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The Dignity of Legal Subjects 法律主体的尊严
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2024-03-07 DOI: 10.1093/ojls/gqae004
Aziz Z Huq
The dignitary account of the rule of law proposes that values of human dignity and agency are appropriately recognised through legal rules and institutions that create opportunities for legal subjects to engage in deliberation and the exercise of practical reason. In a collection of essays published over a period of almost two decades, Thoughtfulness and the Rule of Law, Jeremy Waldron offers a comprehensive account of the grounds and institutional implications of taking dignity so understood as a core rule-of-law desideratum. The ensuing account is novel, stimulating and distinct. There is, however, a chasm between the platforms identified by Waldron and his ambition of advancing dignity. Further, a dignity norm cannot supply a plausible evaluative benchmark under all (or most) plausible circumstances. Its domain might in consequence be more circumscribed than Waldron intimates.
关于法治的尊严论提出,人类尊严和能动性的价值通过法律规则和制度得到了适当的认可,这些规则和制度为法律主体创造了参与讨论和行使实践理性的机会。杰里米-沃尔德伦(Jeremy Waldron)在历时近二十年出版的论文集《深思熟虑与法治》(Thoughtfulness and the Rule of Law)中,全面阐述了将尊严理解为核心法治要求的理由和制度含义。随之而来的论述是新颖的、令人振奋的和与众不同的。然而,沃尔德伦所确定的平台与他推进尊严的雄心壮志之间存在着鸿沟。此外,尊严规范无法在所有(或大多数)可信的情况下提供可信的评价基准。因此,它的领域可能比沃德伦所暗示的更为有限。
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引用次数: 0
A Critical Inquiry into ‘Abuse’ in EU Competition Law 欧盟竞争法中的 "滥用 "批判性探究
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2024-03-07 DOI: 10.1093/ojls/gqae008
Pınar Akman
Disagreement abounds on what exactly constitutes an ‘abuse’ within article 102 TFEU, EU competition law’s prohibition of an abuse of a dominant position. This situation is highly undesirable, given the important role this prohibition is expected to play in alleviating concerns about substantial market power and its use in important sectors, typified by actions against ‘Big Tech’. This article responds to this problem by analysing and synthesising the jurisprudence of the Court of Justice of the European Union and its evolution to establish the constituent elements of an exclusionary ‘abuse’. The article corrects crucial legal misconceptions, including the putative dichotomy between violations ‘by object’ and ‘by effect’; the assumed disparate legal tests for pricing and non-pricing conduct; and the lost distinction between the ‘as efficient competitor test’ and the ‘as efficient competitor standard’. This critical inquiry allows one to draw concrete predictions on the future development of this challenging, yet vital, area of law.
在欧盟竞争法禁止滥用市场支配地位的《欧盟运作条约》第 102 条中,关于 "滥用 "的确切定义众说纷纭。这种情况是非常不可取的,因为这一禁令在减轻人们对实质性市场力量及其在重要领域的使用的担忧方面发挥了重要作用,针对 "大科技 "的行动就是典型的例子。本文针对这一问题,分析并综合了欧盟法院的判例及其演变,以确定排除性 "滥用 "的构成要素。文章纠正了一些重要的法律误解,包括 "目标 "侵权和 "效果 "侵权之间的假定二分法;定价行为和非定价行为的假定不同法律检验标准;以及 "有效竞争者检验标准 "和 "有效竞争者标准 "之间的模糊区别。通过这种批判性的探究,我们可以对这一具有挑战性但又至关重要的法律领域的未来发展做出具体预测。
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引用次数: 0
Partisan Legal Traditions in the Age of Camden and Mansfield 卡姆登和曼斯菲尔德时代的党派法律传统
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2024-03-05 DOI: 10.1093/ojls/gqae007
T T Arvind, Christian R Burset
The 18th century is often treated by scholars as a period of juristic consensus. This article argues, in contrast, that the late 18th century saw the emergence of rival ‘Patriot’ and ‘Tory’ legal traditions. Through a detailed study of the jurisprudence of Lords Camden and Mansfield—who were both pillars of the law, as well as political and juristic rivals—we show that they differed systematically in their understanding of the common law, and that those differences had a partisan cast: although they were not crude attempts to instrumentalise law to political ends, their political and jurisprudential commitments influenced each other and emerged from the same intellectual roots. We place these differences in the context of the fragmentation of 18th-century Whig politics, and argue that they have important implications for how we understand and make use of the common law tradition in present-day scholarship.
