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The IMF COVID-19 Surveillance Monitor 国际货币基金组织新冠肺炎监测
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-21 DOI: 10.1163/19426720-02804004
Luma Ramos, K. Gallagher
Promoting stability is a core component of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) surveillance’s mandate. The Covid-19 pandemic hit almost every country worldwide. This article evaluates whether and how the IMF surveillance documents in the aftermath of the health and economic crisis have identified risks and mitigation measures to improve health outcomes, protect vulnerable people and firms, and address climate change. Through the IMF COVID-19 Surveillance Monitor, a textual analysis index, the authors found that these issues received relatively little attention in Article IV consultations in 2019, with fiscal issues dominating the discussion. However, the consultations conducted in 2020 show some timely incremental shifts and more attention toward health systems and protecting vulnerable matters. While climate change has become a key part of senior IMF official narratives, it has not had a significant presence in surveillance activities. The techniques and indices developed here can help the IMF improve its surveillance policy.
促进稳定是国际货币基金组织(IMF)监督职责的核心组成部分。Covid-19大流行几乎袭击了全球每个国家。本文评估了国际货币基金组织在卫生和经济危机之后的监督文件是否以及如何确定了风险和缓解措施,以改善健康结果,保护弱势群体和企业,并应对气候变化。通过国际货币基金组织2019冠状病毒病监测监测(一种文本分析指数),作者发现,这些问题在2019年的第四条磋商中受到的关注相对较少,财政问题主导了讨论。然而,2020年进行的磋商显示出一些及时的渐进式转变和对卫生系统和保护脆弱事项的更多关注。尽管气候变化已成为IMF高层官方表述的一个关键部分,但它在监督活动中并未占据重要地位。这里开发的技术和指数可以帮助国际货币基金组织改进其监督政策。
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引用次数: 0
Mutual Accountability in Fragile States 脆弱国家的相互问责
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-21 DOI: 10.1163/19426720-02804006
Bo Kyung Kim
The study reported in this article aimed to find the extent to which the mutual accountability mechanism is applicable in fragile states where state capacity and legitimacy are insufficient. Donors provide foreign aid to fragile states even when there is no firm-standing counterpart to be held accountable. This is done to meet short-term development needs that are heavily focused on humanitarian relief. Based on an examination of the discursive evolution of fragility and donors’ categorization of fragile states based on the capacity-legitimacy configuration, this found that development needs in fragile states can be met through mutual accountability relations with partnership platforms. Represented by the g7+, partnership platforms channel the development needs in a collective form and enable their Member States to gain a certain level of legitimacy. Individual approaches to these countries may be challenging, but seeking strategic responses to development needs through such partnership platforms can create new opportunities for development effectiveness.
本文所报道的研究旨在找出相互问责机制在国家能力和合法性不足的脆弱国家中的适用程度。捐助者向脆弱国家提供外援,即使没有可靠的对象国承担责任。这样做是为了满足主要集中于人道主义救济的短期发展需要。通过对脆弱性的话语演变和捐助者基于能力合法性配置对脆弱国家的分类的考察,本研究发现,脆弱国家的发展需求可以通过与伙伴关系平台的相互问责关系得到满足。以七国集团+为代表的伙伴关系平台以集体形式引导发展需求,使其成员国获得一定程度的合法性。针对这些国家的个别做法可能具有挑战性,但通过这种伙伴关系平台寻求对发展需求的战略回应,可以为提高发展效率创造新的机会。
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引用次数: 0
Muslim Solidarity in the UN General Assembly 联合国大会上的穆斯林团结
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-09-19 DOI: 10.1163/19426720-02803001
A. Balcı, Talha İsmail Duman
In international politics, governments may tend to favor countries with which they share some degree of cultural affinity. Moreover, international organizations can strengthen solidarity among their members. Not surprisingly, Muslim countries, which came together under the umbrella of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), frequently state that they pursue Muslim solidarity in international politics. By looking at voting preferences of OIC member Muslim countries in the UN General Assembly about the selection of nonpermanent UN Security Council members, this article aims to understand Muslim solidarity in international politics. For this, the article uses newspaper reports, political statements, secret intelligence reports, and interviews regarding the votes of Muslim countries in contested elections in which a Muslim country competed with its non-Muslim rival for the same Security Council seat.
