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In the Eye of the Beholder 在旁观者的眼中
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-06-09 DOI: 10.1163/19426720-02702001
Marco Bocchese
This article investigates the stark variation in elite appraisals of the performance of the International Criminal Court (ICC). Based on an online survey of diplomats posted to the UN headquarters, this article determines which country situations under ICC scrutiny respondents regard as successes or failures and, in turn, what parameters underpin their views. It also asks about negative cases; that is, country situations that never made it to The Hague due to political considerations. This article makes a two-fold contribution to the study of international law and politics. First, it shows that diplomats conceptualize international justice in terms of ongoing prosecutions and convictions obtained. Thus, they downplay indirect effects such as positive complementarity. Interestingly, scholars and diplomats agree on the court’s fiascos, yet dissent on successes. Finally, diplomats have proved tired of political considerations obstructing international justice. Survey data reveals that they want the court to investigate situations involving major powers.
本文调查了精英们对国际刑事法院(ICC)绩效评价的明显差异。基于对派驻联合国总部的外交官的在线调查,本文确定了在国际刑事法院审查下,受访者认为哪些国家的情况是成功的,哪些是失败的,以及哪些参数支撑了他们的观点。它还询问了否定的情况;也就是说,由于政治考虑而未能提交海牙法庭审理的国家情况。这篇文章对国际法和国际法的研究作出了双重贡献。首先,它表明外交官根据正在进行的起诉和获得的定罪来概念化国际正义。因此,他们低估了间接影响,如积极的互补性。有趣的是,学者和外交官对法庭的惨败持一致意见,但对成功持不同意见。最后,外交官们已经厌倦了阻碍国际正义的政治考虑。调查数据显示,他们希望法院调查涉及大国的情况。
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引用次数: 0
Institutionalizing Prevention at the UN 联合国预防制度化
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-06-09 DOI: 10.1163/19426720-02702003
Cecilia Jacob
This article assesses recent UN reforms to enhance the organization’s capacity to prevent violent conflict. These reforms target crucial inefficiencies within the UN that have hampered effective preventive and protection practices in violent conflict and atrocities. The article argues that state actors have viewed the reform process as a site of norm contestation, and negotiations have created an avenue for compromises on the centrality of human rights and political backstopping of UN missions in volatile field contexts that are vital to better prevention and protection outcomes. Contestation by state actors is significant in steering the outcomes of institutional reform as states advance their normative agendas, and seek to integrate these preferences into new institutional structures that are open to negotiation through the reform process. A broad assessment of these reforms confirms the move toward a more pragmatic vision of peace and security in the UN to accommodate global power shifts.
本文评估了联合国最近的改革,以提高该组织防止暴力冲突的能力。这些改革针对的是联合国内部严重的效率低下,这种低下妨碍了在暴力冲突和暴行中采取有效的预防和保护措施。文章认为,国家行为体将改革进程视为规范争论的场所,谈判为人权的中心地位和联合国特派团在动荡的实地环境中的政治支持创造了妥协的途径,这对更好地预防和保护结果至关重要。随着各国推进其规范性议程,并寻求将这些偏好纳入改革过程中开放谈判的新制度结构,国家行为体的争论对于指导制度改革的结果具有重要意义。对这些改革的广泛评估证实,联合国正朝着更加务实的和平与安全愿景迈进,以适应全球权力的转移。
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引用次数: 5
Beyond the Veto 超越Veto
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-02-18 DOI: 10.1163/19426720-02701003
Jess Gifkins
The formal rules governing the UN Security Council offer little insight into how negotiations are conducted on a day-to-day basis. While it is generally assumed that permanent members dominate negotiations, this article investigates avenues for influence for elected members and the UN Secretariat. Institutional power is used to show how permanent members adopt dominant positions in negotiations extending far beyond their Charter-given privileges. Dominance of permanent members is moderated, however, by the legitimacy that support from elected members brings to a resolution. Similarly, the UN Secretariat can use its legitimated authority to influence decisions. The article argues that informal practices are key in understanding how power and influence are allocated in the Council and it forms a building block for future analyses of Security Council practices. This argument also has implications for the perennial reform debates and the prospects for informal reform.
