International Communication Gazette最新文献

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Explaining the technological acceptance of 5G: Quantitative and qualitative insights from China and the United States 解释5G的技术接受度:来自中国和美国的定量和定性见解

3区文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION

International Communication Gazette

Pub Date : 2023-10-06 DOI: 10.1177/17480485231206358

Fan Liang, Scott W. Campbell

This study examines people's acceptance of the fifth generation (5G) of wireless and mobile communication technologies at a time when such services and devices were just approaching consumer availability. It utilizes the Technological Acceptance Model to the frame analysis of key perceptions of 5G technology, as well as the social climate surrounding it. Quantitative and qualitative data were gathered from adult samples in China and the United States to assess how they understand and perceive 5G technology. The results show that perceived technological features (e.g., perceptions of usefulness and speed) explain the favorable attitudes and adoption intentions in the two countries, whereas personal privacy concerns explain the negative attitudes and intentions. The results also demonstrate that, while 5G technology was often regarded as an instrument for national elevation in China, we see more concerns about rumored negative effects of the technology on health in the United States.

这项研究调查了人们对第五代(5G)无线和移动通信技术的接受程度，当时这些服务和设备刚刚接近消费者可用性。它利用技术接受模型对5G技术的关键感知以及围绕它的社会氛围进行框架分析。从中国和美国的成人样本中收集定量和定性数据，以评估他们如何理解和感知5G技术。结果表明，感知到的技术特征(例如，对有用性和速度的感知)解释了两国的有利态度和采用意图，而个人隐私问题解释了消极态度和意图。研究结果还表明，虽然5G技术在中国通常被视为国家提升的工具，但我们看到更多的人担心该技术对美国健康的负面影响。

引用次数: 0

Personalization of Trump and Xi in the U.S.–China trade conflict news: Comparison between the U.S. and China

3区文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION

International Communication Gazette

Pub Date : 2023-10-06 DOI: 10.1177/17480485231206364

Shujun Liu

News personalization in one-party dominant countries has been understudied or often analyzed through a Western lens. This study unpacked this phenomenon in one-party dominant country with the theory of leadership cult and soft power and compared news personalization of Xi Jinping in China with that of Donald Trump in the U.S. against the backdrop of the U.S.–China trade conflict. This study also investigated the influence of press ideology, political–geographical scope of news coverage and the trade conflict period on the presence and valence of personalization within each country. Results showed that leadership personalization was less prominent in China than in the U.S. The manifestation of news personalization in the U.S. was affected more by press ideology, while contextual factors, such as news political scope and the conflict period, played bigger roles in China. These findings provide insights into how news personalization is displayed in divergent political and media systems.

一党专政国家的新闻个性化一直没有得到充分的研究，或者经常通过西方的视角进行分析。本研究也探讨了新闻意识形态、新闻报道的政治地理范围和贸易冲突时期对每个国家内部个性化存在和效价的影响。结果表明，领导力个性化在中国的表现不如美国那么突出。美国新闻个性化的表现更多地受到新闻意识形态的影响，而在中国，新闻政治范围和冲突时期等语境因素的作用更大。这些发现为了解新闻个性化如何在不同的政治和媒体系统中表现出来提供了见解。

引用次数: 0

Perceptions of media influence and performance among politicians in European democracies. 欧洲民主国家政治家对媒体影响和表现的看法。

IF 1.9 3区文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION

International Communication Gazette

Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1177/17480485221146088

Peter Maurer

This study explores politicians' subjective views of the mediatisation of politics and the implication it has for their satisfaction with democracy. Based on previous research, we hypothesise a negative effect of their perception of media influence on their evaluation of the news media's performance as a public informant. These perceptions directly and indirectly influence politicians' satisfaction with democracy. The relationships were tested with a Structural Equation Model (SEM) based on comparative survey data from politicians in seven democracies (Austria, Denmark, France, Germany, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland). Results show that a strong influence runs from politicians' perception of the media's performance as regards public information to their satisfaction with the functioning of democracy. This influence is stable across countries. The SEM thus may provide a good explanation for why some politicians attack legacy media and excessively use social media to communicate with voters. Results also point to risks of media-driven democracies.

