Pub Date : 2023-03-20DOI: 10.1177/17480485221139440
María Fernanda Salas, I. Siles
This article examines how Carlos Alvarado and Nayib Bukele, presidents of Costa Rica and El Salvador, respectively, employed Facebook throughout 2020 to communicate about the COVID-19 pandemic. The study draws on content analysis of 1584 posts made by both presidents on Facebook throughout 2020. The article argues that Alvarado and Bukele turned the pandemic into a means to build political legitimacy in their specific political context through two main strategies: populist communication and permanent campaigning. Whereas Alvarado relied on these strategies to demonstrate that he was in control of the country amid mounting backlash, Bukele infused both strategies with a religious imaginary to attack political opponents and perform the role of El Salvador's messiah. This analysis broadens the understanding of the relationship between populist communication and permanent campaigning in two main ways. First, by employing a comparative approach to identify singularities and differences in the ways that presidents built political legitimacy during the pandemic in a largely under-examined region (Central America). Second, by situating findings within a wide temporal perspective that included posts in an entire calendar year and comparisons with Alvarado's and Bukele's presidential campaigns.
{"title":"Pandemic populism and permanent campaigning: How Central American presidents build political legitimacy on Facebook","authors":"María Fernanda Salas, I. Siles","doi":"10.1177/17480485221139440","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/17480485221139440","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines how Carlos Alvarado and Nayib Bukele, presidents of Costa Rica and El Salvador, respectively, employed Facebook throughout 2020 to communicate about the COVID-19 pandemic. The study draws on content analysis of 1584 posts made by both presidents on Facebook throughout 2020. The article argues that Alvarado and Bukele turned the pandemic into a means to build political legitimacy in their specific political context through two main strategies: populist communication and permanent campaigning. Whereas Alvarado relied on these strategies to demonstrate that he was in control of the country amid mounting backlash, Bukele infused both strategies with a religious imaginary to attack political opponents and perform the role of El Salvador's messiah. This analysis broadens the understanding of the relationship between populist communication and permanent campaigning in two main ways. First, by employing a comparative approach to identify singularities and differences in the ways that presidents built political legitimacy during the pandemic in a largely under-examined region (Central America). Second, by situating findings within a wide temporal perspective that included posts in an entire calendar year and comparisons with Alvarado's and Bukele's presidential campaigns.","PeriodicalId":47303,"journal":{"name":"International Communication Gazette","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45623433","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01Epub Date: 2022-07-11DOI: 10.1177/17480485221113713
Petra Theunissen, Katharina Wolf
This research provides critical, comparative insights into the public communication responses employed by Australia and New Zealand during the first twelve months following the World Health Organization declaring COVID-19 a global pandemic. The two nations share a similar socio-political and cultural context, but despite being highlighted by the international media as early success stories, their public communication responses to the pandemic showed noteworthy differences. Borrowing from cultural studies, this paper applies the circuit of culture model and offers a snapshot in time that reinforces the importance of socio-cultural awareness when communicating intricate and challenging information. It supports the idea that a range of effective solutions to complex communication challenges are possible and may result in a similar outcome, including strengthened identities and national pride during uncertain times.
{"title":"At the intersection of two countries: A comparative critical analysis of COVID-19 communication in Australia and New Zealand.","authors":"Petra Theunissen, Katharina Wolf","doi":"10.1177/17480485221113713","DOIUrl":"10.1177/17480485221113713","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>This research provides critical, comparative insights into the public communication responses employed by Australia and New Zealand during the first twelve months following the World Health Organization declaring COVID-19 a global pandemic. The two nations share a similar socio-political and cultural context, but despite being highlighted by the international media as early success stories, their public communication responses to the pandemic showed noteworthy differences. Borrowing from cultural studies, this paper applies the circuit of culture model and offers a snapshot in time that reinforces the importance of socio-cultural awareness when communicating intricate and challenging information. It supports the idea that a range of effective solutions to complex communication challenges are possible and may result in a similar outcome, including strengthened identities and national pride during uncertain times.</p>","PeriodicalId":47303,"journal":{"name":"International Communication Gazette","volume":"85 1","pages":"99-119"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9277316/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45574637","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1177/17480485221111308
M. D. Kim, Kyung Sun Lee
We conducted a meta-analytic study of recent (2009 to 2020) information and communication technologies for development (ICT4D) research in the field of development communication. Our aim was to explore the conceptualization of participation in the context of ICTs and globalization in contemporary scholarly discourse. We found that most studies published during this period evinced a technological deterministic discourse regarding the process of social change, privileging modernization and neoliberal modes of development. In such contexts, participation has often been conceptualized in terms of invitations to ‘access’ (first-level of participation) and ‘empowerment’ (second-level of participation) at the local level. Despite increasing concern regarding global digital inequalities, research that approaches participation in terms of claims to ‘social justice’ (third-level of participation) associated with global forces has been limited. We found, however, that research emerging from the communication and media disciplines have shown skepticism regarding the dominant trends. The paper concludes with a discussion of future directions in ICT4D for scholars across disciplines.
