Publius-The Journal of Federalism最新文献

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The State of American Federalism, 2020–2021: Deepening Partisanship amid Tumultuous Times 2020-2021年美国联邦制现状：动荡时代党派之争的深化

IF 1.8 2区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

Publius-The Journal of Federalism

Pub Date : 2021-07-26 DOI: 10.1093/publius/pjab023

David M. Konisky, Paul Nolette

In this introductory article for the 2020–2021 Annual Review of American Federalism, we review notable developments in U.S. politics and policy during the last year, with an emphasis on their intersections with and consequences for federalism. We focus in particular on the 2020 elections and the COVID pandemic, along with policy developments in the areas of criminal justice and police reform, health care, environment, immigration, and equality and religious liberty. The events of the past year, especially those related to the pandemic and the fallout of the presidential election, led to a resurgence of public interest in federalism and a focus on the importance of government decision-making of state and local governments. Events during the last year have not only reinforced partisan polarization but have also deepened the existing divide of Americans along partisan lines and perhaps in new ways. Partisan differences have increasingly become cultural differences, so that political and policy differences have saturated American culture in notable ways.

在《2020-2021年美国联邦制年度评论》的这篇介绍性文章中，我们回顾了去年美国政治和政策的显著发展，重点介绍了它们与联邦制的交叉点及其对联邦制的影响。我们特别关注2020年的选举和新冠肺炎疫情，以及刑事司法和警察改革、医疗保健、环境、移民、平等和宗教自由等领域的政策发展。过去一年发生的事件，特别是与疫情和总统选举的影响有关的事件，导致公众对联邦制的兴趣死灰复燃，并关注州和地方政府政府决策的重要性。去年发生的事件不仅加剧了党派两极分化，而且还加深了美国人现有的党派分歧，也许是以新的方式。党派差异日益成为文化差异，政治和政策差异以显著的方式浸透了美国文化。

引用次数: 4

Citizenship Reimagined: A New Framework for State Rights in the United States, by Allan Colbern and S. Karthick Ramakrishnan 《重新设想的公民身份:美国国家权利的新框架》，作者:艾伦·科尔伯恩和S.卡西克·拉玛克里希南

IF 1.8 2区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

Publius-The Journal of Federalism

Pub Date : 2021-07-26 DOI: 10.1093/PUBLIUS/PJAB019

Margaret M. Commins

引用次数: 2

Governors in Control: Executive Orders, State-Local Preemption, and the COVID-19 Pandemic. 州长控制:行政命令，州-地方优先，和COVID-19大流行。

IF 1.8 2区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

Publius-The Journal of Federalism

Pub Date : 2021-07-24 eCollection Date: 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/publius/pjab013

Carol S Weissert, Matthew J Uttermark, Kenneth R Mackie, Alexandra Artiles

The nation's governors took strong and decisive action in responding to the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic, often directly affecting their local governments. These actions allow us to examine this question: Will governors' actions in an unprecedented emergency situation centralize the authority of the state or rely on local governments to deal with localized problems? Additionally, what factors affect those decisions? We examine all governors' executive orders affecting local governments in the first five months of the 2020 pandemic. We find that preemption did occur, especially in the early months of the pandemic. States that gave their localities more autonomy were associated with preemption throughout the pandemic; the governor's party affiliation and her ideological match with local officials were associated with greater preemption in some phases of the pandemic but not others.

中国的州长们在应对2020年新冠肺炎大流行方面采取了强有力和果断的行动，这些行动往往直接影响到地方政府。这些行动使我们能够审视这样一个问题:在前所未有的紧急情况下，州长的行动是将国家权力集中起来，还是依靠地方政府来处理局部问题?此外，哪些因素会影响这些决策?我们研究了在2020年大流行的前五个月影响地方政府的所有州长的行政命令。我们发现确实发生了先发制人的情况，特别是在大流行的最初几个月。在大流行期间，给予地方更多自主权的国家与先发制人有关;在流感大流行的某些阶段，州长所属的党派以及她与当地官员的意识形态匹配与更大的先发制人有关，但在其他阶段则不然。

引用次数: 12

Fiscal Federalism and Economic Crises in the United States: Lessons from the COVID-19 Pandemic and Great Recession. 美国的财政联邦制与经济危机：从 COVID-19 大流行和大衰退中汲取的教训》。

IF 1.8 2区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

Publius-The Journal of Federalism

Pub Date : 2021-06-21 eCollection Date: 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/publius/pjab015

