Pub Date : 2024-12-11DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241300301
María Offenhenden, Laia Ventura-Garcia
Based on an ethnographic study conducted in Catalonia, this paper analyzes the links between migration, precarity, and health among Bolivian women affected by Chagas disease. In a context characterized by precarious migratory conditions tied to the growing internationalization of reproductive labor and these women workers’ insertion into the domestic sphere, an analysis of the political economy of health is key to understanding the processes through which they may seek care, as well as their possibilities for managing Chagas.
{"title":"On the Health of Bolivian Women Migrant Domestic Workers The Chagas Political Economy in Catalonia","authors":"María Offenhenden, Laia Ventura-Garcia","doi":"10.1177/0094582x241300301","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0094582x241300301","url":null,"abstract":"Based on an ethnographic study conducted in Catalonia, this paper analyzes the links between migration, precarity, and health among Bolivian women affected by Chagas disease. In a context characterized by precarious migratory conditions tied to the growing internationalization of reproductive labor and these women workers’ insertion into the domestic sphere, an analysis of the political economy of health is key to understanding the processes through which they may seek care, as well as their possibilities for managing Chagas.","PeriodicalId":47390,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Perspectives","volume":"141 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-12-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142810096","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-12-10DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241297904
Angela Marino
This article analyzes cultural production in theaters across three pivotal historical moments from the 1980s to the present, including the theater as ruins, refuge, and resistance. It begins with the theater in ruins as depicted in the 1986 film, The Black Sheep, by the legendary playwright, director, and filmmaker, Román Chalbaud, in which a commune of artists, outcasts, and misfits squat in the theater, taking shelter from a storm of state-sponsored neoliberal austerity, corruption, and persecution in the pre-Chávez era of Venezuela. The article then turns to the work of community groups during Chávez-led revolutionary reforms to recuperate abandoned theaters as vital spaces for democratic assembly through municipal government programs. The last section of the article juxtaposes the advanced democratization of theaters and cultural production in Caracas during the Maduro era with a phase of violent street mobilizations in middle-class and wealthy sectors of the city (known as guarimbas), to raise questions about the role of the media as an intervening character in global theaters of illusion. Where the spotlight shifts in location from stages to streets, and the street to the screen, the actual conditions of democratized access are happening behind the unlit marquis, a global majority operating in an ‘underground’ commune in the same scenario as the film. Except in this case, the military-media arm of the US polices the ‘streets’ of the global media commons to malign the Bolivarian Revolution as a black sheep political project. The conclusion points to the media’s role in promoting a dangerous misperception of reality by erasing the constituent power of a revolutionary society and the perpetuation of violence against them.
本文分析了从20世纪80年代至今的三个关键历史时刻的剧院文化生产，包括剧院作为废墟、避难所和抵抗。故事始于1986年由传奇剧作家、导演和电影制作人Román Chalbaud执导的电影《黑羊》（the Black Sheep）中描绘的一座废墟剧院。在pre-Chávez委内瑞拉时代，一群艺术家、被放逐者和不合群的人蹲在剧院里，躲避国家支持的新自由主义紧缩、腐败和迫害的风暴。然后，文章转向Chávez-led革命改革期间社区团体的工作，通过市政府计划，将废弃的剧院恢复为民主集会的重要空间。文章的最后一部分将马杜罗时代加拉加斯剧院和文化生产的先进民主化与城市中产阶级和富裕阶层（称为guarimbas）的暴力街头动员阶段并置，以提出媒体在全球幻觉剧院中作为干预角色的问题。当聚光灯从舞台转移到街道，街道转移到屏幕时，民主化的实际情况发生在未被照亮的侯爵背后，在与电影相同的场景中，全球大多数人在一个“地下”公社中运作。除了在这种情况下，美国的军事媒体部门在全球媒体公地的“街道”上巡逻，将玻利瓦尔革命诋毁为一个败家子的政治项目。结论指出，媒体通过抹杀革命社会的组成力量和对他们的长期暴力，在促进对现实的危险误解方面发挥了作用。
{"title":"Performance, Democracy, and the Commune in the Black Sheep Revolution","authors":"Angela Marino","doi":"10.1177/0094582x241297904","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0094582x241297904","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes cultural production in theaters across three pivotal historical moments from the 1980s to the present, including the theater as ruins, refuge, and resistance. It begins with the theater in ruins as depicted in the 1986 film, The Black Sheep, by the legendary playwright, director, and filmmaker, Román Chalbaud, in which a commune of artists, outcasts, and misfits squat in the theater, taking shelter from a storm of state-sponsored neoliberal austerity, corruption, and persecution in the pre-Chávez era of Venezuela. The article then turns to the work of community groups during Chávez-led revolutionary reforms to recuperate abandoned theaters as vital