学者们通常将 18 世纪视为法学界达成共识的时期。与此相反,本文认为 18 世纪晚期出现了对立的 "爱国者 "和 "保守党 "法律传统。通过对卡姆登勋爵和曼斯菲尔德勋爵--他们既是法律界的支柱,也是政治和法学界的对手--的法学理论的详细研究,我们发现他们在对普通法的理解上存在系统性的差异,而且这些差异带有党派色彩:尽管他们并非粗暴地试图将法律工具化以达到政治目的,但他们的政治和法学承诺相互影响,并产生于相同的思想根源。我们将这些分歧置于 18 世纪辉格党政治四分五裂的背景之下,并认为它们对我们在当今学术研究中如何理解和利用普通法传统具有重要影响。
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引用次数: 0
Three Reconstructions of 'Effectiveness': Some Implications for State Continuity and Sea-level Rise. 有效性 "的三种重构:对国家连续性和海平面上升的一些影响》。
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2024-02-21 eCollection Date: 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/ojls/gqae003
Alex Green

Small Island Developing States (SIDS) are uniquely threatened by rising sea levels. Not only does the retreat of their coastlines place them in danger of losing maritime territory; the concurrent possibility of their landmasses becoming either uninhabitable or completely submerged also threatens their very existence. According to one understanding of the law that governs the continuity and extinction of states, political communities that permanently lose 'effectiveness'-typically understood as sufficient governmental control of a relatively determinate territory with a permanent population-must lose their statehood as well. In this article, I provide three reconstructions of effectiveness, each of which rests upon a different normative rationale. My contention is that, regardless of which reconstruction one adopts, the continuity of submerged SIDS is eminently supportable, notwithstanding the arguments frequently made in favour of their formal extinction.

小岛屿发展中国家(SIDS)受到海平面上升的独特威胁。海岸线的后退不仅使它们面临失去海洋领土的危险,同时它们的陆地可能无法居住或被完全淹没,这也威胁着它们的生存。根据对国家延续和消亡规律的一种理解,永久丧失 "效力"--通常理解为政府对拥有永久人口的相对确定领土的充分控制--的政治共同体也必须丧失其国家地位。在本文中,我对有效性进行了三种重构,每种重构都基于不同的规范原理。我的论点是,无论采用哪种重构,淹没在水下的小岛屿发展中国家的连续性都是非常值得支持的,尽管经常有人提出支持它们正式消亡的论点。
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引用次数: 0
Contract Law When the Poor Pay More 穷人付出更多的合同法
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2024-02-19 DOI: 10.1093/ojls/gqae002
Joseph Spooner
Taking inequality as a key challenge of our time, this article aims to highlight consumer markets, and their underpinning legal ground rules, as important contributors to inequitable wealth distributions. It illustrates how product design, as manifested in contractual terms, can allow firms to evade competition and divert resources upwards along society’s wealth distribution curve. It then highlights the contestable legality of certain pricing practices, such as ‘contingent charges’, and the challenge they pose to fundamental principles of contract law. An in-depth view of the 2015 case of Beavis v ParkingEye argues that the UK Supreme Court has validated contingent pricing models in a manner unsupported by traditional contractual reasoning and unjustified by contemporary market failure analysis. The article asks contract law to confront the reality that it shapes market distributions in economically and politically significant ways, and appeals for greater scrutiny of the contribution of contract law adjudication to inequality.