Mariely López-Santana, Philip Rocco

The architecture of fiscal federalism in the United States represents an obstacle for prompt and comprehensive policy responses to economic crises, especially by subnational levels of government. As both a public health and economic crisis, the COVID-19 pandemic has put unique fiscal pressures on subnational governments. This article reviews the pandemic's fiscal effects on these governments, as well as the federal government's response. By comparing the response to the COVID-19 crisis during the Trump administration with the response to the Great Recession during the Obama administration, we show that while the speed and magnitude of federal aid was unprecedented in 2020, it was nevertheless conditional in nature and beset by familiar political and institutional obstacles. Despite major fiscal pressures, state revenues rebounded earlier than expected, in part due to the relaxation of public health measures and the collection of taxes from online transactions; yet, state resources remained strained throughout the year, especially in states reliant on the hospitality and the oil sectors. And while local property taxes were buoyed by a surging housing market, cities and counties were confronted with declining revenue from other sources and intense emergency spending needs. Thus, despite unprecedented levels of federal support for state and local governments, the legacies of "fend for yourself" federalism live on.

美国的财政联邦制结构阻碍了对经济危机做出迅速而全面的政策反应，尤其是国家以下各级政府。作为一场公共卫生和经济危机，COVID-19 大流行给国家以下各级政府带来了独特的财政压力。本文回顾了大流行病对这些政府的财政影响以及联邦政府的应对措施。通过比较特朗普政府时期与奥巴马政府时期应对 COVID-19 危机的措施，我们发现，尽管联邦援助的速度和规模在 2020 年是前所未有的，但它在性质上是有条件的，并受到熟悉的政治和制度障碍的困扰。尽管面临巨大的财政压力，各州的财政收入仍比预期提前反弹，部分原因是放松了公共卫生措施和征收在线交易税；然而，各州的资源在全年仍然紧张，尤其是在依赖酒店业和石油业的州。虽然房地产市场的飙升推动了地方财产税的增长，但各市县却面临着其他来源收入的减少和紧急支出需求的增加。因此，尽管联邦对州和地方政府的支持达到了前所未有的水平，但 "自求多福 "的联邦主义仍在继续。

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引用次数: 0

Federalism, Polarization, and Policy Responsibility during COVID-19: Experimental and Observational Evidence from the United States 新冠肺炎期间的联邦制、极化和政策责任：来自美国的实验和观察证据

IF 1.8 2区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

Publius-The Journal of Federalism

Pub Date : 2021-06-18 DOI: 10.1093/publius/pjab014

Nicholas J. Jacobs

This article considers the ways in which partisanship structured public attitudes about the United States’ multiple governments as each tried to mitigate the spread of COVID-19 during the spring and summer of 2020. The evidence shows that Democrats and Republicans both made distinctions among their local, state, and federal governments, assigning them different functional responsibilities. Yet, members of the two parties did not agree on that division of intergovernmental responsibility. Rather, across a variety of issues, polarized partisan identities structured beliefs about the operation and efficacy of the American federal system’s ability to contend with the spread of coronavirus. Moreover, these beliefs did not stem from prior ideological commitments or the different composition of Democratic or Republican communities. Instead, party leaders proved especially capable of shifting public attitudes on questions of federal versus state authority through their shifting rhetoric and strategic framing.

这篇文章考虑了在2020年春季和夏季，当美国多个政府试图减缓新冠肺炎的传播时，党派之争如何构建公众对其的态度。证据表明，民主党和共和党都对地方、州和联邦政府进行了区分，赋予他们不同的职能。然而，两党成员没有就政府间责任的划分达成一致。相反，在各种问题上，两极分化的党派身份构成了对美国联邦系统应对冠状病毒传播能力的运作和有效性的信念。此外，这些信念并非源于先前的意识形态承诺或民主党或共和党社区的不同组成。相反，事实证明，政党领导人特别有能力通过他们不断变化的言论和战略框架来改变公众对联邦与州权力问题的态度。

引用次数: 5

Indonesian Autonomies: Explaining Divergent Self-Government Outcomes in Aceh and Papua 印尼自治：亚齐和巴布亚自治结果分歧的解释