在国际政治中,政府可能倾向于支持与他们有某种程度文化亲和力的国家。此外,国际组织可以加强其成员之间的团结。毫不奇怪,在伊斯兰合作组织(OIC)的保护伞下走到一起的穆斯林国家,经常声明他们在国际政治中追求穆斯林团结。通过观察伊斯兰会议组织穆斯林成员国在联合国大会上对联合国安理会非常任理事国选举的投票偏好,本文旨在了解穆斯林在国际政治中的团结。为此,这篇文章使用了报纸报道、政治声明、秘密情报报告以及关于穆斯林国家在竞争选举中的投票情况的采访。在竞争选举中,一个穆斯林国家与其非穆斯林对手竞争同一个安理会席位。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond Effectiveness 超越有效性
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-09-19 DOI: 10.1163/19426720-02803002
Brooke Coe, Kilian Spandler
Why do Southeast Asian states use regional mechanisms for disaster relief? From a conventional functionalist perspective, inadequate domestic-level responses to emergencies create a demand for scaled-up governance. This article offers an alternative interpretation of disaster cooperation in Southeast Asia. Drawing on theoretical insights from comparative regionalism and critical disaster studies, it argues that the raison d’être of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on Disaster Management (AHA Centre) is to empower ASEAN states vis-à-vis extraregional humanitarian actors. The AHA Centre works to enable Member States to gatekeep intrusive extraregional aid and, ultimately, to transform authority relations in the international humanitarian system in favor of state actors that have traditionally found themselves in a peripheral and passive role.
为什么东南亚国家利用区域机制进行救灾?从传统的功能主义角度来看,国内层面对紧急情况的反应不足,产生了扩大治理的需求。本文对东南亚的灾害合作提供了另一种解释。根据比较区域主义和重大灾害研究的理论见解,它认为东南亚国家联盟(东盟)灾害管理人道主义援助协调中心(AHA中心)的存在理由是赋予东盟国家相对于区域外人道主义行为者的权力。AHA中心致力于使会员国能够控制侵入性的区域外援助,并最终改变国际人道主义体系中的权力关系,有利于传统上处于边缘和被动角色的国家行为者。
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引用次数: 1
Offering the Carrot and Hiding the Stick? 给胡萝卜藏大棒?
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-09-19 DOI: 10.1163/19426720-02803003
Vanessa F. Newby
Credibility has been used to explain theories of deterrence and cooperation in international relations. In the peacekeeping environment, for what purposes should credibility be built and how can it be signaled? Despite being listed by the UN as a success factor in peace operations, our understanding of credibility in peacekeeping remains limited and focused on deterrence. This article argues that credibility in peace operations must be built for both deterrence and cooperation purposes. Drawing on the international relations, civil war, and peacekeeping literatures, it conceptualizes credibility in peacekeeping by identifying the purposes for which credibility must be built and signaled: deterrence and cooperativeness. It contends that while a peace operation’s ability to deter is limited, signaling cooperativeness - credibility in cooperation—enables a force to cultivate cooperation with national and subnational audiences. This helps to create a more predictable security environment by enabling the force to function on a daily basis.
可信度被用来解释国际关系中的威慑与合作理论。在维持和平的环境中,应该为了什么目的建立信誉?如何表现信誉?尽管被联合国列为和平行动的成功因素,但我们对维持和平可信度的理解仍然有限,而且主要集中在威慑上。本文认为,必须为威慑和合作的目的建立和平行动的信誉。借鉴国际关系、内战和维和文献,通过确定可信度必须建立和标志的目的:威慑和合作,对维和中的可信度进行了概念化。报告认为,虽然和平行动的威慑能力是有限的,但信号合作——合作中的可信度——使部队能够培养与国家和次国家受众的合作。这有助于创造一个更可预测的安全环境,使部队能够每天执行任务。
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引用次数: 1
Policy Advice in UN Development Work 联合国发展工作中的政策建议
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-09-19 DOI: 10.1163/19426720-02803005
M. Baumann
Providing high-level policy advice to developing countries with the purpose to shape national policies is a key function of the UN. Yet no official UN definition of policy advice exists and little is known on how much weight the UN gives to this support modality in contrast to capacity-building and implementation work. To address this gap, this article first articulates the case for the UN’s role in policy change. It then presents an empirical analysis of the policy advice landscape of the UN, providing a numerical estimate of the share of resources dedicated to policy advice and identifying five practical constraints on the UN’s policy advice function. Results suggest that, despite high expectations, the UN’s fieldwork is not strategically focused on policy advice. This article contributes to the underresearched field of UN development work and how it is, or should be, shaped by the UN’s multilateralism.
向发展中国家提供高级别政策建议,以形成国家政策,是联合国的一项关键职能。然而,联合国没有对政策咨询的官方定义,也很少有人知道,与能力建设和实施工作相比,联合国对这种支持方式的重视程度。为了解决这一差距,本文首先阐述了联合国在政策变革中的作用。然后,对联合国的政策咨询形势进行了实证分析,提供了用于政策咨询的资源份额的数字估计,并确定了联合国政策咨询职能的五个实际制约因素。结果表明,尽管期望很高,但联合国的实地工作并没有在战略上侧重于政策建议。本文对联合国发展工作这一尚未得到充分研究的领域以及联合国多边主义如何或应该如何塑造联合国发展工作做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Politicizing Global Governance Institutions in Times of Crisis 危机时期全球治理机构政治化
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-09-19 DOI: 10.1163/19426720-02803004
Hai Yang
This article examines the politicization of the World Health Organization (WHO) over the course of the coronavirus pandemic (January–December 2020), a paradigmatic case of politicization of global governance institutions. During the pandemic, the WHO was subjected to considerable scrutiny and contestation. This research focuses on politicization at the level of behavior and discourse. Conceptually, it leverages the analytic purchase of politicization and framing. Empirically, it is based on a corpus comprising 505 texts gathered from key actors involved. The analysis not only lays bare the varying demands and arguments vis-à-vis the WHO, but foregrounds the broad consensus among the actors examined (barring the Donald Trump administration) on the imperative to support the organization. Additionally, seven distinct frames on the WHO are identified: Puppet, Handcuffed, Scapegoat, Irreplaceable, Botched, Comme il faut, and Battleground. Together, they offer a holistic overview of the diverse perspectives on the WHO and its pandemic response.
