Pub Date : 2023-03-15DOI: 10.1163/19426720-02901005
Zhongzhou Peng
This article investigates the institutional collaboration between the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and the European Bank of Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) on the Dushanbe-Uzbekistan Border Road Improvement Project in Tajikistan. It argues that AIIB’s adoption of the EBRD’s environmental and social safeguard norms and project management norms facilitates the provision of infrastructure-related public goods in Tajikistan in three ways. First, the harmonization between the governance norms of these two banks facilitates their cofinancing which fills the financing gap of the project. Second, the policy coherence enables the two institutions to implement environmental and social safeguard norms that the Tajikistan government is unable to fully practice. Third, it paves the way for the transfer of project management experience from the EBRD to AIIB. Through this learning process, AIIB is able to provide additional infrastructure-related public goods in Tajikistan by acting as an independent provider of project monitoring services.
{"title":"A Partnership Centered on Norm Adoption","authors":"Zhongzhou Peng","doi":"10.1163/19426720-02901005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02901005","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article investigates the institutional collaboration between the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and the European Bank of Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) on the Dushanbe-Uzbekistan Border Road Improvement Project in Tajikistan. It argues that AIIB’s adoption of the EBRD’s environmental and social safeguard norms and project management norms facilitates the provision of infrastructure-related public goods in Tajikistan in three ways. First, the harmonization between the governance norms of these two banks facilitates their cofinancing which fills the financing gap of the project. Second, the policy coherence enables the two institutions to implement environmental and social safeguard norms that the Tajikistan government is unable to fully practice. Third, it paves the way for the transfer of project management experience from the EBRD to AIIB. Through this learning process, AIIB is able to provide additional infrastructure-related public goods in Tajikistan by acting as an independent provider of project monitoring services.","PeriodicalId":47262,"journal":{"name":"Global Governance","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48031191","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-15DOI: 10.1163/19426720-02901004
Julia Leib
Little is known about the role social media can play in support of peacekeeping missions, especially in times of crisis. Looking at the use of Facebook by the UN Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) before and during the Covid-19 pandemic, this article reconstructs social media practices of a peacekeeping mission in a global crisis. To assess how UNMISS used Facebook, it first connects research on discursive legitimation efforts by international organizations with work on strategic communication. Second, it provides a content analysis on Facebook posts published by UNMISS between 2018 and 2022 to determine how the mission engaged with its audience, how it framed its engagement, what topics were being addressed, and how the Covid-19 pandemic changed these communication patterns. Results show a conscious “propaganda for peace” strategy of the peacekeeping mission as UNMISS framed itself as a positive force for the peace process, using tailored communication strategies that rarely engaged in two-way communication, even in times of crisis.
{"title":"Of Peacekeepers and Pandemics","authors":"Julia Leib","doi":"10.1163/19426720-02901004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02901004","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Little is known about the role social media can play in support of peacekeeping missions, especially in times of crisis. Looking at the use of Facebook by the UN Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) before and during the Covid-19 pandemic, this article reconstructs social media practices of a peacekeeping mission in a global crisis. To assess how UNMISS used Facebook, it first connects research on discursive legitimation efforts by international organizations with work on strategic communication. Second, it provides a content analysis on Facebook posts published by UNMISS between 2018 and 2022 to determine how the mission engaged with its audience, how it framed its engagement, what topics were being addressed, and how the Covid-19 pandemic changed these communication patterns. Results show a conscious “propaganda for peace” strategy of the peacekeeping mission as UNMISS framed itself as a positive force for the peace process, using tailored communication strategies that rarely engaged in two-way communication, even in times of crisis.","PeriodicalId":47262,"journal":{"name":"Global Governance","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42839227","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-15DOI: 10.1163/19426720-02901002
Ricardo Martinez
The transnational rise of city networks is increasingly associated with the emergence of hybrid configurations beyond the public sector that contribute to technocratic decisionmaking processes and the depoliticization of global governance. This article takes issue with this argument. By analyzing the legitimation strategy used by the global city network United Cities and Local Governments (UCLG) vis-à-vis the UN system, the article contends that city networks can generate collective agency and frame political issues as a matter of public accountability. The cities gathered under UCLG, a “public membership” city network, are offering their political constitution to the multilateral system, thus complementing rather than replacing the political agency of state-centric processes. Yet the state-centric nature of the international system is also the main obstacle on the (winding) road of UCLG toward multilateral recognition.
