Pub Date : 2022-11-24DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2022.2149502
Wakako Maekawa
ABSTRACT Although United Nations peacekeeping operations (UN PKOs) produce positive outcomes for peace, some missions are strategically replaced by cheaper and smaller UN political missions (PMs). This article explores why certain peacekeepers are replaced by UN PMs and unpacks the exit strategy of UN PKOs. The logic of demand-side and supply-side perspectives is evaluated using data on the deployment of UN peacekeepers and UN PMs in post-civil war countries between 1993 and 2016. Signing comprehensive peace agreements (CPAs) increases the chances of UN PKOs being replaced by UN PMs because as the willingness to develop politically increases, the demand for civilian personnel after demilitarization also rises. On the supply side, as the preferences of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council concerning target states become more heterogenous, UN PKOs are more likely to be replaced by UN PMs because coordination problems encourage members to choose less burdensome missions.
{"title":"Strategic Deployment of UN Political Missions to Replace UN Peacekeeping Operations: The Demand and Supply Sides of Transition Logic","authors":"Wakako Maekawa","doi":"10.1080/13533312.2022.2149502","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2022.2149502","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Although United Nations peacekeeping operations (UN PKOs) produce positive outcomes for peace, some missions are strategically replaced by cheaper and smaller UN political missions (PMs). This article explores why certain peacekeepers are replaced by UN PMs and unpacks the exit strategy of UN PKOs. The logic of demand-side and supply-side perspectives is evaluated using data on the deployment of UN peacekeepers and UN PMs in post-civil war countries between 1993 and 2016. Signing comprehensive peace agreements (CPAs) increases the chances of UN PKOs being replaced by UN PMs because as the willingness to develop politically increases, the demand for civilian personnel after demilitarization also rises. On the supply side, as the preferences of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council concerning target states become more heterogenous, UN PKOs are more likely to be replaced by UN PMs because coordination problems encourage members to choose less burdensome missions.","PeriodicalId":47231,"journal":{"name":"International Peacekeeping","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45932420","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-24DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2022.2149501
Irene Costantini, D. O’Driscoll
{"title":"Twenty Years of Externally Promoted Security Assistance in Iraq: Changing Approaches and Their Limits","authors":"Irene Costantini, D. O’Driscoll","doi":"10.1080/13533312.2022.2149501","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2022.2149501","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47231,"journal":{"name":"International Peacekeeping","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42363916","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-23DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2022.2149503
Eduardo Uziel
The theme of state-building became popular in International Relations literature in the 2000s, in the aftermath of UN experiences (or experiments) in Kosovo and Timor-Leste. Muschik’s commendable book dispels the misconception that it was only in the 1990s that international organizations sought to assist states in structuring their governance, even if the term ‘state-building’ might not have been in use before that decade. It is a book of many qualities, foremost of which the aim to connect the immediate object of study to broader tendencies in international politics. The purpose of Building States is to assess the role of the UN in establishing the post-Second World War system of states in the context of the fall of colonial empires, economic interdependence and a rise in nationalism. The book analyzes how the UN Secretariat tried to conciliate the conflicting demands of ending colonialism, preserving sovereignty and organizing trusteeships in the name of development. The empirical analysis establishes that the UN should be taken seriously as an actor in world history, that its Secretariat crafted an agenda of its own and did not act at the behest of the West, and that the idea of state-building was conceived in the course of early decolonization as a universally applicable technical instrument rather than a political practice. There are two methodological choices that are worth noting. First, the book selects sources that come almost entirely from UN staff, such as memoirs of international officials. This does not allow much room for voices from the countries receiving assistance. Second, in terms of the choice of cases, those where the Secretariat was heavily involved are dealt with in depth, whereas those where intergovernmental bodies led, such as Trieste and Namibia, are left outside the book’s scope. The introduction grounds the book in the UN’s historiography with a thorough discussion on the organization’s role in the undoing of colonial empires in what ultimately became the decolonization process. Engaging with the works of Pedersen, Mazower and others, Muschik’s book shows how small states and the Secretariat chose to interpret the provisions of the UN