{"title":"Mapping participation in ICT4D: A meta-analytic review of development communication research","authors":"M. D. Kim, Kyung Sun Lee","doi":"10.1177/17480485221111308","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/17480485221111308","url":null,"abstract":"We conducted a meta-analytic study of recent (2009 to 2020) information and communication technologies for development (ICT4D) research in the field of development communication. Our aim was to explore the conceptualization of participation in the context of ICTs and globalization in contemporary scholarly discourse. We found that most studies published during this period evinced a technological deterministic discourse regarding the process of social change, privileging modernization and neoliberal modes of development. In such contexts, participation has often been conceptualized in terms of invitations to ‘access’ (first-level of participation) and ‘empowerment’ (second-level of participation) at the local level. Despite increasing concern regarding global digital inequalities, research that approaches participation in terms of claims to ‘social justice’ (third-level of participation) associated with global forces has been limited. We found, however, that research emerging from the communication and media disciplines have shown skepticism regarding the dominant trends. The paper concludes with a discussion of future directions in ICT4D for scholars across disciplines.","PeriodicalId":47303,"journal":{"name":"International Communication Gazette","volume":"85 1","pages":"141 - 163"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47866090","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-23DOI: 10.1177/17480485231158904
Zixiu Liu
This article explores the dynamic relationship between international news organisations and politics in the United Kingdom and Russia. Using the 2014–15 Ukraine conflict as its case study, this research argues that humanitarianism has been applied to set the news agenda by RT. The BBC, on the other hand, used relatively less human rights frames but depicted Russia and Russia-backed separatists as responsible for the conflict. Despite the concepts of manufacturing consent and indexing may not capture the arguments in journalistic practice comprehensively, they are useful in explaining and revealing broader insights into the market and politics-driven media industry and the illiberal tendency in the reporting of international war/conflict in that news framing constitutes a vital soft power tool. This also raises the question that where should we draw lines of distinction between the state-sponsored soft power media RT and the publicly funded BBC.
{"title":"News framing of the 2014–15 Ukraine conflict by the BBC and RT","authors":"Zixiu Liu","doi":"10.1177/17480485231158904","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/17480485231158904","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the dynamic relationship between international news organisations and politics in the United Kingdom and Russia. Using the 2014–15 Ukraine conflict as its case study, this research argues that humanitarianism has been applied to set the news agenda by RT. The BBC, on the other hand, used relatively less human rights frames but depicted Russia and Russia-backed separatists as responsible for the conflict. Despite the concepts of manufacturing consent and indexing may not capture the arguments in journalistic practice comprehensively, they are useful in explaining and revealing broader insights into the market and politics-driven media industry and the illiberal tendency in the reporting of international war/conflict in that news framing constitutes a vital soft power tool. This also raises the question that where should we draw lines of distinction between the state-sponsored soft power media RT and the publicly funded BBC.","PeriodicalId":47303,"journal":{"name":"International Communication Gazette","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-02-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45250024","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-14DOI: 10.1177/17480485231152879
Ece Algan, Yeşim Kaptan
Since the 2000s, the television industry in Turkey has emerged as a transnational business and as one of the largest TV program exporters worldwide. However, Turkish television is still largely national in its production practices and content, and thus, highly vulnerable to the domestic political landscape and media regulations of the government. In the last two decades, rather than endorsing the independent growth of this emerging industry in the international markets, the Turkish government has erected barriers by tightening censorship and passing new regulations to control national television and its content production. The AKP government deployed various state apparatuses, including Turkey's public broadcasting channel (TRT), English language news channel (TRT World), and the regulatory agency Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK) to foster the type of television content that can ideologically serve the AKP's conservative and neo-Ottomanist agendas. Drawing on the political economy of media and through critical analysis, this paper analyzes how these state mechanisms are used to instrumentalize TV exports and media institutions in service of President Erdoğan's cultural, economic, and foreign policy agendas within the country and abroad. By investigating the tension between the state's ideological project and the regional, transnational, and global mediasphere, our work sheds light on how the implementation of the government's new media and cultural policies, top-down directives and pressures from the state and government on both the TV industry and its audience, and South-to-South cultural flows have shaped the Turkish TV industry and its content in the last two decades.