{"title":"City Governments as Political Actors of Global Governance","authors":"Ricardo Martinez","doi":"10.1163/19426720-02901002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02901002","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The transnational rise of city networks is increasingly associated with the emergence of hybrid configurations beyond the public sector that contribute to technocratic decisionmaking processes and the depoliticization of global governance. This article takes issue with this argument. By analyzing the legitimation strategy used by the global city network United Cities and Local Governments (UCLG) vis-à-vis the UN system, the article contends that city networks can generate collective agency and frame political issues as a matter of public accountability. The cities gathered under UCLG, a “public membership” city network, are offering their political constitution to the multilateral system, thus complementing rather than replacing the political agency of state-centric processes. Yet the state-centric nature of the international system is also the main obstacle on the (winding) road of UCLG toward multilateral recognition.","PeriodicalId":47262,"journal":{"name":"Global Governance","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41603990","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-15DOI: 10.1163/19426720-02901003
Susan Park
Established as a multilateral development bank (MDB) funded by African states, the African Development Bank (AfDB) is one of many similar international organizations (IO s) comprising the development finance regime complex. Arguably, states and policy elites recreate similar IO s that enable “norm conformance” within the complex. This is demonstrated through the AfDB’s adoption of the Independent Recourse Mechanism (IRM) in 2004. Despite no need or demand, the relatively insulated AfDB agreed to provide recourse for people adversely affected by AfDB-financed projects. This article argues that consensus among state and nonstate actors around an accountability policy norm led the AfDB to conform. Nonregional Member States, particularly the United States, used typical norm diffusion mechanisms: financial incentives, normative suasion, and voting on the AfDB’s Board. The concept of norm conformance highlights how behavioral expectations and organizational practices change based on what is socially appropriate.
{"title":"The African Development Bank and the Accountability Policy Norm","authors":"Susan Park","doi":"10.1163/19426720-02901003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02901003","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Established as a multilateral development bank (MDB) funded by African states, the African Development Bank (AfDB) is one of many similar international organizations (IO s) comprising the development finance regime complex. Arguably, states and policy elites recreate similar IO s that enable “norm conformance” within the complex. This is demonstrated through the AfDB’s adoption of the Independent Recourse Mechanism (IRM) in 2004. Despite no need or demand, the relatively insulated AfDB agreed to provide recourse for people adversely affected by AfDB-financed projects. This article argues that consensus among state and nonstate actors around an accountability policy norm led the AfDB to conform. Nonregional Member States, particularly the United States, used typical norm diffusion mechanisms: financial incentives, normative suasion, and voting on the AfDB’s Board. The concept of norm conformance highlights how behavioral expectations and organizational practices change based on what is socially appropriate.","PeriodicalId":47262,"journal":{"name":"Global Governance","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44216349","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-15DOI: 10.1163/19426720-02901001
Lise Grande
{"title":"Protecting Civilians from Injury, Destruction, and Death during War and Conflict","authors":"Lise Grande","doi":"10.1163/19426720-02901001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02901001","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47262,"journal":{"name":"Global Governance","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45011472","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-21DOI: 10.1163/19426720-02804001
Helge Schumacher
Article VII of the Biological Weapons Convention (BWC) requires states to provide emergency assistance in the case of a deliberate bioweapons attack on any state party to the convention. Since no operational mechanism defining how to request or provide such assistance has yet been established, the painful lessons of the 2014–2016 West African Ebola crisis returned this topic to the agenda of the BWC. This study uses multiple streams analysis to investigate the impact of the Ebola crisis on the considerations of Article VII. While it revived the three streams of the debate—problem, policy, and politics—and opened a policy window, nevertheless, no political entrepreneur was able to couple the streams to produce policy output. As this window of opportunity begins to close, the Covid-19 pandemic seems to be the next focusing event shaping the BWC discourse on emergency assistance.
{"title":"Multiple Streams, Open Windows, and yet No Solution","authors":"Helge Schumacher","doi":"10.1163/19426720-02804001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02804001","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Article VII of the Biological Weapons Convention (BWC) requires states to provide emergency assistance in the case of a deliberate bioweapons attack on any state party to the convention. Since no operational mechanism defining how to request or provide such assistance has yet been established, the painful lessons of the 2014–2016 West African Ebola crisis returned this topic to the agenda of the BWC. This study uses multiple streams analysis to investigate the impact of the Ebola crisis on the considerations of Article VII. While it revived the three streams of the debate—problem, policy, and politics—and opened a policy window, nevertheless, no political entrepreneur was able to couple the streams to produce policy output. As this window of opportunity begins to close, the Covid-19 pandemic seems to be the next focusing event shaping the BWC discourse on emergency assistance.","PeriodicalId":47262,"journal":{"name":"Global Governance","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48598043","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-21DOI: 10.1163/19426720-02804003
S. Hellmüller, Marie Lobjoy, Xiang-Yun Rosalind Tan
Authors commonly categorize peace missions according to different generations: first-generation missions serving as interposition forces to monitor a cease-fire, second-generation missions with multidimensional mandates, and third-generation missions with enforcement mandates. While the generation typology is useful to show the development of peace missions over time, this article points to four main limitations: ambiguity, reductionism, linear connotations, and restricted applicability. It proposes an alternative categorization distinguishing between a minimalist approach aiming at ending violence, a moderate approach aiming at ending violence and installing some form of good governance, and a maximalist approach aiming at addressing the root causes of conflict. Based on an analysis of all UN peace missions between 1991 and 2020, the article demonstrates how this new classification overcomes the flaws of the generation typology and presents further advantages related to its focus on objectives, its versatility, and its potential for statistical analysis. It thereby allows for a more accurate analysis of UN peace missions and their effectiveness.