{"title":"Building states. The United Nations, development and decolonization, 1945-1965","authors":"Eduardo Uziel","doi":"10.1080/13533312.2022.2149503","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2022.2149503","url":null,"abstract":"The theme of state-building became popular in International Relations literature in the 2000s, in the aftermath of UN experiences (or experiments) in Kosovo and Timor-Leste. Muschik’s commendable book dispels the misconception that it was only in the 1990s that international organizations sought to assist states in structuring their governance, even if the term ‘state-building’ might not have been in use before that decade. It is a book of many qualities, foremost of which the aim to connect the immediate object of study to broader tendencies in international politics. The purpose of Building States is to assess the role of the UN in establishing the post-Second World War system of states in the context of the fall of colonial empires, economic interdependence and a rise in nationalism. The book analyzes how the UN Secretariat tried to conciliate the conflicting demands of ending colonialism, preserving sovereignty and organizing trusteeships in the name of development. The empirical analysis establishes that the UN should be taken seriously as an actor in world history, that its Secretariat crafted an agenda of its own and did not act at the behest of the West, and that the idea of state-building was conceived in the course of early decolonization as a universally applicable technical instrument rather than a political practice. There are two methodological choices that are worth noting. First, the book selects sources that come almost entirely from UN staff, such as memoirs of international officials. This does not allow much room for voices from the countries receiving assistance. Second, in terms of the choice of cases, those where the Secretariat was heavily involved are dealt with in depth, whereas those where intergovernmental bodies led, such as Trieste and Namibia, are left outside the book’s scope. The introduction grounds the book in the UN’s historiography with a thorough discussion on the organization’s role in the undoing of colonial empires in what ultimately became the decolonization process. Engaging with the works of Pedersen, Mazower and others, Muschik’s book shows how small states and the Secretariat chose to interpret the provisions of the UN","PeriodicalId":47231,"journal":{"name":"International Peacekeeping","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47090187","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-10DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2022.2144251
Lou Pingeot
Policing in peace operations occupies an interesting position at the intersection of Rule of Law (RoL) and Security Sector Reform (SSR). On the one hand, policing is seen as a part of continuum that includes courts and prisons. On the other, it is associated with broader efforts to reform the state’s coercive arm, including the military, away from practices associated with authoritarianism and repression. While RoL and SSR efforts share concerns about effectiveness and accountability, and are supposed to operate in tune, their emphases and ways of approaching peacebuilding and statebuilding are not exactly the same. The RoL and SSR angles provide for contrasting ways of conceptualizing the main challenges of transforming policing in the wake of conflict. Should the driving concern be the state’s monopoly on the use of force, democratic control of the state’s coercive arm, or everyday security? To what extent do these objectives align? Policing thus provides an interesting viewpoint from which to examine the tensions and contradictions that traverse the contemporary project of keeping and building peace, which is illustrated by the three books examined here. These books differ in scope, authorship and audience. Ansorg and Gordon’s edited volume, Co-operation, Contestation and Complexity in Peacebuilding:
{"title":"Policing, Security Sector Reform and the Rule of Law: More State, More Security?","authors":"Lou Pingeot","doi":"10.1080/13533312.2022.2144251","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2022.2144251","url":null,"abstract":"Policing in peace operations occupies an interesting position at the intersection of Rule of Law (RoL) and Security Sector Reform (SSR). On the one hand, policing is seen as a part of continuum that includes courts and prisons. On the other, it is associated with broader efforts to reform the state’s coercive arm, including the military, away from practices associated with authoritarianism and repression. While RoL and SSR efforts share concerns about effectiveness and accountability, and are supposed to operate in tune, their emphases and ways of approaching peacebuilding and statebuilding are not exactly the same. The RoL and SSR angles provide for contrasting ways of conceptualizing the main challenges of transforming policing in the wake of conflict. Should the driving concern be the state’s monopoly on the use of force, democratic control of the state’s coercive arm, or everyday security? To what extent do these objectives align? Policing thus provides an interesting viewpoint from which to examine the tensions and contradictions that traverse the contemporary project of keeping and building peace, which is illustrated by the three books examined here. These books differ in scope, authorship and audience. Ansorg and Gordon’s edited volume, Co-operation, Contestation and Complexity in Peacebuilding:","PeriodicalId":47231,"journal":{"name":"International Peacekeeping","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49073876","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-08DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2022.2144250
Suzanne Graham
ABSTRACT South Africa has served as an elected African member of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) three times: in 2007–2008; 2011–2012; and 2019–2020. This article grapples with South Africa’s role as an active, voting participant on the UNSC during its third term, with reference to its previous UNSC tenures. Using a three-step model of voting behaviour analysis, the article highlights aspects of South Africa’s international peacekeeping obligations that interested observers have placed considerable value on, to determine its consistency in acting upon its declared foreign policy. This includes the Republic’s role in bringing the UN and African Union (AU) peace and security structures closer together and its efforts in strengthening the women, peace, and security (WPS) agenda. The study finds that the Republic has consistently built on its memory from its previous two terms, and its failures and successes, enabling it to utilize its third term in the most optimal way possible to meet its multilateral foreign policy goals.