{"title":"Content is power: Cultural engineering and political control over transnational television","authors":"Ece Algan, Yeşim Kaptan","doi":"10.1177/17480485231152879","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/17480485231152879","url":null,"abstract":"Since the 2000s, the television industry in Turkey has emerged as a transnational business and as one of the largest TV program exporters worldwide. However, Turkish television is still largely national in its production practices and content, and thus, highly vulnerable to the domestic political landscape and media regulations of the government. In the last two decades, rather than endorsing the independent growth of this emerging industry in the international markets, the Turkish government has erected barriers by tightening censorship and passing new regulations to control national television and its content production. The AKP government deployed various state apparatuses, including Turkey's public broadcasting channel (TRT), English language news channel (TRT World), and the regulatory agency Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK) to foster the type of television content that can ideologically serve the AKP's conservative and neo-Ottomanist agendas. Drawing on the political economy of media and through critical analysis, this paper analyzes how these state mechanisms are used to instrumentalize TV exports and media institutions in service of President Erdoğan's cultural, economic, and foreign policy agendas within the country and abroad. By investigating the tension between the state's ideological project and the regional, transnational, and global mediasphere, our work sheds light on how the implementation of the government's new media and cultural policies, top-down directives and pressures from the state and government on both the TV industry and its audience, and South-to-South cultural flows have shaped the Turkish TV industry and its content in the last two decades.","PeriodicalId":47303,"journal":{"name":"International Communication Gazette","volume":"85 1","pages":"325 - 344"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-02-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48685763","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-08DOI: 10.1177/17480485231152871
D. Brileva
Despite the Russian viewers’ interest in Turkish TV series, only a few Turkish TV series got aired on a federal channel in Russia. One of them is ‘Kurt Seyit and Shura.’ It was broadcast in Turkey between 4 March and 20 November 2014, coinciding with the beginning and the acute phase of Russia's annexation of Crimea. The historical context of the events depicted in the TV series (especially St Petersburg and Crimea in late imperial Russia) aligns to the highest with the new Russian ideology, which began to consider Crimea a part of modern Russia. Soon the series got translated into Russian and broadcast in Russia on a federal channel. Ironically, for the Russian audience, it exemplified the historical integration of Crimean Tatars in the history of the Russian Empire. The article considers perception of the TV series in Russia as ‘misunderstanding’ between two cultural hegemonies: Turkey and Russia.