联合国安理会的正式规则几乎没有深入了解谈判的日常运作方式。虽然通常认为常任理事国主导谈判,但本文调查了当选理事国和联合国秘书处的影响力途径。机构权力被用来展示常任理事国如何在谈判中占据主导地位,远远超出了《宪章》赋予的特权。然而,常任理事国的主导地位受到当选理事国的支持为决议带来的合法性的制约。同样,联合国秘书处可以利用其合法的权力来影响决策。文章认为,非正式做法是理解安理会如何分配权力和影响力的关键,也是今后分析安全理事会做法的基础。这一论点也对长期的改革辩论和非正式改革的前景产生了影响。
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引用次数: 8
Who Controls Multilateral Development Finance? 谁控制多边发展融资?
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-02-18 DOI: 10.1163/19426720-02701006
Rebecca Ray
Multilateral development banks (MDB s) are a growing source of development finance, with nearly two trillion dollars in assets. They have developed a wide array of governance structures, with implications for the distribution of members’ control over those assets. This paper measures that power distribution in 28 MDB s using Penrose-Banzhaf and Shapley-Shubik power indices and members’ relative voting power on MDB governance boards. It uses these calculations to create a typology of MDB governance structures: creditor-led MDB s distribute power among non-borrowers, core borrower-led MDB s distribute power among a few central borrowers, and mutual aid-oriented MDB s distribute power among a wide group of borrowers. Finally, it explores the impact of the creation of two new MDB s, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the New Development Bank, and finds that while they do not dramatically alter the global landscape they do allow significantly greater access to capital for some borrowers.
多边开发银行(MDB )是一个日益增长的发展融资来源,拥有近2万亿美元的资产。它们已经形成了一系列广泛的治理结构,对成员对这些资产的控制权的分配产生了影响。本文使用Penrose-Banzhaf和Shapley-Shubik权力指数和成员在MDB治理委员会的相对投票权来衡量28个MDB 中的权力分配。它利用这些计算创建了多边开发银行治理结构的类型:债权人主导的多边开发银行 在非借款人中分配权力,核心借款人主导的多边开发银行 在少数中心借款人中分配权力,以互助为导向的多边开发银行 在广泛的借款人群体中分配权力。最后,报告探讨了亚洲基础设施投资银行(aiib)和新开发银行(new Development Bank)这两个新成立的多边开发银行 的影响,发现它们虽然没有显著改变全球格局,但确实大大增加了一些借款人获得资本的机会。
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引用次数: 0
Challenges to Global Health Governance from the International Trade in Organ Transplants 器官移植国际贸易对全球卫生治理的挑战
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-02-18 DOI: 10.1163/19426720-02701002
Irene V. Langran
The internationalization of medical services—including organ transplantations—is driven by advances in technology and integration of trade. Patients in need of organ transplants began to seek these services outside their countries of origin in the 1980s and 1990s, and this practice expanded in the ensuing decades. While these transplants yielded benefits to some, abuses included human trafficking, preying on vulnerable populations, and negative outcomes in health equity. This case study of efforts to regulate the international transplant trade yields important findings for our understanding of global health governance. First, it provides support to the “globalization reformers” who maintain that if globalization’s benefits are to be widely distributed, institutional mechanisms must be enacted. Second, it provides another example of the externalities that occur when health concerns are absent, poorly represented, or weakened in trade negotiations. Finally, it demonstrates limits of a global health regime that lacks a centralized authority.
包括器官移植在内的医疗服务的国际化是由技术进步和贸易一体化推动的。需要器官移植的患者在20世纪80年代和90年代开始在原籍国以外寻求这些服务,这种做法在随后的几十年中扩大了。虽然这些移植给一些人带来了好处,但虐待行为包括人口贩运、掠夺弱势群体以及对健康公平的负面影响。这项关于监管国际移植贸易的案例研究为我们理解全球卫生治理提供了重要发现。首先,它为“全球化改革者”提供了支持,他们坚持认为,如果要广泛分配全球化的利益,就必须建立体制机制。其次,它提供了另一个例子,说明在贸易谈判中,当健康问题不存在、代表性差或被削弱时,会出现外部性。最后,它表明了缺乏中央集权的全球卫生制度的局限性。
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引用次数: 1
Understanding Regime Complexes through a Practice Lens 从实践的角度理解政权综合体
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-02-18 DOI: 10.1163/19426720-02701005
Thurid Bahr, Anna Holzscheiter, Laura Pantzerhielm
How do regime complexes as social orders affect relations among international organizations (IO s)? This article explores this question by studying the longitudinal development of interorganizational practices and the social meanings attached to these practices that constitute a regime complex. Adopting a practice lens, our analysis redirects scholarly attention from rationalist accounts of strategic interactions between IO s to the study of patterned “doings” among actors in regime complexes. The mixed-methods analysis of interorganizational practices between eight IO s in the global health regime complex shows that cooperation among IO s is not primarily the outcome of rational responses to problems of collective action. Rather, IO s engage in similar types of practices because they want to be considered “good” IO s that follow a repertoire of habitual and appropriate practices. In turn, interorganizational practices create social meanings that constrain IO s. The approach put forward in this paper demonstrates the ordering effect of practices on the global health regime complex.