{"title":"A Review of South Africa’s Terms in the United Nations Security Council","authors":"Suzanne Graham","doi":"10.1080/13533312.2022.2144250","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2022.2144250","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT South Africa has served as an elected African member of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) three times: in 2007–2008; 2011–2012; and 2019–2020. This article grapples with South Africa’s role as an active, voting participant on the UNSC during its third term, with reference to its previous UNSC tenures. Using a three-step model of voting behaviour analysis, the article highlights aspects of South Africa’s international peacekeeping obligations that interested observers have placed considerable value on, to determine its consistency in acting upon its declared foreign policy. This includes the Republic’s role in bringing the UN and African Union (AU) peace and security structures closer together and its efforts in strengthening the women, peace, and security (WPS) agenda. The study finds that the Republic has consistently built on its memory from its previous two terms, and its failures and successes, enabling it to utilize its third term in the most optimal way possible to meet its multilateral foreign policy goals.","PeriodicalId":47231,"journal":{"name":"International Peacekeeping","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48402052","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-28DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2022.2140043
P. Diehl
Dr Andrew E. Yaw Tchie is a Senior Research Fellow at the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI) and manages the Training for Peace Programme at NUPI. He is a visiting Professor at the University of Buckingham, a visiting Senior Researcher at King’s College London and an Associate Fellow at the Royal United Services Institute. He has lived, conducted field research and shorter missions to Botswana, Ghana, Kenya, Mauritius, Nepal, Sudan, South Sudan and Uganda. He tweets at @DrATchie.
Andrew E.Yaw Tchie博士是挪威国际事务研究所（NUPI）的高级研究员，负责管理NUPI的和平培训计划。他是白金汉大学的客座教授、伦敦国王学院的客座高级研究员和皇家联合军种研究所的副研究员。他曾在博茨瓦纳、加纳、肯尼亚、毛里求斯、尼泊尔、苏丹、南苏丹和乌干达生活、进行实地研究和短期访问。他在@DrATchie上发推特。
{"title":"Research Handbook on Post-Conflict State Building","authors":"P. Diehl","doi":"10.1080/13533312.2022.2140043","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2022.2140043","url":null,"abstract":"Dr Andrew E. Yaw Tchie is a Senior Research Fellow at the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI) and manages the Training for Peace Programme at NUPI. He is a visiting Professor at the University of Buckingham, a visiting Senior Researcher at King’s College London and an Associate Fellow at the Royal United Services Institute. He has lived, conducted field research and shorter missions to Botswana, Ghana, Kenya, Mauritius, Nepal, Sudan, South Sudan and Uganda. He tweets at @DrATchie.","PeriodicalId":47231,"journal":{"name":"International Peacekeeping","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46509295","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-19DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2022.2132233
Cale Horne, Megan S. Lloyd, Ashley Pieper
ABSTRACT Several recent studies consider the determinants of misconduct by military personnel deployed to United Nations peacekeeping operations (PKOs). While the majority of peacekeepers carry out their duties honorably and often at great personal risk, these studies operate from the premise that misconduct by even a few peacekeepers can undermine a mission, and reduce support for future missions. Even so, misconduct by civilian police deployed to PKOs remains massively understudied in comparison to their military counterparts, though UN police are more likely to face credible allegations of misconduct compared to UN troops. Based on the inclusive or extractive incentives of contributor states, we find support for the argument that the behavior of security personnel at home readily predicts misconduct when deployed to PKOs. This same logic has implications for the UN's increasingly preferred ‘Formed Police Units,’ whose use may actually increase the likelihood of sexual exploitation and abuse.