不平等是我们这个时代面临的主要挑战,本文旨在强调消费市场及其基础法律规则是造成财富分配不公的重要因素。文章阐述了体现在合同条款中的产品设计如何使企业规避竞争,并使资源沿着社会财富分配曲线向上转移。然后,它强调了某些定价做法(如 "或有收费")有争议的合法性,以及它们对合同法基本原则的挑战。通过对2015年比维斯诉ParkingEye一案的深入分析,文章认为英国最高法院以一种传统合同推理无法支持、当代市场失灵分析也无法证明的方式验证了或有定价模式。文章要求合同法正视其在经济和政治上以重要方式塑造市场分配的现实,并呼吁对合同法裁决对不平等的贡献进行更严格的审查。
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引用次数: 0
Legislative Intent and Agency: A Rational Unity Account 立法意图与代理:理性统一论
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2024-02-09 DOI: 10.1093/ojls/gqae001
Stephanie Collins, David Tan
Realist theories of legislative intent can be divided between aggregative theories (on which legislative intent is what some proportion of legislators intend) and common intent theories (on which legislative intent is a unanimous intent among legislators). In this article, we advance and defend an alternative realist conception of legislative intent: the rational unity account. On this account, the legislature is an agent with a distinctive ‘rational point of view’—a concept we adopt from social ontology. The legislature’s rational point of view is shaped by its procedures and structures, in ways not determined by either a common intention held by legislators or an aggregation of the intentions of legislators. We explain how our view improves on existing accounts. We then apply it to three cases to demonstrate its implications for legal interpretation. Importantly, on the proposed account, legislative intent can depart from what individual legislators think or know.
关于立法意图的现实主义理论可分为聚合理论(根据该理论,立法意图是部分立法者的意图)和共同意图理论(根据该理论,立法意图是立法者的一致意图)。在本文中,我们提出并捍卫了另一种现实主义的立法意图概念:理性统一说。根据这一观点,立法机构是一个具有独特 "理性观点 "的代理人--我们采用了社会本体论中的这一概念。立法机构的理性观点是由其程序和结构决定的,而不是由立法者的共同意图或立法者意图的集合决定的。我们将解释我们的观点是如何改进现有观点的。然后,我们将其应用于三个案例,以展示其对法律解释的影响。重要的是,根据我们提出的观点,立法意图可能会偏离个别立法者的想法或认识。
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引用次数: 0
You Might be an Anarchist if … 你可能是无政府主义者,如果...
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2024-01-12 DOI: 10.1093/ojls/gqad027
Kenneth M Ehrenberg
I show that conceptual philosophical anarchism, the claim that law cannot give reasons for action, is entailed by several popular theories about law. Reductionists about practical authority believe that all supposedly legitimate practical authority reduces to forms of theoretical authority. They tend to embrace anarchism, but some readers might not be clear why. Trigger theorists about reason-giving believe that all reason-giving merely activates pre-existing conditional reasons. Natural lawyers hold that all legal reasons are sourced in the natural law, which entails that positive law cannot provide reasons for action. If you are attracted to any of these theories and still think that positive law creates new practical reasons, you might have to give up one or the other position. If anarchism is entailed by believing the normativity in law’s directives pre-dates the directive, only a few may be able to avoid it, Hans Kelsen, Mark Greenberg, and Joseph Raz being the most likely.
我的研究表明,概念哲学无政府主义,即法律不能给出行动理由的说法,是由几种流行的法律理论所蕴含的。实践权威还原论者认为,所有所谓合法的实践权威都可以还原为理论权威的形式。他们倾向于接受无政府主义,但有些读者可能不清楚为什么。给予理由的触发论者认为,所有给予理由的行为都只是激活了先前存在的条件理由。自然法学家认为,所有法律理由都源于自然法,这就意味着实在法不能为行动提供理由。如果你被这些理论中的任何一种所吸引,但仍然认为实在法创造了新的实践理由,那么你可能不得不放弃其中一种立场。如果认为法律指令中的规范性先于指令而必然导致无政府主义,那么可能只有少数人能够避免,汉斯-凯尔森、马克-格林伯格和约瑟夫-拉兹是最有可能的。
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引用次数: 0
The Making of Corporate Legal Concession Theory 公司法律让步理论的形成
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2024-01-10 DOI: 10.1093/ojls/gqad028
Jonathan Hardman
Professor Watson’s The Making of the Modern Company traces the development of the modern corporate form back to the East India Company, disproving a common notion that company law originated solely with small, private companies. This review article argues three key implications of this excellent book. First, Watson focuses on the duality of the modern company—with state-provided and private features. This cuts through, and goes a long way to resolving, the ongoing historic debate as to the nature of the company. Second, the primary unit of study chosen—the modern company—reminds corporate lawyers of our role in studying this duality in a very crowded field. Third, despite eschewing ‘concession theories’ of company law (which hold that the company is merely a concession from the state), Watson demonstrates a role for the state in the modern company that is often overlooked.