本文探讨了世界卫生组织(世界卫生组织)在冠状病毒大流行期间(2020年1月至12月)的政治化,这是全球治理机构政治化的典型案例。在大流行期间,世界卫生组织受到了相当大的审查和质疑。本研究的重点是行为和话语层面的政治化。从概念上讲,它利用了对政治化和框架化的分析购买。从经验上讲,它是基于一个语料库,该语料库包括从主要参与者那里收集的505篇文本。该分析不仅揭示了对世界卫生组织的不同要求和论点,还突出了所审查的行为者(除了唐纳德·特朗普政府)对支持世卫组织的必要性的广泛共识。此外,世界卫生组织还确定了七个不同的框架:Puppet、Handcuffed、Scapegoat、Unreplicable、Botched、Comme il faut和Battleground。它们共同提供了对世界卫生组织及其应对疫情的不同观点的全面概述。
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引用次数: 0
Small, Young, and Female 小的,年轻的,雌的
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-09-19 DOI: 10.1163/19426720-02803007
I. Gonsalves
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引用次数: 0
Empathy or Calculation? 移情还是算计?
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-09-19 DOI: 10.1163/19426720-02803006
Bernabé Malacalza, Debora Fagaburu
Vaccination geopolitics is an effort by the producer countries characterized by a struggle for access and influence that accompanies the export agreements, setting up of manufacturing plants, and donations. The Covid-19 pandemic has exacerbated vaccine nationalism, United States–China clashes, and inequality of access in Latin America. This article offers an in-depth analysis of the geopolitical strategies emerging around vaccine transactions in the region. Focusing on the precedence of geopolitical concerns over health ones, the article uses a study of transaction distribution to analyze the political preferences of the United States and the European countries, China, India, and Russia. This points to two kinds of influence: the Chinese and Russian strategies are dominated by offensive and defensive political preferences combined with a ground-up economic diplomacy, while those of the United States, Europe, and India are also offensive-defensive, but the economic diplomacy is top down.
疫苗接种地缘政治是生产国的一项努力,其特点是在出口协议、建立制造厂和捐赠的同时,争夺准入和影响力。新冠肺炎疫情加剧了疫苗民族主义、美中冲突以及拉丁美洲的获取不平等。本文深入分析了该地区围绕疫苗交易出现的地缘政治战略。围绕地缘政治问题优先于健康问题,本文利用交易分配研究来分析美国和欧洲国家、中国、印度和俄罗斯的政治偏好。这表明了两种影响:中国和俄罗斯的战略是由进攻和防御的政治偏好结合地面经济外交主导的,而美国、欧洲和印度的战略也是进攻和防御,但经济外交是自上而下的。
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引用次数: 0
UN Sanctions and Mediation in Sierra Leone 联合国对塞拉利昂的制裁和调解
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-07-04 DOI: 10.1163/19426720-02802001
Joana Amaral
The UN-imposed sanctions on Sierra Leone began in 1997 after the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) led a coup that forced newly elected president Ahmad Tejan Kabbah into exile. Alongside its peacemaking efforts, the UN Security Council explicitly supported the reinstatement of Kabbah, and its sanctions targeted the RUF by limiting travel and banning the trade of arms, petroleum, and diamonds. This article analyzes whether and how UN sanctions pushed the RUF to negotiate, accept, and implement agreements mediated by the Economic Community of West African States and the UN. Its findings are drawn from the qualitative analysis of official documents, memoirs, and interviews with key negotiators. It adds to the inclusion debate in peace mediation literature by discussing whether the coordinated use of sanctions and mediation can resolve the difficulties inherent in including veto players in peace negotiations.
联合国对塞拉利昂的制裁始于1997年,当时革命联合阵线(RUF)领导了一场政变,迫使新当选的总统艾哈迈德·泰詹·卡巴流亡国外。除了维持和平的努力外,联合国安理会明确支持恢复卡巴,并通过限制旅行和禁止武器、石油和钻石贸易对联阵实施制裁。本文分析了联合国的制裁是否以及如何推动联阵谈判、接受和执行由西非国家经济共同体和联合国调解的协议。其研究结果来自对官方文件、回忆录和对主要谈判代表的访谈的定性分析。它通过讨论协调使用制裁和调解是否能够解决在和平谈判中包括否决权参与者所固有的困难,增加了关于将其纳入和平调解文献的辩论。
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引用次数: 3
期刊
Global Governance
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