IF 1.8 2区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

Publius-The Journal of Federalism

Pub Date : 2021-06-18 DOI: 10.1093/publius/pjab009

S. Barter, Hipolitus Ringgi Wangge

A form of power-sharing, territorial autonomy is essential for managing separatism. Indonesia provides two non-Western cases to illuminate what makes autonomy work. In Aceh, autonomy helped to overcome conflict and can be regarded as successful, while in Papua, autonomy has failed, evident in continued unrest. Within the same country, the same institutional response to violent separatism has generated divergent self-government outcomes. Why has autonomy succeeded in Aceh, but failed in Papua? Utilizing within-case and temporal comparisons, we suggest that the content of autonomy may be less important than the process through which it unfolds. The powers granted to Aceh and Papua are similar, although how self-government was negotiated and whom it empowered varied. Early in Aceh and in Papua, autonomy was essentially imposed, empowering corrupt leaders, and sidelining dissidents. Aceh’s ultimately successful autonomy was negotiated and saw popular former rebels take the reins of self-government.

领土自治是权力分享的一种形式，对管理分离主义至关重要。印度尼西亚提供了两个非西方国家的案例来说明是什么让自治发挥作用。在亚齐，自治有助于克服冲突，可以被视为成功，而在巴布亚，自治却失败了，这在持续的动乱中表现得很明显。在同一个国家内，对暴力分离主义的同样制度反应产生了不同的自治结果。为什么自治在亚齐取得了成功，但在巴布亚却失败了？利用案例和时间的比较，我们认为自主的内容可能不如它展开的过程重要。授予亚齐和巴布亚的权力相似，尽管自治政府的谈判方式和授权对象各不相同。早期在亚齐和巴布亚，自治基本上是强加的，赋予腐败领导人权力，并使持不同政见者靠边站。亚齐最终成功的自治是通过谈判达成的，受欢迎的前反叛分子掌握了自治权。

引用次数: 6

Projecting the Nation(s) in Multinational Federal Systems: International Education and Nation Branding in Canada/Quebec 在多国联邦制下的国家规划:加拿大/魁北克的国际教育和国家品牌

IF 1.8 2区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

Publius-The Journal of Federalism

Pub Date : 2021-05-20 DOI: 10.1093/PUBLIUS/PJAB005

H. Moscovitz

This article pursues a novel endeavor by anchoring the study of nation branding in the context of multinational federal systems. Through an examination of the manner in which international education strategies are used to cultivate images of “nation” in Canada and Quebec, the study underlines how the “politics of recognition” at the heart of Canada/Quebec relations play out in the international education sphere. The results point to the significance of policy effectiveness for the “politics of recognition,” contributing to the literature on majority–minority tensions, which tends to highlight the symbolic role of policy control as opposed to the realization of said policies. The research also sheds light on the potential interplay between the political autonomy of minority nations and their symbolic recognition, by highlighting how the provision of policy control can work to substantiate the (external) recognition of their distinct nation status.

本文尝试在多民族联邦制背景下进行国家品牌化研究。通过考察国际教育战略在加拿大和魁北克用来培养“国家”形象的方式，该研究强调了加拿大/魁北克关系核心的“承认政治”如何在国际教育领域发挥作用。研究结果指出了政策有效性对“承认政治”的重要性，有助于有关多数人与少数人之间紧张关系的文献，这些文献倾向于强调政策控制的象征作用，而不是政策的实现。该研究还揭示了少数民族政治自治与其象征性认可之间的潜在相互作用，强调了政策控制的提供如何能够证实(外部)对其独特民族地位的承认。

引用次数: 2

The Effect of Intergovernmental Policy Conflict on Immigrants’ Behavior: Insights from a Survey Experiment in California 政府间政策冲突对移民行为的影响:来自加州调查实验的见解

IF 1.8 2区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

Publius-The Journal of Federalism

Pub Date : 2021-05-20 DOI: 10.1093/PUBLIUS/PJAB008

T. Wong, Karina Shklyan, Andrea Silva

As Congress remains gridlocked on the issue of comprehensive immigration reform, immigration policy debates, particularly with respect to interior immigration enforcement, are increasingly taking place at state and local levels. Scholarship on immigration federalism has focused on federal and local governments, while states are passing laws that tighten or delimit cooperation with Immigration and Customs Enforcement (i.e., “sanctuary policies”). Simultaneously, cities are passing laws contradictory to state policy. We examine how these state and local enforcement ambiguities affect undocumented immigrants’ trust in the efficacy of sanctuary policies. Using California as a case, we embedded an experiment in a survey of undocumented immigrants and find trust in sanctuary policies decreases when cities seek to opt out of statewide sanctuary laws. Further, “opting out” has negative implications for the daily behavior of undocumented immigrants, like the chilling effects resulting from local law enforcement cooperation with federal immigration enforcement.