沃森教授的《现代公司的形成》将现代公司形式的发展追溯到东印度公司,推翻了公司法仅起源于小型私人公司的普遍观点。这篇评论文章论证了这本优秀著作的三个关键意义。首先,沃森关注现代公司的二元性--既有国家提供的特征,也有私人特征。这突破了历史上关于公司性质的争论,并在很大程度上解决了这一争论。其次,所选择的主要研究单位--现代公司--提醒公司法学家,我们在一个非常拥挤的领域中研究这种二元性时所扮演的角色。第三,尽管沃森摒弃了公司法的 "特许权理论"(该理论认为公司只是国家的一种特许权),但他展示了国家在现代公司中的作用,而这一作用往往被忽视。
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引用次数: 0
Are Rape Myths ‘Myths’? 强奸神话是 "神话 "吗?
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2024-01-05 DOI: 10.1093/ojls/gqad029
David J Hayes
Little attention has been paid to what the word ‘myth’ contributes to the concept of rape myths. Rape myths tend to be regarded as widely believed falsehoods that need to be debunked in order to address patriarchal injustices. This account draws upon a long-standing vernacular English association between myth and falsehood which originated in the Enlightenment. But it is not the only possible definition of myth. This article draws upon mythological studies across a range of disciplines to argue that rape myths should be considered authentically mythic; that is, rape ‘myths’ are culturally significant folk narratives about sexual wrongdoing. This reappraisal enables a shift in our understanding of what rape myths are, what they could be—and what we can do to reduce their pernicious influence on the criminal justice system. It also enables legal scholars to more generally reassess how the concept of ‘myth’ is used across our discipline(s).
人们很少关注 "神话 "一词对强奸神话概念的贡献。强奸神话往往被视为广为流传的谬论,需要加以揭穿,以解决父权制的不公正问题。这种说法借鉴了英语中神话与谬误之间源远流长的关联,这种关联起源于启蒙运动。但这并不是神话的唯一可能定义。本文借鉴了跨学科的神话研究,认为强奸神话应被视为真正的神话;也就是说,强奸 "神话 "是关于性不法行为的具有文化意义的民间叙事。这种重新评价使我们能够转变对强奸神话是什么、它们可能是什么的理解,以及我们能做些什么来减少它们对刑事司法系统的有害影响。这也使法律学者能够更普遍地重新评估 "神话 "这一概念在我们学科中的使用方式。
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引用次数: 0
How Reasons Make Law 理由如何造就法律
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2023-12-14 DOI: 10.1093/ojls/gqad026
Angelo Ryu
According to legal anti-positivism, legal duties are just a subset of our moral duties. Not every moral duty, though, is legal. So what else is needed? This article develops a theory of how moral duties come to be law, which I call the constitutive reasons account. Among our moral reasons are legal reasons—and those reasons make moral duties into legal duties. So the law consists of moral duties which have, as one of their underlying reasons, a legal reason. Such legal reasons arise from a relationship with the body for which it is the law of. The legal reasons in America, then, are the moral reasons flowing from a relationship with the United States. These reasons include consent, democracy, association and fair play. They are law’s constitutive reasons. By looking for them, we can better explain why some moral duties form part of the law, while others do not.
根据法律反实证主义,法律义务只是我们道德义务的一个子集。但并非每一种道德义务都是法律义务。那么还需要什么呢?本文提出了一种关于道德义务如何成为法律的理论,我称之为 "构成原因说"。在我们的道德理由中,有法律理由--这些理由使道德义务成为法律义务。因此,法律由道德义务组成,而道德义务的根本原因之一就是法律原因。这些法律理由来自于与法律所针对的主体之间的关系。那么,美国的法律理由就是与美国的关系所产生的道德理由。这些理由包括同意、民主、联合和公平竞争。它们是法律的构成理由。通过寻找这些理由,我们可以更好地解释为什么有些道德义务是法律的一部分,而有些则不是。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Oxford Journal of Legal Studies
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