spaces for democratic assembly through municipal government programs. The last section of the article juxtaposes the advanced democratization of theaters and cultural production in Caracas during the Maduro era with a phase of violent street mobilizations in middle-class and wealthy sectors of the city (known as guarimbas), to raise questions about the role of the media as an intervening character in global theaters of illusion. Where the spotlight shifts in location from stages to streets, and the street to the screen, the actual conditions of democratized access are happening behind the unlit marquis, a global majority operating in an ‘underground’ commune in the same scenario as the film. Except in this case, the military-media arm of the US polices the ‘streets’ of the global media commons to malign the Bolivarian Revolution as a black sheep political project. The conclusion points to the media’s role in promoting a dangerous misperception of reality by erasing the constituent power of a revolutionary society and the perpetuation of violence against them.","PeriodicalId":47390,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Perspectives","volume":"21 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142804665","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-12-10DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241298581
Judith Teichman
While much of the literature on populism has focused on the role of the populist leader in creating political polarization, this work asks what role context, particularly anti-populism, plays in exacerbating the often vitriolic nature of populist rhetoric. This work explores this question by examining the speeches of Hugo Chavez, President of Venezuela, from 1998 to 2012. It argues that Chavez’s populist rhetoric, initially conciliatory, developed its radical, polarizing features over time in response to the interplay between contextual circumstances (particularly opposition actions and rhetoric) and social welfare goals. The Venezuelan case offers insight into how anti-populism can contribute to populism’s polarizing process and challenges more commonly accepted notions of the primacy of the populist leader in bringing about political polarization. While critiques of populism have often focused on the threat to political rights posed by populism, this analysis suggests that anti-populism’s neglect of social rights and disparagement of popular identity claims may play a role in exacerbating the deep divide between populists and anti-populists.
{"title":"Populist Rhetoric and Political Polarization: Insights from Venezuela","authors":"Judith Teichman","doi":"10.1177/0094582x241298581","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0094582x241298581","url":null,"abstract":"While much of the literature on populism has focused on the role of the populist leader in creating political polarization, this work asks what role context, particularly anti-populism, plays in exacerbating the often vitriolic nature of populist rhetoric. This work explores this question by examining the speeches of Hugo Chavez, President of Venezuela, from 1998 to 2012. It argues that Chavez’s populist rhetoric, initially conciliatory, developed its radical, polarizing features over time in response to the interplay between contextual circumstances (particularly opposition actions and rhetoric) and social welfare goals. The Venezuelan case offers insight into how anti-populism can contribute to populism’s polarizing process and challenges more commonly accepted notions of the primacy of the populist leader in bringing about political polarization. While critiques of populism have often focused on the threat to political rights posed by populism, this analysis suggests that anti-populism’s neglect of social rights and disparagement of popular identity claims may play a role in exacerbating the deep divide between populists and anti-populists.","PeriodicalId":47390,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Perspectives","volume":"74 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142804666","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-12-10DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241297512
Sergio Coronado
The 2010s could be defined for Latin America as a period of multiple and interrelated transitions. The decay of the “Pink Tide” and the reemergence of different strands of right-wing, authoritarian, and populist political projects was shaped by the impacts of convergent social and ecological crises in the region, particularly in the disputes over extractivism and environmental affairs. This paper examines such transitions in the Latin American region by considering the emancipatory character of different forms of rural political mobilization that confront not only the rise of contemporary forms of right-wing populism and authoritarianism but also their political source, that is, the social fragmentation produced by decades of enforcement of economic and political neoliberalism.