{"title":"Embedding Crimea in Russia(n Empire): Russian views on Crimea in the series ‘Kurt Seyit and Shura/Alexandra’","authors":"D. Brileva","doi":"10.1177/17480485231152871","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/17480485231152871","url":null,"abstract":"Despite the Russian viewers’ interest in Turkish TV series, only a few Turkish TV series got aired on a federal channel in Russia. One of them is ‘Kurt Seyit and Shura.’ It was broadcast in Turkey between 4 March and 20 November 2014, coinciding with the beginning and the acute phase of Russia's annexation of Crimea. The historical context of the events depicted in the TV series (especially St Petersburg and Crimea in late imperial Russia) aligns to the highest with the new Russian ideology, which began to consider Crimea a part of modern Russia. Soon the series got translated into Russian and broadcast in Russia on a federal channel. Ironically, for the Russian audience, it exemplified the historical integration of Crimean Tatars in the history of the Russian Empire. The article considers perception of the TV series in Russia as ‘misunderstanding’ between two cultural hegemonies: Turkey and Russia.","PeriodicalId":47303,"journal":{"name":"International Communication Gazette","volume":"85 1","pages":"307 - 324"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-02-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46173668","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-07DOI: 10.1177/17480485231152541
Şebnem Baran
A close analysis of puhutv’s Şahsiyet (Persona, 2018) and its Mexican adaptation for HBO Max Latin America (HBO Max Latinoamérica), Asesino del Olvido (Before I Forget, 2021) reveals that the show’s hybridization of the Turkish series’ melodramatic conventions with the Anglo-American quality TV characteristics is the key to its adaptability for Mexican audiences. Melodrama’s domination in both Turkey and Mexico contributes to the similar utilization of melodramatic elements when the Anglo-American quality TV model is adapted for the local audiences. Therefore, the proximity around the mainstream popularity of melodramas in both markets and the shared juxtaposition of melodrama and quality allow Şahsiyet to flow as a quality TV format between Turkey and Mexico.
仔细分析puhutv的Şahsiyet (Persona, 2018)及其为HBO Max Latin America (HBO Max latinoam rica)改编的墨西哥版《Asesino del Olvido》(Before I Forget, 2021)可以发现，该剧将土耳其剧集的情节剧传统与英美优质电视特点相结合，是其适应墨西哥观众的关键。情节剧在土耳其和墨西哥的主导地位，使得英美优质电视模式在适应当地观众时，对情节剧元素的使用相似。因此，在这两个市场中，情节剧的主流流行程度以及情节剧和质量的共同并置于一起，使得Şahsiyet作为一种高质量的电视格式在土耳其和墨西哥之间流动。
{"title":"Selling Turkish quality: Multiple proximities and Turkish format exports in the post-streaming era","authors":"Şebnem Baran","doi":"10.1177/17480485231152541","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/17480485231152541","url":null,"abstract":"A close analysis of puhutv’s Şahsiyet (Persona, 2018) and its Mexican adaptation for HBO Max Latin America (HBO Max Latinoamérica), Asesino del Olvido (Before I Forget, 2021) reveals that the show’s hybridization of the Turkish series’ melodramatic conventions with the Anglo-American quality TV characteristics is the key to its adaptability for Mexican audiences. Melodrama’s domination in both Turkey and Mexico contributes to the similar utilization of melodramatic elements when the Anglo-American quality TV model is adapted for the local audiences. Therefore, the proximity around the mainstream popularity of melodramas in both markets and the shared juxtaposition of melodrama and quality allow Şahsiyet to flow as a quality TV format between Turkey and Mexico.","PeriodicalId":47303,"journal":{"name":"International Communication Gazette","volume":"85 1","pages":"271 - 288"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-02-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44708860","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-31DOI: 10.1177/17480485231151580
M. Ersoy, Emre Iseri
As the liberal international order has been falling, the heteropolar order coupled with politics of uncertainty has been rising. In this context, illiberal regimes of status-seeking powers have realized the value of public diplomacy to promulgate their versions of the “reality.” Those illiberal regimes’ adoption of public diplomacy tools (incl. international public news agencies) has generated discussions on theoretical and practical approaches to the field at the intersection of political science/international relations, media, and communication studies. Against this backdrop, this paper aims to contribute to the emerging literature on public diplomacy of non-Western illiberal democracies. With the assumption that those regimes' illiberal democratic characteristics will be reflected in their public agencies' coverage styles (e.g., monologic, conflictive, and unbalanced), the article raises the following question: How do illiberal democracies utilize international public agencies as public diplomacy channels? To answer this question, it compares framing strategies (peace/war journalism) of the Russian TASS and the Turkish Anatolian Agency public agencies during the Syrian crisis. The findings reveal that those illiberal regimes’ public agencies have reported the crisis as a state-centric monolog in conflict with the West by distrupting the global public good (i.e., peace).