作为社会秩序的政权复合体如何影响国际组织之间的关系(IO s)?本文通过研究组织间实践的纵向发展以及与这些实践相关的社会意义来探讨这个问题,这些实践构成了一个制度综合体。采用实践视角,我们的分析将学术注意力从对IO 之间战略互动的理性主义描述转向对政权复合体中行动者的模式“行为”的研究。对全球卫生制度综合体中8个非政府组织 之间的组织间做法进行的混合方法分析表明,非政府组织 之间的合作主要不是对集体行动问题作出理性反应的结果。相反,IO 参与类似类型的实践,因为他们希望被认为是遵循习惯和适当实践的“好”IO 。反过来,组织间的实践创造了约束IO 的社会意义。本文提出的方法证明了实践对全球卫生制度复合体的排序效应。
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引用次数: 1
Corporate Governance and the Environmental Politics of Shipping 公司治理与航运环境政治
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-02-18 DOI: 10.1163/19426720-02701001
J. Alger, Jane Lister, Peter Dauvergne
A handful of companies dominate the world’s shipping industry. These firms have gained political leverage over the global governance of container shipping in particular. Intriguingly, in recent years the Danish conglomerate Maersk—the world’s biggest container and shipping vessel company since the mid-1990s—has been using its influence to push for higher environmental standards for the industry as a whole. To some extent these initiatives are helping to promote environmental efficiencies, cleaner fuels, and greener technology. But they are also raising costs for small and midsized companies with extremely low profit margins, further enhancing the competitiveness of the biggest shipping conglomerates in an increasingly oligopolistic market. While voluntary self-governance by companies such as Maersk is incrementally improving the environmental management of global shipping, it is also further concentrating governance power within a few transnational corporations, potentially taking more ambitious regulation off the agenda.
少数几家公司主宰着世界航运业。这些公司尤其在集装箱航运的全球治理方面获得了政治影响力。有趣的是,近年来,丹麦马士基集团——自20世纪90年代中期以来世界上最大的集装箱和航运公司——一直在利用其影响力推动整个行业更高的环境标准。在某种程度上,这些举措有助于提高环境效率、使用更清洁的燃料和更环保的技术。但它们也提高了利润率极低的中小企业的成本,进一步增强了大型航运集团在一个日益寡头垄断的市场上的竞争力。尽管马士基(Maersk)等公司的自愿自我管理正在逐步改善全球航运的环境管理,但它也进一步将治理权力集中在少数跨国公司手中,可能会将更雄心勃勃的监管从议程中剔除。
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引用次数: 10
An Intrastate Approach to the Withdrawal from International Organizations 退出国际组织的国内途径
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-02-18 DOI: 10.1163/19426720-02701004
M. Silva
When international organizations take measures that seem to go against the national interests of a Member State, is withdrawal inevitable? What do past cases reveal about how the extreme decision of withdrawal has been contained? This article examines the case of Brazil and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, which is part of the Organization of American States (OAS). Having received a harsh decision by the Commission, Brazil first threatened to leave OAS, but later mobilized diplomatic strategies to reform its Commission. What happened between a first reaction that considered withdrawal and the final decision to work to reform the system? The article advances the argument that containing international organization withdrawal benefits from the convergence and mutual reinforcement provided by internationally engaged institutions, bureaucrats committed to multilateralism, and a democratic leadership. The case helps to recognize the relevant intrastate variables that play out in the decision-making process that may eventually lead to withdrawal.