{"title":"Emancipatory Rural Politics in Latin America 2010-2020: Alliance-Building, Right-Wing Populisms and Political Transitions","authors":"Sergio Coronado","doi":"10.1177/0094582x241297512","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0094582x241297512","url":null,"abstract":"The 2010s could be defined for Latin America as a period of multiple and interrelated transitions. The decay of the “Pink Tide” and the reemergence of different strands of right-wing, authoritarian, and populist political projects was shaped by the impacts of convergent social and ecological crises in the region, particularly in the disputes over extractivism and environmental affairs. This paper examines such transitions in the Latin American region by considering the emancipatory character of different forms of rural political mobilization that confront not only the rise of contemporary forms of right-wing populism and authoritarianism but also their political source, that is, the social fragmentation produced by decades of enforcement of economic and political neoliberalism.","PeriodicalId":47390,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Perspectives","volume":"28 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142804667","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-12-10DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241299733
José Enrique Hasemann-Lara
Global systems of capitalist production shape local experiences with health and disease, as well as approaches to infectious disease control. Through participants’ descriptions of health-disease experiences, I explore an alternate route for the prevention and control of mosquito-borne diseases in Tegucigalpa, Honduras, beyond a strict focus on vector control. I identify three local enunciations of health-disease processes through the experiences of five different stakeholders. These local enunciations demonstrate a nuanced understanding of health-disease processes and are indicative of unfulfilled local needs and aspirations. Importantly, these local enunciations point to different experiences of dispossession (e.g., material, political, subjective) under neoliberal regimes.
{"title":"Looking Beyond Vector Control to Address Mosquito-Borne Diseases: Critical Approaches to Public Health in Honduras","authors":"José Enrique Hasemann-Lara","doi":"10.1177/0094582x241299733","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0094582x241299733","url":null,"abstract":"Global systems of capitalist production shape local experiences with health and disease, as well as approaches to infectious disease control. Through participants’ descriptions of health-disease experiences, I explore an alternate route for the prevention and control of mosquito-borne diseases in Tegucigalpa, Honduras, beyond a strict focus on vector control. I identify three local enunciations of health-disease processes through the experiences of five different stakeholders. These local enunciations demonstrate a nuanced understanding of health-disease processes and are indicative of unfulfilled local needs and aspirations. Importantly, these local enunciations point to different experiences of dispossession (e.g., material, political, subjective) under neoliberal regimes.","PeriodicalId":47390,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Perspectives","volume":"20 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142804664","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-12-09DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241297581
Estevan Felipe Pizarro Muñoz, Camila Penna de Castro, Paulo André Niederle
This article examines how the political construction of food markets acts as a strategy for collective action with regards to three rural movements in Brazil: CONTAG, the MST, and Rede Ecovida. Each used food markets to confront the effects of a regime change that occurred with the rise of a populist authoritarian government. The research for this article was conducted between October 2017 and December 2020 through documentary analysis, observation, and interviews with social leaders. The results show how, since Jair Bolsonaro’s election as president, building new markets became vital to movements that sought to resist the influence of authoritarian populism as well as those that sought to dismantle public policies. A comparative analysis between the three movements also demonstrates how their diverse forms of organization and different political projects led to variations in how markets became privileged within larger political campaigns.O artigo discute a construção política de mercados alimentares como estratégia de ação coletiva de três movimentos rurais brasileiros (CONTAG, MST e Rede Ecovida) em face da mudança de regime ocasionada pela ascensão de um governo populista autoritário. A pesquisa foi realizada entre outubro de 2017 e dezembro de 2020, por meio de análise documental, observação e entrevistas com lideranças sociais. Os resultados apontam que, a partir da chegada de Jair Bolsonaro à presidência, a construção de novos mercados tornou-se um componente essencial de resistência ao populismo autoritário e ao consequente desmantelamento das políticas públicas. A análise comparativa entre os três movimentos também demonstra que seus distintos formatos organizacionais e projetos políticos repercutem em diferenças com relação aos mercados privilegiados pela ação política.
