understanding the Impact of the 2017 Tax Reform on State and Local Governments 联邦间接补贴与通过州和地方税收减免的税收出口:了解2017年税收改革对州和地方政府的影响
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-03 DOI: 10.1093/publius/pjab028
Yonghong Wu
The deduction of certain state and local taxes (SALT) from the U.S. federal income tax base provides substantial amounts of indirect federal subsidy to state and local governments and also allows cross-state exportation of deductible state and local taxes. The Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 (TCJA) limits the SALT deduction and increases standard deduction per filer each year. This study examines the impact of TCJA on the distribution of this indirect federal subsidy and exportation of major state and local taxes. Using individual income tax data from the Internal Revenue Service, this research shows that the law narrows the disparity in states’ receipt of the indirect federal subsidy and reduces the capacity of high-tax states to export their taxes to other states. The findings shed light on the continued debate regarding the effectiveness and fairness of this important type of intergovernmental transfer in the United States.
从美国联邦所得税税基中扣除某些州和地方税(SALT)为州和地方政府提供了大量的间接联邦补贴,还允许跨州出口可抵扣的州和地方税收。2017年《减税和就业法案》(TCJA)限制了SALT扣除额,并每年增加每个申报人的标准扣除额。本研究考察了TCJA对这种间接联邦补贴的分配以及主要州和地方税的出口的影响。利用美国国税局的个人所得税数据,这项研究表明,该法律缩小了各州获得间接联邦补贴的差距,并降低了高税收州向其他州出口税收的能力。调查结果揭示了关于美国这类重要政府间转移的有效性和公平性的持续辩论。
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引用次数: 0
Abortion and the Law in America: Roe v. Wade to the Present, by Mary Ziegler 堕胎与美国法律:罗诉韦德案至今,玛丽·齐格勒著
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-03 DOI: 10.1093/publius/pjab033
Joshua C. Wilson
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引用次数: 0
Energy Policy Reversal during the Trump Administration: Examination of Its Legacy and Implications for Federalism 特朗普政府期间能源政策的逆转:对其遗产及其对联邦制的影响的考察
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-26 DOI: 10.1093/PUBLIUS/PJAB016
Madeline Yozwiak, Hannah Abell, Sanya Carley
The Trump administration pursued eighty-four energy reversal actions between 2017 and 2020, the majority of which through executive action. In this article, we evaluate the effectiveness of such an administrative presidency in its ability to withstand political and legal challenges. We first set the context of U.S. energy policy predating the Trump administration, and then synthesize the administration’s reversal actions according to the mechanisms, the beneficiaries, and the legal process through which each evolved. We then analyze four reversal case studies that highlight how stakeholders responded to such actions, and the resulting variation in outcomes: the rollback of coal ash standards; the proposed coastal oil and gas auctions; the revocation of California’s vehicle emissions waiver; and the replacement of the Clean Power Plan with the Affordable Clean Energy rule. We find that the administration’s executive approach was regularly checked through litigation by states, interest groups, and industry, or had limited impact due to the high level of regulatory uncertainty that it fostered. We draw implications for ongoing state and federal dynamics and for the lasting durability of the Trump administration’s energy reversal legacy.
特朗普政府在2017年至2020年期间采取了84项能源逆转行动,其中大部分是通过行政行动。在这篇文章中,我们评估了这样一个行政总统在其抵御政治和法律挑战的能力方面的有效性。我们首先设定了特朗普政府之前美国能源政策的背景,然后根据机制、受益者和法律程序来综合政府的逆转行动。然后,我们分析了四个逆转案例研究,突出了利益相关者如何应对此类行动,以及由此产生的结果变化:煤灰标准的回滚;拟议的沿海油气拍卖;撤销加州汽车排放豁免;以及用平价清洁能源规则取代清洁能源计划。我们发现,政府的执行方式经常受到各州、利益集团和行业的诉讼检查,或者由于它所培养的高度监管不确定性而产生的影响有限。我们对正在进行的州和联邦动态以及特朗普政府能源逆转遗产的持久持久性提出了影响。
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引用次数: 0
Federalism, Defunding the Police, and Democratic Values: A Functional Accountability Framework for Analyzing Police Reform Proposals 联邦制、削减警察资金和民主价值观:分析警察改革建议的职能问责框架
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-26 DOI: 10.1093/PUBLIUS/PJAB022
J. Sinclair, Maya Love, María Gutiérrez-Vera
This article examines recent proposals to “defund the police” using a perspective informed by literature on agency termination and political accountability. These concepts allow us to build a framework for categorizing such proposals based on the assignment of functions to organizations. These proposals operate in the context of a federal system which can shape the character of each category, make some choices more or less feasible, influence where functions may be assigned, and create political incentives out of the complex geography of conflict. We use examples from Minneapolis, New York, Los Angeles, and Seattle to illustrate our framework. We conclude by offering a preliminary analysis of why these cities tend towards adopting one of the alternatives we outline.
本文从有关机构终止和政治问责的文献的角度,研究了最近提出的“为警察提供资金”的建议。这些概念使我们能够建立一个框架,根据各组织的职能分配对这些提案进行分类。这些提案是在联邦制度的背景下运作的,联邦制度可以塑造每一类的特征,使一些选择或多或少可行,影响职能的分配,并在复杂的冲突地理中创造政治激励。我们使用明尼阿波利斯、纽约、洛杉矶和西雅图的例子来说明我们的框架。最后,我们对这些城市倾向于采用我们概述的替代方案之一的原因进行了初步分析。
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引用次数: 1
Advocating for Medicaid Expansion in Republican States: Overcoming “Fractious Federalism” in the Statehouse and Ballot Box 提倡在共和党州扩大医疗补助:克服州议会和投票箱中的“难以驾驭的联邦主义”
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-26 DOI: 10.1093/PUBLIUS/PJAB018
Jake Haselswerdt
Partisan and ideological polarization have been major barriers to the implementation of the Affordable Care Act’s Medicaid expansion in Republican-controlled states. Scholars have referred to this situation as “fractious federalism,” with Republican state policymakers toeing the national party line in refusing to cooperate with a major policy initiative. In some cases, however, diverse advocacy coalitions have overcome fractious federalism to pass expansion legislation in deeply Republican states. More recently, such coalitions have resorted to ballot initiative campaigns as another means of overcoming such polarization, and won impressive victories in a series of “deep red” states. Drawing on forty-four interviews with people involved in expansion advocacy in eleven states, I report important insights on the formation and activities of these coalitions in both the legislative and ballot initiative eras of Medicaid expansion politics.
党派和意识形态两极分化一直是共和党控制的州实施《平价医疗法案》扩大医疗补助计划的主要障碍。学者们将这种情况称为“难以控制的联邦制”,共和党州政策制定者遵循国家党的路线,拒绝与重大政策倡议合作。然而,在某些情况下,多元化的倡导联盟克服了难以控制的联邦制,在共和党根深蒂固的州通过了扩张立法。最近,这些联盟将投票倡议运动作为克服这种两极分化的另一种手段,并在一系列“深红色”州赢得了令人印象深刻的胜利。根据对11个州参与扩大宣传的44次采访,我报告了在医疗补助扩大政治的立法和投票倡议时代,这些联盟的形成和活动的重要见解。
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引用次数: 3
Power-Sharing in Europe: Past Practice, Present Cases and Future Directions, edited by Soeren Keil and Allison McCulloch 《欧洲的权力分享:过去的实践、现在的案例和未来的方向》,苏伦·凯尔和艾莉森·麦卡洛克主编
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-26 DOI: 10.1093/publius/pjab012
A. Piacentini
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Publius-The Journal of Federalism
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