本研究探讨了政治家对政治媒介化的主观看法及其对他们对民主的满意度的影响。基于先前的研究，我们假设他们对媒体影响的感知对他们对新闻媒体作为公共线人的表现的评价有负面影响。这些看法直接或间接地影响着政治家对民主的满意度。基于七个民主国家(奥地利、丹麦、法国、德国、西班牙、瑞典、瑞士)政治家的比较调查数据，用结构方程模型(SEM)检验了这种关系。结果表明，从政治家对媒体在公共信息方面的表现的看法到他们对民主运作的满意度，都有很强的影响。这种影响在各国都是稳定的。因此，SEM可以很好地解释为什么一些政客攻击传统媒体，并过度使用社交媒体与选民沟通。结果还指出了媒体驱动的民主的风险。

引用次数: 0

Integrating discoverability and prominence in video-on-demand consumption choices. A qualitative user study in Belgium 整合视频点播消费选择的可发现性和突出性。比利时的一项定性用户研究

IF 1.9 3区文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION

International Communication Gazette

Pub Date : 2023-07-31 DOI: 10.1177/17480485231191898

Catalina Iordache, Jan Loisen, L. Audenhove

As video-on-demand services have taken a central position in audiovisual distribution in European markets, over-the-top viewing has become increasingly popular. This shift has heavily impacted consumption patterns and exposure diversity, as they are reshaped by non-linear distribution and technological affordances. This article aims to integrate debates on discoverability and prominence within wider research on video-on-demand consumption. It does so by widening the existing focus on the strategies deployed by video-on-demand services to capture users’ contexts and actions in the consumption decision-making process. The framework is based on exploratory qualitative research conducted in Belgium through a diary study and in-depth interviews and can contribute to future audience research on video-on-demand consumption choices. We find that users discover and choose audiovisual content to consume on demand through a combination of formal and informal factors. These are grouped into four thematic categories, namely technological affordances, perceived offering, external ‘nudges’, and process.

随着视频点播服务在欧洲市场的视听分销中占据核心地位，超高观看变得越来越受欢迎。这种转变严重影响了消费模式和曝光多样性，因为它们被非线性分布和技术可供性重塑。本文旨在将关于可发现性和突出性的争论整合到更广泛的视频点播消费研究中。它通过扩大对视频点播服务部署的策略的现有关注，来捕捉用户在消费决策过程中的背景和行动。该框架基于比利时通过日记研究和深入访谈进行的探索性定性研究，有助于未来观众对视频点播消费选择的研究。我们发现，用户通过正式和非正式因素的结合发现并选择视听内容进行点播消费。这些被分为四个主题类别，即技术可供性、感知提供、外部“推动”和过程。

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引用次数: 0

Digital city diplomacy and international cities networks: Collaboration and city branding strategies around climate issues 数字城市外交和国际城市网络:围绕气候问题的合作和城市品牌战略

IF 1.9 3区文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION

International Communication Gazette

Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1177/17480485231183886

B. Asdourian, Jérôme Chariatte, Diana Ingenhoff

Our study refers to what the communication of city networks looks like regarding mentions and frames and if the digital communication activities of city networks could primarily serve as collaborative diplomacy of governance or are motivated by self-interests such as city branding. Our theoretical frame integrates Castells’ (2010, 2009) networked society and communication power and combines various concepts from the public (digital) diplomacy, public relations, and strategic communication. In a semantic network analysis of Tweets, we analysed the communication strategies of three city networks according to their digital content ( n = 47,226) and more specifically each network's top 50 hashtags and mentions therein. We find that city networks use three different Twitter communication strategies. We propose a model describing topic-, city/mayor-, and hybrid-oriented strategies. The analysis of the three city groups undertaken here has extended our knowledge of global urban governance communication strategies in burgeoning city diplomacy.

我们的研究涉及城市网络的传播在提及和框架方面是什么样子的，以及城市网络的数字传播活动是否主要是作为治理的协作外交，或者是出于城市品牌等自身利益的动机。我们的理论框架整合了Castells(2010、2009)的网络社会和传播力量，并结合了公共(数字)外交、公共关系和战略传播的各种概念。在推文的语义网络分析中，我们根据三个城市网络的数字内容(n = 47,226)，更具体地说，根据每个网络的前50个标签及其提及量，分析了它们的传播策略。我们发现城市网络使用三种不同的Twitter传播策略。我们提出了一个描述主题导向、城市/市长导向和混合导向策略的模型。本文对三个城市群的分析扩展了我们对新兴城市外交中全球城市治理传播策略的认识。

引用次数: 0

Advancing comparative studies in political communication research: What factors explain the transformation of media systems? 推进政治传播研究的比较研究:媒介系统转型的原因是什么?