{"title":"Explaining Police Misconduct in United Nations Peacekeeping Operations, 2010-2019","authors":"Cale Horne, Megan S. Lloyd, Ashley Pieper","doi":"10.1080/13533312.2022.2132233","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2022.2132233","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Several recent studies consider the determinants of misconduct by military personnel deployed to United Nations peacekeeping operations (PKOs). While the majority of peacekeepers carry out their duties honorably and often at great personal risk, these studies operate from the premise that misconduct by even a few peacekeepers can undermine a mission, and reduce support for future missions. Even so, misconduct by civilian police deployed to PKOs remains massively understudied in comparison to their military counterparts, though UN police are more likely to face credible allegations of misconduct compared to UN troops. Based on the inclusive or extractive incentives of contributor states, we find support for the argument that the behavior of security personnel at home readily predicts misconduct when deployed to PKOs. This same logic has implications for the UN's increasingly preferred ‘Formed Police Units,’ whose use may actually increase the likelihood of sexual exploitation and abuse.","PeriodicalId":47231,"journal":{"name":"International Peacekeeping","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46844346","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-19DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2022.2134858
Wukki Kim, T. Sandler
ABSTRACT This research note extends the Bara and Hultman (2020) study on the effectiveness of non-UN peacekeeping missions in terms of curbing one-sided violence (OSV) against civilians. In particular, we employ two novel instruments to address the two-way causality between the number of non-UN peacekeepers and OSV measures. For each panel year, our instruments involve the interaction between the sum of various designated peacekeepers contributed and the inverse distance between the capitals of contributor and conflict countries. As required, the instrument satisfies the necessary inclusion and exclusion (exogeneity) requirements. The instrument-based results establish a robust reduction in government OSV stemming from the number of non-UN peacekeepers deployed. That reduction also holds for propensity-score matching and the inclusion of UN peacekeepers in the same regression. Non-UN peacekeepers did not have a robust influence on rebel OSV.
{"title":"How Do Non-UN Peacekeepers Affect Civilian Violence? An Instrument Investigation","authors":"Wukki Kim, T. Sandler","doi":"10.1080/13533312.2022.2134858","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2022.2134858","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This research note extends the Bara and Hultman (2020) study on the effectiveness of non-UN peacekeeping missions in terms of curbing one-sided violence (OSV) against civilians. In particular, we employ two novel instruments to address the two-way causality between the number of non-UN peacekeepers and OSV measures. For each panel year, our instruments involve the interaction between the sum of various designated peacekeepers contributed and the inverse distance between the capitals of contributor and conflict countries. As required, the instrument satisfies the necessary inclusion and exclusion (exogeneity) requirements. The instrument-based results establish a robust reduction in government OSV stemming from the number of non-UN peacekeepers deployed. That reduction also holds for propensity-score matching and the inclusion of UN peacekeepers in the same regression. Non-UN peacekeepers did not have a robust influence on rebel OSV.","PeriodicalId":47231,"journal":{"name":"International Peacekeeping","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43970552","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-30DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2022.2128337
Sally Sharif
ABSTRACT Mid-level commanders are commonly considered the visible heads of the rebel body: as leaders of combat operations, they are often targeted in counterterrorism or counterinsurgency operations. While their role during conflict has been theorized extensively, only recent scholarship has focused on mid-level commanders in post-conflict transitions. Specifically, it is not clear how mid-level commanders function within ex-combatant groups to create divergent peacebuilding results. This paper argues that transitions from conflict involve fraying of wartime bonds and rebel command-and-control structures, which is counterproductive to peace when rebels demobilize collectively. In peacetime and in the absence of wartime command, social groups formed through military logic struggle to redefine individual roles. Mid-level commanders, responsible for shaping intergroup bonds during conflict, are essential for allocating ex-combatant roles and redefining rebel-civilian relations. Against the common practice of breaking rebel wartime command-and-control structure during demobilization, this paper argues that ex-combatant groups can demobilize and reintegrate more successfully if they maintain their wartime cohesion and are provided the necessary tools for building sustainable livelihoods. To support the argument, the paper provides original qualitative and quantitative evidence from the Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) programme with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC).
{"title":"Can the Rebel Body Function without its Visible Heads? The Role of Mid-Level Commanders in Peacebuilding","authors":"Sally Sharif","doi":"10.1080/13533312.2022.2128337","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2022.2128337","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Mid-level commanders are commonly considered the visible heads of the rebel body: as leaders of combat operations, they are often targeted in counterterrorism or counterinsurgency operations. While their role during conflict has been theorized extensively, only recent scholarship has focused on mid-level commanders in post-conflict transitions. Specifically, it is not clear how mid-level commanders function within ex-combatant groups to create divergent peacebuilding results. This paper argues that transitions from conflict involve fraying of wartime bonds and rebel command-and-control structures, which is counterproductive to peace when rebels demobilize collectively. In peacetime and in the absence of wartime command, social groups formed through military logic struggle to redefine individual roles. Mid-level commanders, responsible for shaping intergroup bonds during conflict, are essential for allocating ex-combatant roles and redefining rebel-civilian relations. Against the common practice of breaking rebel wartime command-and-control structure during demobilization, this paper argues that ex-combatant groups can demobilize and reintegrate more successfully if they maintain their wartime cohesion and are provided the necessary tools for building sustainable livelihoods. To support the argument, the paper provides original qualitative and quantitative evidence from the Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) programme with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC).","PeriodicalId":47231,"journal":{"name":"International Peacekeeping","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48227343","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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