{"title":"Building Food Markets as a Method for Confronting the Rise of Authoritarian Populism: How the New Political Regime Has Forced Rural Movements to Create New Action Repertoires in Southern Brazil","authors":"Estevan Felipe Pizarro Muñoz, Camila Penna de Castro, Paulo André Niederle","doi":"10.1177/0094582x241297581","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0094582x241297581","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines how the political construction of food markets acts as a strategy for collective action with regards to three rural movements in Brazil: CONTAG, the MST, and Rede Ecovida. Each used food markets to confront the effects of a regime change that occurred with the rise of a populist authoritarian government. The research for this article was conducted between October 2017 and December 2020 through documentary analysis, observation, and interviews with social leaders. The results show how, since Jair Bolsonaro’s election as president, building new markets became vital to movements that sought to resist the influence of authoritarian populism as well as those that sought to dismantle public policies. A comparative analysis between the three movements also demonstrates how their diverse forms of organization and different political projects led to variations in how markets became privileged within larger political campaigns.O artigo discute a construção política de mercados alimentares como estratégia de ação coletiva de três movimentos rurais brasileiros (CONTAG, MST e Rede Ecovida) em face da mudança de regime ocasionada pela ascensão de um governo populista autoritário. A pesquisa foi realizada entre outubro de 2017 e dezembro de 2020, por meio de análise documental, observação e entrevistas com lideranças sociais. Os resultados apontam que, a partir da chegada de Jair Bolsonaro à presidência, a construção de novos mercados tornou-se um componente essencial de resistência ao populismo autoritário e ao consequente desmantelamento das políticas públicas. A análise comparativa entre os três movimentos também demonstra que seus distintos formatos organizacionais e projetos políticos repercutem em diferenças com relação aos mercados privilegiados pela ação política.","PeriodicalId":47390,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Perspectives","volume":"41 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-12-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142796874","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-12-02DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241296815
Carlos Benitez Trinidad, Poliene Soares dos Santos Bicalho
This article analyzes the construction of the imaginary created by the Brazilian Indigenous Movement against the historical representations imposed by the non-indigenous, of disappearance, and backwardness. It is based on the study of the speeches of the assemblies of Indigenous chiefs between 1974 and 1977. The crisis of institutional Indigenism, military authoritarianism, and developmentalism announced the extinction of Indigenous peoples. Faced with ethnocidal integrationism, the Indigenous chiefs had to deal with the challenge of ethnic differences, external influence, and dehumanizing stereotypes to build a new ideological framework. This research focuses on the mechanisms that led from an imaginary of disappearance to one of hope in a context of aggressive growth of neoliberal threats against Indigenous lands.
{"title":"From Disappearance to Hope: The Construction of the Brazilian Indigenous Movement’s Imaginary (1974-1977)","authors":"Carlos Benitez Trinidad, Poliene Soares dos Santos Bicalho","doi":"10.1177/0094582x241296815","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0094582x241296815","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes the construction of the imaginary created by the Brazilian Indigenous Movement against the historical representations imposed by the non-indigenous, of disappearance, and backwardness. It is based on the study of the speeches of the assemblies of Indigenous chiefs between 1974 and 1977. The crisis of institutional Indigenism, military authoritarianism, and developmentalism announced the extinction of Indigenous peoples. Faced with ethnocidal integrationism, the Indigenous chiefs had to deal with the challenge of ethnic differences, external influence, and dehumanizing stereotypes to build a new ideological framework. This research focuses on the mechanisms that led from an imaginary of disappearance to one of hope in a context of aggressive growth of neoliberal threats against Indigenous lands.","PeriodicalId":47390,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Perspectives","volume":"8 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142759953","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-11-29DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241298223
Lucía Miranda Leibe, Micol Pizzolati
The paper explores activists’ political organization strategies and obstacles they faced in achieving consensus during the feminist protests that exploded in Chilean universities between April and May 2018. Drawing on the intra-movement dynamics literature and analyzing qualitative data about the mobilization in one of the oldest universities of the country, the research sheds light on the movement's internal dynamics, reviewing the activists’ decision-making processes and conflict management to position their demands in light of three styles of activism: autonomous, militant and performative. The study highlights that despite the substantial alignment of student demands with the feminist movement's goals, the political strategies implemented by each group differed substantially. The paper contributes to the understanding of how feminists deal with conflict to achieve consensus to position their demands.
{"title":"‘We Are Learning How To Organize Ourselves’: Feminist Intra-Movement Dynamics","authors":"Lucía Miranda Leibe, Micol Pizzolati","doi":"10.1177/0094582x241298223","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0094582x241298223","url":null,"abstract":"The paper explores activists’ political organization strategies and obstacles they faced in achieving consensus during the feminist protests that exploded in Chilean universities between April and May 2018. Drawing on the intra-movement dynamics literature and analyzing qualitative data about the mobilization in one of the oldest universities of the country, the research sheds light on the movement's internal dynamics, reviewing the activists’ decision-making processes and conflict management to position their demands in light of three styles of activism: autonomous, militant and performative. The study highlights that despite the substantial alignment of student demands with the feminist movement's goals, the political strategies implemented by each group differed substantially. The paper contributes to the understanding of how feminists deal with conflict to achieve consensus to position their demands.","PeriodicalId":47390,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Perspectives","volume":"116 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142753562","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-11-29DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241298582
Tobias Boos
Debates about the link between the economic conjuncture and the fall of the so-called Pink Tide in Latin America often focus on the role played by raw material exports. However, this article shows that import dependency also played a significant role in the decline of the Argentinian iteration of the Pink Tide, also known as Kirchnerism. First, it analyses how imported consumer goods contributed to what is referred to as external constraints of the Argentinian economy. Second, from the perspective of hegemony theory, it argues that the Argentinian government alienated the middle class by implementing measures related to highly symbolic aspects of everyday life. Here, the article uses the term hegemonic capacities to analyze how structural constraints influenced the political room for maneuver of the Argentinian state. Its findings raise further theoretical questions about the relationship between economic and political constraints in the construction of hegemony for governments in Latin America.