IF 1.9 3区文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION

International Communication Gazette

Pub Date : 2023-06-04 DOI: 10.1177/17480485231177887

Francisco Paulo Jamil Marques, Tim P. Vos

Hallin and Mancini's Comparing Media Systems has provided Mass Communication research with valuable tools to compare media settings from a transnational viewpoint. However, most recent contributions around media systems theory focus on suggesting new dimensions or variables to update the three models presented in the authors’ book, leaving behind the discussion concerning the factors galvanizing the transformation processes. We then ask: What factors explain the transformation of media systems? Through a literature review and the discussion of an extensive array of examples from different countries, our essay formulates new insights to refine a crucial concept in media studies. We examine material, institutional, and cultural logics of change to point out how the described transformations might unfold at different paces in particular social systems. By resorting to the idea of “critical junctures,” our essay illustrates how supposedly isolated shifts in the media systems can have unexpected impacts.

哈林和曼奇尼的《媒介系统比较》为大众传播研究提供了从跨国视角比较媒介环境的宝贵工具。然而，围绕媒体系统理论的最新贡献集中在提出新的维度或变量，以更新作者书中提出的三个模型，而忽略了对激励转型过程的因素的讨论。然后我们会问：什么因素可以解释媒体系统的转变？通过文献综述和对来自不同国家的大量例子的讨论，我们的文章提出了新的见解，以完善媒体研究中的一个关键概念。我们研究了变革的物质、制度和文化逻辑，以指出所描述的变革如何在特定的社会制度中以不同的步伐展开。通过诉诸“关键时刻”的概念，我们的文章说明了媒体系统中所谓的孤立转变是如何产生意想不到的影响的。

引用次数: 0

COVID-19 and government trust: A spiral of silence analysis in South America 新冠肺炎与政府信任：南美洲沉默的螺旋分析

IF 1.9 3区文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION

International Communication Gazette

Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.1177/17480485231174424

S. Croucher, Anthony Spencer, Sandra Bustamante, Thao Nguyen, Oscar Gomez

The COVID-19 pandemic has uncovered prejudices, systemic inequities and critical feelings about governmental institutions around the globe. Since the start of the pandemic, the 12 nations that make up South America have had more than 67 million cases and 1.3 million fatalities. Public trust in and willingness to speak out about government responses to COVID-19 in each nation have differed vastly. Using spiral of silence, this study (n = 1248) explored support for governmental COVID-19 response and willingness to speak out about that response in four South American nations: Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Peru. Results revealed Chileans are more likely to speak out on government response to COVID-19 than other South American participants. In addition, climate of opinion and support for government response positively predict willingness to speak. These results further our international and cross-cultural understanding of spiral of silence.

2019冠状病毒病大流行暴露了全球各地的偏见、系统性不平等和对政府机构的批评情绪。自大流行开始以来，构成南美洲的12个国家已经有超过6700万例病例，130万人死亡。各国公众对政府应对新冠肺炎的信任程度和公开表态的意愿存在很大差异。本研究(n = 1248)采用沉默螺旋法，探讨了阿根廷、巴西、智利和秘鲁四个南美国家对政府COVID-19应对措施的支持以及公开谈论这种应对措施的意愿。结果显示，智利人比其他南美参与者更有可能对政府应对COVID-19发表意见。此外，舆论氛围和对政府回应的支持正预测发言意愿。这些结果进一步加深了我们对沉默螺旋的国际和跨文化理解。

引用次数: 1

Analyzing intermedia citations in the press of India and Pakistan 分析印度和巴基斯坦新闻界的媒体引用

IF 1.9 3区文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION

International Communication Gazette

Pub Date : 2023-05-09 DOI: 10.1177/17480485231170957

S. Hussain, M. A. Wani, H. Rehman

In this study, the researchers have investigated the practice of intermedia citations in the leading newspapers of India and Pakistan over an extending time period from 2005 to 2022. The case of these two countries is important because relationships between them have been acrimonious since the division of the subcontinent in 1947 over a number of contentious issues. In line with the existing literature, we found that the press of two countries relied on each other to provide information about the happenings on the other side of the border. Intermedia citations increased when important events happened like eruption of violence or initiation of peace process. However, despite the practice of intermedia citation, the press of the two countries expressed reservations about the authenticity of such information. Moreover, we found that reservations were expressed more on security issues as compared to the non-security issues like socio-cultural events. The press of the two countries do not objectively inform readers about the perspective of opponent side on critical bilateral issues.