{"title":"Beyond Generations","authors":"S. Hellmüller, Marie Lobjoy, Xiang-Yun Rosalind Tan","doi":"10.1163/19426720-02804003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02804003","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Authors commonly categorize peace missions according to different generations: first-generation missions serving as interposition forces to monitor a cease-fire, second-generation missions with multidimensional mandates, and third-generation missions with enforcement mandates. While the generation typology is useful to show the development of peace missions over time, this article points to four main limitations: ambiguity, reductionism, linear connotations, and restricted applicability. It proposes an alternative categorization distinguishing between a minimalist approach aiming at ending violence, a moderate approach aiming at ending violence and installing some form of good governance, and a maximalist approach aiming at addressing the root causes of conflict. Based on an analysis of all UN peace missions between 1991 and 2020, the article demonstrates how this new classification overcomes the flaws of the generation typology and presents further advantages related to its focus on objectives, its versatility, and its potential for statistical analysis. It thereby allows for a more accurate analysis of UN peace missions and their effectiveness.","PeriodicalId":47262,"journal":{"name":"Global Governance","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45320455","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-21DOI: 10.1163/19426720-02804002
Charles B. Roger, J. Jordana, Adam Holesch, Lewin Schmitt
Global governance has been widely embraced as an object of analysis and as a way of “seeing” world politics. Yet we still know little about how publishing has evolved. This article presents the first systematic exploration of these patterns. It uses an original dataset of global governance research to answer three first-order questions: How has publishing varied over time? What issues have scholars focused on? And who has been publishing in the field? The authors found that research has grown and become increasingly diverse—but selectively so. Some marginalized issues feature more prominently than in the rest of international relations, but there are blind spots too. Further, while research is less American and women have been comparatively more active relative to other areas, geographical diversity remains extremely limited. Scholars based in the Global South have been the first authors of less than 14 percent of all publications. To conclude, the article reflects on implications for the field.
{"title":"Global Governance Research","authors":"Charles B. Roger, J. Jordana, Adam Holesch, Lewin Schmitt","doi":"10.1163/19426720-02804002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02804002","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Global governance has been widely embraced as an object of analysis and as a way of “seeing” world politics. Yet we still know little about how publishing has evolved. This article presents the first systematic exploration of these patterns. It uses an original dataset of global governance research to answer three first-order questions: How has publishing varied over time? What issues have scholars focused on? And who has been publishing in the field? The authors found that research has grown and become increasingly diverse—but selectively so. Some marginalized issues feature more prominently than in the rest of international relations, but there are blind spots too. Further, while research is less American and women have been comparatively more active relative to other areas, geographical diversity remains extremely limited. Scholars based in the Global South have been the first authors of less than 14 percent of all publications. To conclude, the article reflects on implications for the field.","PeriodicalId":47262,"journal":{"name":"Global Governance","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47111572","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-21DOI: 10.1163/19426720-02804005
Kathryn Chelminski, Liliana B. Andonova, Yixian Sun
While many have observed a regime complex for global clean energy governance, research has not yet accorded sufficient attention to the interplay of multiple streams of politics that have led to the structuring of overlapping governance initiatives and, ultimately, the articulation of a set of norms that hold this regime complex together. To understand these dynamics, this article argues that with the visibly increased agency of transnational actors and international organizations, four mechanisms together are likely to shape regime complexity: divergent state preferences, the agency of transnational actors, practices of intergovernmental organizations, and interorganizational recognition and normative legitimation. Drawing on a qualitative analysis of policy documents and interviews, and a social network analysis, it studies global clean energy governance from 1980 to 2014 to illuminate these dynamics. The findings suggest that the combination of these four mechanisms can explain the evolution from a nonregime to a loosely coupled governance system for clean energy.
{"title":"Emergence and Structuring of the Clean Energy Regime Complex","authors":"Kathryn Chelminski, Liliana B. Andonova, Yixian Sun","doi":"10.1163/19426720-02804005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02804005","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 While many have observed a regime complex for global clean energy governance, research has not yet accorded sufficient attention to the interplay of multiple streams of politics that have led to the structuring of overlapping governance initiatives and, ultimately, the articulation of a set of norms that hold this regime complex together. To understand these dynamics, this article argues that with the visibly increased agency of transnational actors and international organizations, four mechanisms together are likely to shape regime complexity: divergent state preferences, the agency of transnational actors, practices of intergovernmental organizations, and interorganizational recognition and normative legitimation. Drawing on a qualitative analysis of policy documents and interviews, and a social network analysis, it studies global clean energy governance from 1980 to 2014 to illuminate these dynamics. The findings suggest that the combination of these four mechanisms can explain the evolution from a nonregime to a loosely coupled governance system for clean energy.","PeriodicalId":47262,"journal":{"name":"Global Governance","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44098035","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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