{"title":"Mediated public diplomacy and peace journalism: International public news agencies on the Syrian crisis","authors":"M. Ersoy, Emre Iseri","doi":"10.1177/17480485231151580","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/17480485231151580","url":null,"abstract":"As the liberal international order has been falling, the heteropolar order coupled with politics of uncertainty has been rising. In this context, illiberal regimes of status-seeking powers have realized the value of public diplomacy to promulgate their versions of the “reality.” Those illiberal regimes’ adoption of public diplomacy tools (incl. international public news agencies) has generated discussions on theoretical and practical approaches to the field at the intersection of political science/international relations, media, and communication studies. Against this backdrop, this paper aims to contribute to the emerging literature on public diplomacy of non-Western illiberal democracies. With the assumption that those regimes' illiberal democratic characteristics will be reflected in their public agencies' coverage styles (e.g., monologic, conflictive, and unbalanced), the article raises the following question: How do illiberal democracies utilize international public agencies as public diplomacy channels? To answer this question, it compares framing strategies (peace/war journalism) of the Russian TASS and the Turkish Anatolian Agency public agencies during the Syrian crisis. The findings reveal that those illiberal regimes’ public agencies have reported the crisis as a state-centric monolog in conflict with the West by distrupting the global public good (i.e., peace).","PeriodicalId":47303,"journal":{"name":"International Communication Gazette","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44292775","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-27DOI: 10.1177/17480485221139466
Andrea Morante, H. D. Wu
This study assesses the impact of China's mediated communication strategies implemented in Latin America from 2013 to 2021. We content-analyzed the press coverage about China in nine countries and unveiled tones, topics, and frames which were then examined further across different sources. Public sentiments toward China were gauged to infer a potential link to China's communication efforts. Overall, China's program to influence Latin American media outlets and public opinion has not resulted in substantial gains; the region's sentiment toward China actually deteriorated. There is a communication gap between Chinese and Latin American publics, which is inimical to public diplomacy.
{"title":"Assessing China's news coverage and soft power in Latin America in the wake of the Belt and Road Initiative (2013–2021)","authors":"Andrea Morante, H. D. Wu","doi":"10.1177/17480485221139466","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/17480485221139466","url":null,"abstract":"This study assesses the impact of China's mediated communication strategies implemented in Latin America from 2013 to 2021. We content-analyzed the press coverage about China in nine countries and unveiled tones, topics, and frames which were then examined further across different sources. Public sentiments toward China were gauged to infer a potential link to China's communication efforts. Overall, China's program to influence Latin American media outlets and public opinion has not resulted in substantial gains; the region's sentiment toward China actually deteriorated. There is a communication gap between Chinese and Latin American publics, which is inimical to public diplomacy.","PeriodicalId":47303,"journal":{"name":"International Communication Gazette","volume":"85 1","pages":"80 - 96"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49537664","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-27DOI: 10.1177/17480485221139464
Pengnan Hu
Through policy analysis and close reading of two films, this article reveals films’ increasing role in China's geopolitical plan, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The co-production film Xuanzang shows that the Silk Road past is used to illustrate BRI's pledge for a beneficial future. Even though Xuanzang's story alludes to history, it was selected for its significance in popular culture, thereby reflecting ‘hyperreality’. In any event, the Silk Road is insufficient for connecting a region characterized by complex histories and societies. As shown in The Composer, the Silk Road is a convenient metaphor used to portray any friendly history.
{"title":"Belt and Road Initiative-supported co-production films: Film policy and disoriented remembrance of the Silk Road past","authors":"Pengnan Hu","doi":"10.1177/17480485221139464","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/17480485221139464","url":null,"abstract":"Through policy analysis and close reading of two films, this article reveals films’ increasing role in China's geopolitical plan, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The co-production film Xuanzang shows that the Silk Road past is used to illustrate BRI's pledge for a beneficial future. Even though Xuanzang's story alludes to history, it was selected for its significance in popular culture, thereby reflecting ‘hyperreality’. In any event, the Silk Road is insufficient for connecting a region characterized by complex histories and societies. As shown in The Composer, the Silk Road is a convenient metaphor used to portray any friendly history.","PeriodicalId":47303,"journal":{"name":"International Communication Gazette","volume":"85 1","pages":"48 - 62"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46789158","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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