在这项研究中，研究人员调查了印度和巴基斯坦主要报纸在2005年至2022年期间的媒介引用实践。这两个国家的情况很重要，因为自1947年印度次大陆因一些有争议的问题分裂以来，它们之间的关系一直很紧张。与现有文献一致，我们发现两国的媒体相互依赖，提供有关边境另一边发生的事情的信息。当发生暴力事件或开始和平进程等重大事件时，媒体间的引用增加。然而，尽管采用了媒体间引用的做法，两国新闻界对这种资料的真实性表示保留。此外，我们发现，与社会文化事件等非安全问题相比，对安全问题的保留意见更多。两国媒体在关键的双边问题上没有客观地告诉读者对方的观点。

引用次数: 0

2022 Beijing winter Olympic games: The effect of media visual primes on American public opinion about the Olympics and China 2022年北京冬奥会:媒体视觉效应对美国公众对奥运会和中国的看法的影响

IF 1.9 3区文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION

International Communication Gazette

Pub Date : 2023-04-12 DOI: 10.1177/17480485231165590

A. Vishnevskaya, Kelly Hilton, Ron Price, Geoffrey Thatcher, Ziyao Zhang, Alexis Tan

The 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics took place when American public opinion about China was already predominantly negative as media reports had a lot of highlights of human rights violations happening in China. Besides, earlier, the global image of China was undermined by the COVID-19 pandemic. In this study, we explored whether American public opinion about the Olympics and China can be influenced by images of the Olympics shared in the media. Findings from the 2 × 2 between-subject experimental design suggest that the opinions about the Olympics can be predicted by people's beliefs about China's role in the global pandemic. In addition to that, our findings suggest that pre-existing opinions and feelings held by most of the population can mitigate the effects of visual primes.

2022年北京冬奥会举行时，美国公众对中国的看法已经主要是负面的，因为媒体报道中有很多关于中国发生的侵犯人权事件的亮点。此外，早些时候，新冠肺炎疫情破坏了中国的全球形象。在这项研究中，我们探讨了美国公众对奥运会和中国的看法是否会受到媒体分享的奥运图像的影响。2的调查结果 × 2受试者之间的实验设计表明，人们对中国在全球疫情中的作用的看法可以预测对奥运会的看法。除此之外，我们的研究结果表明，大多数人持有的预先存在的观点和感受可以减轻视觉刺激的影响。

引用次数: 0

“It's the ideology, stupid!”: Trust in the press, ideological proximity between citizens and journalists and political parallelism. A comparative approach in 17 countries “这是意识形态，笨蛋!”:对媒体的信任、公民和记者在意识形态上的接近以及政治上的相似。17个国家的比较方法

IF 1.9 3区文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION

International Communication Gazette

Pub Date : 2023-04-09 DOI: 10.1177/17480485231165596

L. Curini, Diego Garusi, S. Splendore

Matching national surveys with the dataset offered by the Worlds of Journalism Study network (2012–2016), this article presents an analysis of trust in the press covering 16 European countries and the United States. Drawing from the spatial proximity model of voter utility, this article focuses on the ideological proximity between journalists’ and citizens’ left-right positions as a determinant of trust in the press. We expect a positive relationship between these two variables. However, we also hypothesize that the strength of such relationship is mediated by the type of media model (according to Hallin and Mancini's classification) existing in the different countries. In particular, we expect a higher impact within those contexts where the level of political parallelism is higher. The statistical results are as expected. This article highlights that news media trust research should focus more thoroughly on the interaction and interrelation of news media, audience, and politics. The article brings also implications about the concept of political parallelism in journalism and how it is received by readers.

本文将全国调查与世界新闻研究网络（2012-2016）提供的数据集相匹配，分析了16个欧洲国家和美国的媒体信任度。根据选民效用的空间接近模型，本文重点研究了记者和公民左右立场之间的意识形态接近，这是对新闻界信任的决定因素。我们期望这两个变量之间存在正的关系。然而，我们也假设，这种关系的强度是由不同国家存在的媒体模式类型（根据哈林和曼奇尼的分类）介导的。特别是，我们预计在政治平行度较高的情况下会产生更大的影响。统计结果如预期。本文强调，新闻媒体信任研究应更深入地关注新闻媒体、受众和政治的互动和相互关系。这篇文章还对新闻业中的政治平行性概念以及读者如何接受这一概念提出了启示。

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引用次数: 1

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