由于国会在全面移民改革问题上仍然陷入僵局，移民政策辩论，特别是关于国内移民执法的辩论，越来越多地发生在州和地方层面。关于移民联邦制的学术研究主要集中在联邦和地方政府，而各州正在通过法律，加强或划定与移民和海关执法部门的合作(即“庇护政策”)。与此同时，一些城市正在通过与国家政策相矛盾的法律。我们研究了这些州和地方执法的模糊性如何影响无证移民对庇护政策有效性的信任。以加州为例，我们在一项对无证移民的调查中嵌入了一个实验，发现当城市试图退出全州范围的庇护法时，对庇护政策的信任就会下降。此外，“选择退出”对无证移民的日常行为有负面影响，比如地方执法部门与联邦移民执法部门合作所产生的寒蝉效应。

引用次数: 1

Building a National Economy: Origins of Centralized Federalism in India 建设国民经济:印度中央联邦制的起源

IF 1.8 2区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

Publius-The Journal of Federalism

Pub Date : 2021-04-16 DOI: 10.1093/PUBLIUS/PJAA039

Louise Tillin

India’s post-colonial constitution introduced a new approach to federalism based on a substantial sphere of shared responsibility between Central and State governments, especially in the fields of social and economic policy, and a Central government with strong prerogatives to intervene in provincial affairs. This was qualified at the time as a diminished or “quasi” form of federalism. Existing explanations of the origins of India’s centralized federalism focus on efforts to curb further secession attempts in the aftermath of Partition or the need for a strong Center to consolidate democracy in a highly unequal society. This article draws on archival materials to demonstrate that distinctive elements of Indian federalism were shaped at their foundations by the desire to boost industrial development and lay the foundation for a national welfare state in a post-colonial future by preventing the consolidation of “race to the bottom” dynamics arising from unregulated inter-provincial economic competition.

印度的后殖民宪法提出了一种新的联邦制做法，其基础是中央和各邦政府在很大范围内共同承担责任，特别是在社会和经济政策领域，中央政府有很强的权力干预各省事务。这在当时被认为是一种削弱的或“准”形式的联邦制。对印度中央联邦制起源的现有解释集中在遏制分治后进一步分裂企图的努力，或者在一个高度不平等的社会中需要一个强大的中央来巩固民主。本文利用档案材料来证明，印度联邦制的独特元素在其基础上是由促进工业发展的愿望所塑造的，并通过防止因不受监管的省际经济竞争而产生的“逐底竞争”动态的巩固，为后殖民时代的国家福利国家奠定了基础。

引用次数: 6

An Environmental Race to the Bottom? “No More Stringent” Laws in the American States 一场逐底的环境竞赛?美国“不再严格”的法律

IF 1.8 2区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

Publius-The Journal of Federalism

Pub Date : 2021-04-16 DOI: 10.1093/publius/pjaa031

Neal D. Woods

Many American states have adopted laws designed to prevent environmental agencies from regulating pollution emissions more stringently than is required by federal statute. This study leverages variation in the timing and breadth of state adoption of these “No More Stringent” (NMS) laws to examine the claim that interstate competition for mobile capital leads state governments to relax regulatory standards, resulting in an environmental race to the bottom. The results indicate that the diffusion of NMS laws is driven by two forms of interstate economic competition, a policy competition effect that operates primarily among contiguous neighbors and a cost competition effect that operates primarily among a broader set of economic peers. These findings provide new empirical support for the environmental race to the bottom argument, and suggest new challenges for the use of cooperative federalism arrangements that involve state implementation of federal programs.

美国许多州已经通过了旨在防止环境机构对污染排放进行比联邦法规要求更严格的监管的法律。本研究利用各州采用这些“不再严格”(NMS)法律的时间和广度的变化，来检验州际间对流动资本的竞争导致州政府放松监管标准，从而导致环境竞赛到底的说法。研究结果表明，NMS法律的扩散是由两种形式的州际经济竞争驱动的，一种是主要在相邻邻国之间运行的政策竞争效应，另一种是主要在更广泛的经济同行之间运行的成本竞争效应。这些发现为“环境竞至底”的论点提供了新的实证支持，并为使用涉及各州实施联邦计划的合作联邦制安排提出了新的挑战。

引用次数: 6

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