{"title":"Imported Consumer Goods and Hegemony: External Constraints and Hegemonic Capacities of the Argentinian State","authors":"Tobias Boos","doi":"10.1177/0094582x241298582","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0094582x241298582","url":null,"abstract":"Debates about the link between the economic conjuncture and the fall of the so-called Pink Tide in Latin America often focus on the role played by raw material exports. However, this article shows that import dependency also played a significant role in the decline of the Argentinian iteration of the Pink Tide, also known as Kirchnerism. First, it analyses how imported consumer goods contributed to what is referred to as external constraints of the Argentinian economy. Second, from the perspective of hegemony theory, it argues that the Argentinian government alienated the middle class by implementing measures related to highly symbolic aspects of everyday life. Here, the article uses the term hegemonic capacities to analyze how structural constraints influenced the political room for maneuver of the Argentinian state. Its findings raise further theoretical questions about the relationship between economic and political constraints in the construction of hegemony for governments in Latin America.","PeriodicalId":47390,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Perspectives","volume":"20 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142753563","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-11-26DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241296443
María Fernanda Pérez Ochoa
This article addresses the struggle for the recovery of communal lands by groups inhabiting the Chimalapas region in the municipality of San Miguel Chimalapa, Oaxaca, between the 1970s and 1990s. I focus on the process of political subjectivation (or political subject formation), understood here as the sphere of politicization under which these sectors articulated discourses and practices of insubordination that allowed them to materialize their collective demand for access to communal lands. I begin with a historical overview of the private appropriation of land in the Chimalapas during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and the emergence of agrarian problems in the region. I subsequently analyze the elements that allowed for the cohesion of this subject formation process and the deployment of land recovery strategies in eastern San Miguel. Finally, I address the internalization of the struggle experience among new sectors, and how land recovery has extended to the municipality’s southern border.El presente texto ofrece una aproximación a la lucha por la recuperación de tierras comunales emprendida por sectores chimalapas en el municipio de San Miguel Chimalapa, Oaxaca, entre las décadas de 1970 y 1990. Para ello, nos centramos en el proceso de subjetivación política, entendido como el ámbito de politización bajo el cual estos sectores articularon discursos y prácticas de insubordinación que les permitieron materializar su demanda colectiva de acceso a las tierras comunales. Iniciamos con un panorama histórico sobre la apropiación privada de la tierra en los Chimalapas durante los siglos XIX-XX y el surgimiento de la problemática agraria en esta región. Posteriormente, analizamos los elementos que cohesionaron el proceso de subjetivación y el despliegue de la recuperación de tierras de la zona oriente de San Miguel, para finalmente observar la interiorización de la experiencia de lucha en nuevos sectores y la expansión de la recuperación a la frontera sur del municipio.
本文论述了 20 世纪 70 年代至 90 年代瓦哈卡州圣米格尔-奇马拉帕市奇马拉帕斯地区的居民群体为收回公有土地而进行的斗争。我将重点放在政治主体化（或政治主体形成）的过程上，在这里，政治主体化被理解为政治化的范畴，在这一范畴下，这些群体将不服从的话语和实践表达出来，从而使他们获得公有土地的集体要求得以实现。我首先回顾了 19 世纪和 20 世纪奇马拉帕斯地区私人占有土地的历史，以及该地区出现的土地问题。随后，我分析了在圣米格尔东部凝聚这一主体形成过程和部署土地恢复战略的要素。最后，我探讨了新部门之间斗争经验的内部化，以及土地恢复如何扩展到该市南部边境。Para ello, nos centramos en el proceso de subjetivación política, entendido como el ámbito de politización bajo el cual estos sectores articularon discursos y prácticas de insubordinación que les permitieron materializar su demanda colectiva de acceso a las tierras comunales.我们从十九至二十世纪奇马拉帕斯土地私有化的历史全景和这一地区农业问题的形成入手。之后，我们分析了圣米格尔东部地区土地恢复过程中的凝聚因素和失败原因，最后观察了在新的地区进行的内部斗争和向城市南部边境地区的扩张。
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