当国际组织采取似乎违背会员国国家利益的措施时,退出是不可避免的吗?过去的案例揭示了极端的退出决定是如何被遏制的?本文探讨巴西与美洲国家组织(OAS)下属的美洲人权委员会的案例。在收到委员会的严厉决定后,巴西首先威胁要离开美洲国家组织,但后来动员外交战略改革其委员会。从考虑退出的第一反应到最终决定改革体系之间发生了什么?本文提出的论点是,遏制国际组织退出受益于国际参与机构、致力于多边主义的官僚和民主领导所提供的趋同和相互加强。该案例有助于认识到在决策过程中可能最终导致退出的相关内部变量。
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引用次数: 2
Brazil’s Role in Latin America’s Regionalism 巴西在拉丁美洲地区主义中的作用
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-02-18 DOI: 10.1163/19426720-02701007
Javier Vadell, Clarisa Giaccaglia
At the beginning of the twenty-first century, Brazil became a crucial player as the principal advocate of South American integration. To Mercado Común del Sur (Mercosur) was added the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR), reaffirming regional policies around the idea of “South America.” Today, however, the withdrawal of Brazilian leadership along with the reversals and loss of focus in UNASUR and Mercosur have damaged the credibility of the region’s initiatives, as well as finding South America’s common voice. Despite this, this article argues that Brazil has not entirely disengaged from the region or abandoned the principle of regionalism. Recognition of Latin America’s distinctive history the authors to construct a model that incorporates complexity and disorder in which Brazil’s institutional political development will have significant repercussions for the future of the region.
在二十一世纪初,巴西作为南美洲一体化的主要倡导者,成为一个至关重要的参与者。除了Mercado Común del Sur(南方共同市场)之外,还增加了南美国家联盟(UNASUR),重申了围绕“南美”理念的区域政策。然而,今天,巴西领导人的退出,以及南美国家联盟和南方共同市场的逆转和重点的丧失,损害了该地区倡议的可信度,也损害了南美洲寻找共同声音的机会。尽管如此,本文认为巴西并没有完全脱离该地区或放弃地区主义原则。认识到拉丁美洲独特的历史,作者构建了一个包含复杂性和无序性的模型,其中巴西的制度政治发展将对该地区的未来产生重大影响。
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引用次数: 2
The "Third" United Nations 第三个联合国
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-02-09 DOI: 10.1163/19426720-01501008
T. Weiss, Tatiana Carayannis, R. Jolly
This book is about the Third UN: the ecology of supportive non-state actors—intellectuals, scholars, consultants, think tanks, NGOs, the for-profit private sector, and the media—that interacts with the intergovernmental machinery of the First UN (member states) and the Second UN (staff members of international secretariats) to formulate and refine ideas and decision-making at key junctures in policy processes. Some advocate for particular ideas, others help analyze or operationalize their testing and implementation; many thus help the UN “think.” While think tanks, knowledge brokers, and epistemic communities are phenomena that have entered both the academic and policy lexicons, their intellectual role remains marginal to analyses of such intergovernmental organizations as the United Nations. The Third UN in this volume connotes those working toward knowledge and normative advances for the realization of the values underlying the UN Charter; the book does not discuss armed belligerents and criminals, the main focus of previous analyses of non-state actors and the UN system.
这本书是关于第三个联合国的:支持性非国家行为体的生态——知识分子、学者、顾问、智库、非政府组织、营利性私营部门和媒体——它们与第一个联合国(成员国)和第二个联合国(国际秘书处的工作人员)的政府间机制相互作用,在政策过程的关键时刻形成和完善想法和决策。一些人提倡特定的想法,另一些人帮助分析或操作他们的测试和实施;因此,许多人帮助联合国“思考”。虽然智库、知识中介和知识共同体已经进入了学术和政策词汇,但它们的知识角色在分析联合国等政府间组织时仍然处于边缘地位。本卷中的第三个联合国指的是那些为实现《联合国宪章》的基本价值观而努力实现知识和规范进步的人;这本书没有讨论武装交战者和罪犯,这是之前对非国家行为体和联合国系统的分析的主要焦点。
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引用次数: 105
期刊
Global Governance
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